Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Militarismi”
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Kuvvet, Emre. "Threats to Foreign Equity Investments in International Capital Markets: Nationalism and Militarism". Review of Pacific Basin Financial Markets and Policies 16, nr 03 (wrzesień 2013): 1350018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s0219091513500185.
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Even though financial markets have become more integrated and international capital now moves more freely across borders, we argue that access to foreign equity investments still remains a political decision, and this policy decision is a function of the country's nationalistic and militaristic sentiments. We use military spending as a proxy for militarism and nationalism, and show that countries with high militaristic sentiments have lower foreign equity investments. We also look at bilateral equity flows and find that a pair of countries simultaneously having greater increases in militarism has lower bilateral equity investments.
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Verbal Stockmeyer, Valentina. "Soldados de la patria. Motines y representaciones militares en Chile (1825-1827)". Revista de Historia y Geografía, nr 34 (13.09.2016): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.29344/07194145.34.355.
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ResumenEste artículo apunta a explicar el significado político de algunos motines y representaciones militares de carácter gremial, acontecidos en Chile durante el período 1823-1830, conocido como de anarquía o aprendizaje, según la interpretación historiográfica de que se trate. En términos generales, busca acercarse a la cuestión del militarismo en la formación de la República, fenómeno poco estudiado, negado o minimizado por gran parte de la historiografía tradicional y reciente.Palabras clave: Período 1823-1830, militarismo, motines militares, representacionesmilitares.Soldiers of the homeland. Riots and military representations in Chile (1825-1827)AbstractThis article aims to explain the political significance of some riots and military representations with characteristics of a labor union, occurred in Chile during the 1823-1830 period, known as anarchy or learning, according to the historiographical interpretation applied. Generally speaking, it seeks to approach the question of militarism in the formation of the Republic, a phenomenon little studied, denied or downplayed by much of the traditional and recent historiography.Keywords: 1823-1830 period, militarism, military riots, military representations.Soldados da pátria. Tumultos e representaçõesmilitares no chile (1825-1827)ResumoEste artigo tem como objetivo explicar o significado político de alguns tumultos e representações militares de caráter gremial, acontecidos no Chile durante o período de 1823-1830, conhecido como anarquia ou aprendizagem, segundo a interpretação historiográfica em questão. De modo geral, procura abordar a questão do militarismo na formação da República, fenômeno pouco estudado, negado ou minimizado por grande parte da historiografia tradicional e recente.Palavras-chave: Período 1823-1830, militarismo, motins militares, representações militares.
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Sherzer, Adi. "Israeli Militarism Reconsidered". Israel Studies Review 36, nr 2 (1.09.2021): 87–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2021.360207.
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This article seeks to challenge conventional arguments about Israel’s ‘cultural militarism’ through a comparative analysis of Independence Day parades of the 1950s. Using media reports, newsreels, and archival documentation, it examines the parades and compares them to other cases from around the world. The discussion focuses on three features of the Israeli parades: the widespread civil criticism of the place of the military in Independence Day celebrations; the role of the crowds and their proximity to the marchers; and the partly militaristic character of the parades themselves. While the article does not deny the obvious militaristic connotations of soldiers marching in the streets, it stresses the unique relationship between the armed forces and society in Israel and argues that militarism alone is not a sufficient analytic framework for analyzing Israeli society.
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Beier, J. Marshall, i Jana Tabak. "Children, childhoods, and everyday militarisms". Childhood 27, nr 3 (30.07.2020): 281–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0907568220923902.
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Like childhood, thinking critically about militarism can entail a great deal of unlearning before coming to a more nuanced understanding of what lies beyond the signifier. Just as childhoods are multiple, overlapping, contingent, and bound up in many more aspects of our social worlds than is apparent if we look only for the child, so too militarism. The ways in which militarisms intersect childhoods and vice versa, therefore, call us to reflect not only on the conspicuous presence of militaries as institutions or on life in zones of conflict, but on the everyday lives of children everywhere in all their complexity and diversity.
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Wibben, Annick TR. "Why we need to study (US) militarism: A critical feminist lens". Security Dialogue 49, nr 1-2 (1.01.2018): 136–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617742006.
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Responding to the special issue call to examine security and militarism alongside one another, this article adopts a critical feminist lens to explore what is at stake when critical scholars study security rather than militarism – and why, for critical feminists in particular, studying one without attention to the other is not helpful. Anchoring the discussion of (US) militarism in ongoing debates about women in combat, the article proposes that studying security without attention to militarism leads scholars to miss the deeply militarist orientation of security studies. It further suggests that feminist scholarship, because it treats militarism and militarization as an integral part of feminist security studies and considers the everyday a crucial site for inquiry, is well suited to studying militarism and security alongside one another. The article then lays out what a critical feminist approach to studying militarism entails and presents some feminist insights on militarization, focusing in particular on what attention to gender can reveal about shared norms of manliness and war. Overall, the article shows why feminist perspectives offer such strikingly different insights into the relationship between militarism and security and what we miss when feminist scholarship is ignored or marginalized in scholarship on these issues.
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Taber, Nancy. "Generals, colonels, and captains: Discourses of militarism, education, and learning in the Canadian university context". Canadian Journal of Higher Education 44, nr 2 (31.08.2014): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.47678/cjhe.v44i2.183828.
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This article discusses a feminist discourse analysis that explores the ways in which discourses of learning interact with discourses of militarism at four Canadian civilian universities named for military leaders. I discuss how this particular research topic became apparent to me and explore the current national context where it can be argued that Canada is exchanging an identity of a peace-making country for one of war-making. I examine literature that connects education with militarism, taking a feminist anti-militarist approach, and discuss issues relating to academic freedom in critiquing one’s own institution. I explain my methodology and detail my findings, concluding that educators should continue to contest gendered militarism in higher education and society.
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Gómez, Carlos A. "Opinión pública, militarismo e ideologías en Venezuela". GACETA DE PEDAGOGÍA, nr 38 (1.12.2019): 21–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.56219/rgp.vi38.753.
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Este artículo estudia la formación de la opinión pública y de las ideologías en Venezuela durante el siglo XIX, en una sociedad profundamente inclinada al militarismo como forma de liderazgo, en lo que jugó un papel eminentemente crítico la prensa nacional, contribuyendo de manera clave en el proceso político[1] que surgió a partir de la Independencia. En la investigación efectuada se hizo especial énfasis en el modo cómo se ejerció el periodismo en esa época, tanto en lo relativo a las fuentes como en los conceptos emitidos por los líderes de opinión durante los sucesos que transformaron la nación venezolana. A tal efecto, se aceptó como premisa el concepto emitido por Ralph Linton en su libro Cultura y Personalidad[2], en el cual sostiene que la cultura abarca todo lo producido por el hombre, diferenciándolo de su entorno.
ABSTRACT
This article is dedicated to study public opinion, and the ideologies formation in Venezuela during the XIX century, in a society deeply inclined to militarism as a way of leadership, in which played a critical role the national press, contributing to impulse changes since the moment Independence was achieved. During the research it was made special emphasis on the way journalism was exercised during that period, such on the sources as well as on the concepts emitted by opinion leaders around the ideas that transformed the country. Consequently, it was accepted as a fact the concept expressed by Ralph Linton on his book “Culture and Personality”, in which he established the differences between man and environment.
Key Words: Ideology; Leadership; Militarism; Public Opinion; Politics; Press.
RÉSUMÉ
Cet article étudie la formation de l'opinion publique et des idéologies au Venezuela au cours du XIXe siècle, dans une société profondément encline au militarisme en tant que forme de leadership, dans laquelle la presse nationale a joué un rôle éminemment critique, contribuant de manière essentielle au processus politique né de l’indépendance. Dans l'enquête menée, un accent particulier a été mis sur la manière dont le journalisme était exercé à cette époque, tant en ce qui concerne les sources que les concepts émis par les leaders d'opinion lors des événements qui ont transformé la nation vénézuélienne. À cette fin, le concept émis par Ralph Linton dans son livre Culture and Personality a été accepté comme une prémisse, dans laquelle il soutient que la culture englobe tout ce qui est produit par l'homme, en le différenciant de son environnement.
Mots Clés: idéologie; Leadership; Militarisme; Opinion publique; Politique; Appuyez sur
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Gani, Jasmine K. "Racial militarism and civilizational anxiety at the imperial encounter: From metropole to the postcolonial state". Security Dialogue 52, nr 6 (11.11.2021): 546–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09670106211054901.
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In this article, I ask three key questions: First, what is the relationship between militarism and race? Second, how does colonialism shape that relationship to produce racial militarism on both sides of the imperial encounter? And, third, what is the function of racial militarism? I build on Fanon’s psychoanalytic work on the production of racial hierarchies and internalization of stigma to argue that militarism became a means through which the European imperial nation-state sought to mitigate its civilizational anxiety and assert itself at the top of a constructed hierarchy. In particular, I argue that European militarism is constituted by its colonization and historical constructions of the so-called Muslim Orient, stigmatized as a rival, a threat and an inferior neighbour. However, this racial militarism and civilizational anxiety is not only a feature of the colonial metropole, but also transferred onto colonized and postcolonial states. Drawing on examples of racial militarism practised by the Syrian regime, I argue Europe’s racial-militarist stigmas are also internalized and instrumentalized by postcolonial states via fleeing and transferral. Throughout the article, I demonstrate that racial militarism has three main functions in both metropole and postcolony: the performance of racial chauvinism and superiority; demarcation of boundaries of exclusion; and dehumanization of racialized dissent in order to legitimate violence.
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Stavrianakis, Anna. "Controlling weapons circulation in a postcolonial militarised world". Review of International Studies 45, nr 1 (25.07.2018): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210518000190.
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AbstractWhat are the politics of, and prospects for, contemporary weapons control? Human rights and humanitarian activists and scholars celebrate the gains made in the UN Arms Trade Treaty as a step towards greater human security. Critics counter that the treaty represents an accommodation with global militarism. Taking the tensions between arms transfer control and militarism as my starting point, I argue that the negotiating process and eventual treaty text demonstrate competing modes of militarism. Expressed in terms of sovereignty, political economy, or human security, all three modes are underpinned by ongoing imperial relations: racial, gendered, and classed relations of asymmetry and hierarchy that persist despite formal sovereign equality. This means human security is a form of militarism rather than the antithesis of it. Drawing on primary sources from negotiations and participant observation with actors involved in the campaign for the ATT, the argument challenges the idea that human security has scored a victory over militarism. It also complicates our understanding of the nature of the accommodation with it, demonstrating the transformation as well as entrenchment of contemporary militarism. The argument reframes the challenges for controlling weapons circulation, placing the necessity for feminist, postcolonial anti-militarist critique front and centre.
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Eastwood, James. "Rethinking militarism as ideology: The critique of violence after security". Security Dialogue 49, nr 1-2 (1.01.2018): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617730949.
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This article argues for a reformulation of the concept of ‘militarism’ as ideology. Although existing sociological approaches have been suspicious of an understanding of militarism as ideology, these criticisms have misrepresented the implications of adopting such a concept. By returning to Althusser’s classic study of ideology, and complementing it with more recent psychoanalytic approaches that emphasize the centrality of desire, the article shows that thinking of militarism as ideology can be complementary to existing sociological studies. Moreover, though, it argues that such a reformulation brings with it key advantages. This is because it foregrounds the task of anti-militarist critique in a way that has hitherto been lacking. To demonstrate this point, the article considers the contribution that a concept of militarism as ideology could make to existing debates in critical security studies. Recent debates in this subfield have examined the ethical ramifications of various understandings of security for the pursuit of violence. However, these arguments have frequently reached a deadlock because of an inadequate understanding of the nature of militarism, one that borrows implicitly from prevalent sociological definitions of the concept. Instead, the article presents an understanding of militarism as ideology as a way out of these difficulties, showing how a critique of violence based on this concept of militarism rather than security can be more effective.
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Ayaz Naseem, Muhammad. "Deconstructing Militarism in Pakistani Textbooks". Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 6, nr 2 (1.09.2014): 10–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2014.060202.
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This article examines the textual constitution of militarism and militaristic subjects in and by educational discourse in Pakistan. The article focuses on two subjects, namely social studies and Urdu, which are taught in the public school system of Pakistan. In order to examine the constitution of militaristic subjectivities, the author draws upon concepts of poststructuralist theory and critical discourse analysis. The author's main argument is that it is vital to first deconstruct the constructs of war from the minds of people in order for the constructs of peace to be instilled. There are many sites where such deconstruction needs to begin. One of the likely places for such an exercise is in textbooks, for these are sites in which war and violence are or can be constructed and instilled into the minds of future citizens. These are also natural sites for the construction of defenses of peace, for these spaces harbor agency to resist war and violence. This article examines textual and discursive data from Pakistan's educational discourse (mainly curricula and textbooks) to illustrate how war and militarism are constructed by these discourses via curricula and textbooks.
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Rodriguez, Saul M. "Building civilian militarism: Colombia, internal war, and militarization in a mid-term perspective". Security Dialogue 49, nr 1-2 (1.01.2018): 109–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617743201.
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In late 2016, the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia signed a peace agreement to bring an end to an internal war in Colombia that had lasted more than 50 years. During this process, pro-military attitudes within Colombian society that called for a hardline solution and rejected the peace agreement were highly visible, revealing the extent to which militarism had been embedded in Colombia over the years. This embedding of militarism had been enabled by the country’s many years of chaos and the use of counterinsurgency forms of warfare, which over the years had led civilian elites to adopt a militaristic approach to countering threats. In this article, I will examine key issues related to the central role of militarism and militarization in the scenario of violence and insecurity in Colombia, drawing on mid- and short-term historical perspectives, to highlight what I refer to as the country’s ‘civilian militarism’. First, I discuss how the main conceptual framing regarding militarism, militarization, and security applies to the Colombian case. Second, I describe and analyze the origin of civilian militarism in the context of the struggle between Colombia’s traditional political parties, and the militarization of the police and the intertwining of its role with that of the army as a legacy of that time. Third, I briefly examine how various presidential programs have embedded the concept of security in the 1990s and thereafter, though this is seen as a façade to enable the unfolding of a military approach to countering threats over the years, and how mandatory military service was used until recently as a tool to bolster support for militarism among everyday people.
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Houston, Jared. "Contingency Planning for Severe Climate Change". Radical Philosophy Review 23, nr 2 (2020): 225–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphilrev2020512111.
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What if we fail to mitigate and adapt to climate change, and so face its more severe impacts? I argue that asking this question reveals a new obligation of climate justice: contingency planning for severe climate change. Surprisingly, such plans are already being drafted. But the politics behind them is neoliberal and militarist. I identify the epistemology of futurity motivating contingency planning—possibilism—and argue that we can and should dissociate it from, and redeploy it against, neoliberal militarism.
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Nikoghosyan, Anna. "Co-Optation of Feminism: Gender, Militarism and the UNSC Resolution 1325". Feminist Critique: East European Journal of Feminist and Queer Studies, nr 1 (grudzień 2017): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.52323/fc1-1.
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United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 is often referred to as a landmark resolution. Despite its revolutionary potential, I argue that the Resolution was developed through gendered discourses that allowed its use for militarist purposes. Informed by poststructuralist international relations feminist theory, I refer to the Resolution as a discursive practice and claim that the ways in which the UN conceptual apparatus understands and interprets gender and security open up possibilities for states to co-opt the very radical meaning of the Resolution by legitimising and normalising militarist practicing and silencing anti-militarist critique. In order to show this, I examine the gendered discourses behind the creation of the Resolution and address two major ways (including the ongoing militarisation processes in the Republic of Armenia) by which the Resolution is being militarised. (The full text is available in English and in translation into Ukrainian).
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Kasprzycki, Remigiusz. "Pacyfizm i antymilitaryzm w Europie Zachodniej w latach 1918–1939". Prace Historyczne 148, nr 3 (2021): 535–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.036.14012.
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Pacifism and anti-militarism in Western Europe, 1918–1939 As the consequence of the events of 1914–1918, the pacifism was on the rise in Western Europe. Societies of England, France and Germany as well as other Western European countries, set themselves the goal of preventing another war from breaking out. International congresses and conventions were organized. They were attended by peace advocates representing various social and political views, which made cooperation difficult. These meetings did not prevent the Spanish Civil War, the aggression against Abyssinia and the outbreak of World War II. In addition to moderate pacifists, Western Europe was also home to radical anti-militarists who believed that way to the world peace led through the abolition of military service. The pacifists in Britain and France were satisfied with their politicians’ submissiveness and indecision toward Hitler during the 1930s. Pacifism and radical anti-militarism also fitted perfectly into the plans of the Comintern. With its help, the USSR weakened the military potential of Western Europe.
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Soommat, Panyawarin, Nachon Raethong, Ratchaprapa Ruengsang, Roypim Thananusak, Teeraphan Laomettachit, Kobkul Laoteng, Treenut Saithong i Wanwipa Vongsangnak. "Light-Exposed Metabolic Responses of Cordyceps militaris through Transcriptome-Integrated Genome-Scale Modeling". Biology 13, nr 3 (22.02.2024): 139. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/biology13030139.
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The genome-scale metabolic model (GSMM) of Cordyceps militaris provides a comprehensive basis of carbon assimilation for cell growth and metabolite production. However, the model with a simple mass balance concept shows limited capability to probe the metabolic responses of C. militaris under light exposure. This study, therefore, employed the transcriptome-integrated GSMM approach to extend the investigation of C. militaris’s metabolism under light conditions. Through the gene inactivity moderated by metabolism and expression (GIMME) framework, the iPS1474-tiGSMM model was furnished with the transcriptome data, thus providing a simulation that described reasonably well the metabolic responses underlying the phenotypic observation of C. militaris under the particular light conditions. The iPS1474-tiGSMM obviously showed an improved prediction of metabolic fluxes in correlation with the expressed genes involved in the cordycepin and carotenoid biosynthetic pathways under the sucrose culturing conditions. Further analysis of reporter metabolites suggested that the central carbon, purine, and fatty acid metabolisms towards carotenoid biosynthesis were the predominant metabolic processes responsible in light conditions. This finding highlights the key responsive processes enabling the acclimatization of C. militaris metabolism in varying light conditions. This study provides a valuable perspective on manipulating metabolic genes and fluxes towards the target metabolite production of C. militaris.
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Antolović, Mihael. "“World domination or ruin”. Friedrich von Bernhardi and German militarism before World War I". Issues in Ethnology and Anthropology 9, nr 4 (26.02.2016): 1121. http://dx.doi.org/10.21301/eap.v9i4.16.
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The paper analyzes the role of militarism in the political life of Germany before WWI. By pointing out the roe of militarism in the political life of Germany at the start of the 20th century, the paper puts an emphasis on the writing of Friedrich von Bernhardi titled Germany and the next war, published in 1912. Bernhardi sought to prove the inevitability of “preemptive war” and territorial annexations in order to provide for the economic and political interests of Germany as a global force. Bernhardi legitimized his opinion by calling on social-Darwinist arguments as well as the tradition of German idealist philosophy, and claiming that war is the only means by which it is possible to sustain German culture as the highest form of “German spirit” and its most valuable contribution to humanity. Considering the high rank which Bernhardi held as a general in the German military, as well as how his attitudes fell in with German foreign policy of the period, Bernhardi’s writing represents, in a condensed fashion, an expression of militaristic ideas present in German society before WWI.
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Schmidt, Dorothea. "Deutscher Militarismus – eine unendliche Geschichte?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 41, nr 162 (1.03.2011): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v41i162.358.
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At the Potsdam Conference in July 1945, the Allied leaders identified four dimensions of German militarism that were of particular concern: the power of the military elite and their privileged position inside the state, the activities of paramilitary formations and the armaments industry, and the support for militarism in the public. The leaders agreed to a set of policies that sought to address these concerns of reigning in any militaristic tendencies. This article focuses on the relevance of these four areas of concern by examining their relevance in different periods, from the German Empire to the present, and trying to discern lines of continuity or of disruption. The impact of the armaments industry is as strong as ever, but the German army is now controlled by the parliament, soldiers have acquired certain rights and the general public seems not to be enthusiastic about the German participation in the Afghanistan war. Nevertheless, the involvement of the German troops in out of area-operations of NATO or the emerging European defence forces is on the increase.
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Castellanos Llanos, Gabriela. "Ética, terrorismo de estado y masculinidad: la vía del terror vista desde la óptica de género". La Manzana de la Discordia 2, nr 1 (10.03.2016): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v2i1.1416.
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Resumen: Este ensayo es una reflexión sobre el terrorismo, mostrando su evolución a través de la historia y su exacerbación actual, señalando además que el terrorismo de Estado, a pesar de ser la forma más mortífera, tiende a ser públicamente aceptada. De igual forma, enfatiza que el ataque a las Torres Gemelas se ha utilizado para justificar ataques preventivos, torturas y hasta la suspensión de la protección legal a prisioneros, y se pregunta cuál debe ser la política pública para combatir el terrorismo de una manera ética, mostrando por qué la solución del mal menor propuesta por Michael Ignatieff es sólo un viejo truco argumentativo y no conduce a cambios reales. Por ello, se insiste en el diálogo como forma de garantizar el reconocimiento de la diversidad, la defensa de los derechos civiles y el fortalecimiento de la democracia. Finalmente, se analizan diversos aspectos del militarismo, mostrando las relaciones de esta tendencia con el género y especí- ficamente con la masculinidad. Palabras clave: ética, terrorismo, militarismo, masculinidad, género Abstract: This essay reflects on terrorism, showing its evolution throughout history and its present-day exacerbation, also pointing out that terrorism on the part of the State, in spite of being the most deadly form, tends to be accepted by the public. Likewise, it stresses the way the 9/11 attack has been used to justify preemptive attacks, torture and even the suspension of political protection to prisoners, and asks what type of public policy must be used to fight terrorism in an ethical manner, showing why Michael Ignatieff’s proposal of the lesser evil is only an old argumentative trick and leads to no real changes. Therefore, there is an insistence on dialogue as the way to guarantee the recognition of diversity, the defense of civil rights and the strengthening of democracy. Finally, diverse aspects of militarism are analyzed, showing the relations between this tendency and gender, specifically with masculinity.Key words: ethics, terrorism, militarism, masculinity, gender
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Maksimović, Andrijana, i Zoran Milosavljević. "The Relationship Between the Dimensions of Religiousness and Militarist Political Culture Within the Citizens of Serbia". Security Dimensions 42, nr 42 (28.09.2022): 68–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0016.0736.
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The authors use data obtained through empirical study of the relationship between different types of religiosity and militarist political culture. The three concepts of religiosity are: religious belief, attitude to religious confession, and personalised religiosity. Given the content of each dimension, religious belief and attitude to religious confession can be defined as forms of classical religiosity, while personalised religiosity could be defined as secular religiosity. The aim of the paper is to investigate the relationship between the religiosity of citizens in Serbia and the country’s militarist political culture. Secondary data analysis of the European Value Study (EVS) was used. The highest degree of support for the militaristic form of political culture is contained within the secular form of religiosity – personalised religiosity (which can be varied, from belief in objects to para-religious and religious beliefs). This connection stems from the need to find security.
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Grassiani, Erella. "Between security and military identities: The case of Israeli security experts". Security Dialogue 49, nr 1-2 (1.01.2018): 83–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617747202.
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The relationship between private security professionals and the military in Israel is complex. While there is growing attention to the fact that security and military actors and their activities are becoming increasingly blurred, the Israeli case shows something different. In this ground-up analysis of the relationship between private security practices and the military, I investigate its constant negotiation by private security professionals through their identification with and differentiation from the military, whereby they reconfigure the meaning of military capital. This identity work should be understood, I propose, within the strongly militarist context of Israeli society, where military capital is highly valued. I argue that actors who exit the military system feel the need to demonstrate the added value of their work in the private sector in order for it to gain value in the light of the symbolic capital given to the military. I analyse these processes as leading to a new kind of militarism, which includes security skills and ideas about professionalism. Such an approach sheds new light on the ways in which security actors can actively reconfigure the workings of military capital in and outside the nation-state and produce a different kind of militarism.
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Yurynets, Yaryna. "Soviet Policy of “Militarism” and the Formation of a Totalitarian Regime in Ukraine in the 1920s–1930s". NaUKMA Research Papers in Philosophy and Religious Studies, nr 11-12 (15.11.2023): 105–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.18523/2617-1678.2023.11-12.105-113.
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The article analyzes the peculiarities of the formation period of a totalitarian regime and ideological dictatorship in Soviet Ukraine during the 1920s-1930s. One of the key characteristics of this stage is the constant narrative of struggle imposed both against external enemies and on internal “fronts”. This narrative aimed to foster a “militaristic” fervor in society, contributing to the consolidation of the foundations of totalitarianism and the gradual Sovietization of education and science. The aggressiveness of the regime, reaching its peak during the mass repressions of the “Great Terror” era, upheld and firmly established the “correct” ideological direction of development in all spheres of life, including science, education, and culture. The term “militarism” in relation to the processes characteristic of Ukraine in the 1920s-1930s reflects the state described by Thomas Hobbes as a “war of all against all’, where the line between “friends” and “foes” is manipulatively blurred. As demonstrated in the article, the Soviet-imposed ethos of “militarism” towards imaginary enemies, former colleagues, family, and even oneself formed the basis of intellectual life during the mentioned period. The peculiarities of this ethos are analyzed in the context of the policies of “militant atheism” and “militant materialism”, the process of Sovietization of scientific and educational institutions, and the mass purges and repressions of the late 1930s. The proposed approach to analyzing the characteristics of the Ukrainian intellectual environment of the 1920s-1930s through the lens of the narrative of “militarism” contributes to a comprehensive understanding of intellectual processes, including philosophical ones, during the Soviet era.
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Millar, Katharine M. "The plural of soldier is not troops: The politics of groups in legitimating militaristic violence". Security Dialogue 50, nr 3 (15.04.2019): 201–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619836337.
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This article identifies ‘the troops’ as a new, radically under-examined figure in the Western canon of war. Utilising discourse analysis of an original corpus of US ‘support the troops’ material from 2001 to 2010, the article argues that ‘the troops’ cannot be read as a simple aggregation of the figurative soldier or literal military personnel. Instead, ‘groupness of the troops’ shifts the politics of the legitimation of violence – and the possibility of meaningful dissent – in two distinct ways. Firstly, ‘the troops’ are figured, counterintuitively, as passive, dependent and at risk of suffering harm. This enables constructions of militaristic, heroic violence to coexist with empirical experiences of vulnerability without ideological contradiction. Secondly, though many accounts of militarism rely upon citizens’ aspirational identification with the ostensibly-universal soldier, the ‘groupness’ of the troops enables them to incorporate, rather than elide, substantive differences (e.g. race, gender or sexual orientation) through an all-encompassing relationship of ‘support’. Consequently, ‘the troops’ may be a more effective avatar of militarism than ‘the soldier’ – and far more important to the legitimation, depoliticization and even perpetuation of conflict than previously realized. What would the politics of military involvement in Afghanistan and Iraq have looked like absent the ‘escape valve’ of the figurative troops?
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López Iñíguez, Julio. "Noventa años de historiografía sobre la dictadura de Primo de Rivera: un estado de la cuestión / Ninety Years of Historiography on Primo de Rivera’s Dictatorship: A State of the Art". Historiografías, nr 10 (28.12.2017): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_historiografias/hrht.2015102392.
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This article addresses the different interpretations on the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera in Spain. Starting with the contemporary works and including the most recent ones, the author examines what has been written on this topic. The survey ranges from contemporaries pieces divulging the main achievements of the dictatorship to the latest regional and local studies, including the new political history emerged in the eighties.Key WordsDictatorship of Primo de Rivera, historiography, methodology, militarism, structuralism, new political historyResumenEl presente estudio aborda las diferentes interpretaciones de la dictadura de Primo de Rivera. Desde las obras coetáneas hasta las más recientes, el autor analiza los diferentes trabajos que se han realizado sobre el tema. La panorámica va desde los ensayos coetáneos y afines que difundieron los principales logros de la dictadura hasta las últimas obras centradas en estudios regionales y locales, pasando por la nueva historia política nacida en los años ochenta.Palabras claveDictadura de Primo de Rivera, historiografía, metodología, militarismo, estructuralismo, nueva historia política.
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Hoijtink, Marijn, i Hanna L. Muehlenhoff. "The European Union as a Masculine Military Power: European Union Security and Defence Policy in ‘Times of Crisis’". Political Studies Review 18, nr 3 (1.11.2019): 362–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929919884876.
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Against the background of a sense of crisis in the European Union and in international politics, European Union Member States have since 2016 increased their cooperation within the Common Security and Defence Policy, for example, establishing the European Defence Fund. Scholars have long pointed out that the European Union lacks the necessary ‘hard’ military power to influence international politics, subscribing to and constituting an image of the European Union as not masculine enough. We are critical of these accounts and develop a different argument. First, building on insights from feminist security and critical military studies, we argue that the European Union is a military power constituted by multiple masculinities. We consider the European Union to be a masculine military power, not only because it uses and aims to develop military instruments, but also because of how militarism and military masculinities permeate discourses, practices and policies within Common Security and Defence Policy and the European Union more broadly. We argue, second, that the crisis narrative allows the European Union to strengthen Common Security and Defence Policy and exhibit more aggressive military masculinities based on combat, which exist alongside entrepreneurial and protector masculinities. These developments do not indicate a clear militarisation of Common Security and Defence Policy, but, rather, an advancement and normalisation of militarism and the militarised masculinities associated with it.
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Soffer, Jonathan. "The National Association of Manufacturers and the Militarization of American Conservatism". Business History Review 75, nr 4 (2001): 775–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116511.
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The National Association of Manufacturers (NAM) played an important role in the emerging conservative movement in the United States, both before and after World War II, but its contribution to the increasing militarism of that movement has received little scrutiny. Between 1958 and 1975, a combination of organizational changes peculiar to NAM and political pressures from both the right and the left led NAM to adopt and maintain a militaristic posture. In the late 1950s, a decline in the organization's membership resulted in a take over by larger corporations, which purged the board of its ultraconservative leadership. The reorganized board established a National Defense Committee (NDC) in order to promote defense industry membership and, by 1962, had selected a new permanent president, Werner Gullander. Under Gullander, the NDC moved NAM in the direction of support for defense expansion during the early 1960s.
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Badía Serra, Eduardo. "El pragmatismo : ¿filosofía del proyecto neo-liberal?" Entorno, nr 20 (30.09.2001): 38–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/entorno.v0i20.7667.
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El proyecto económico neo-liberal dice tener de base la doctrina filosófica pragmática que se originó en los ambientes académicos de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica a finales del siglo XIX.Sin embargo, si se examina con algún detenimiento el pensamiento pragmático y su base filosófica, se podrá concluir que realmente, en la práctica, dicho proyecto no puede basarse en una filosofía de tan fuerte contenido ético. Sucede que comúnmente las doctrinas y categorías filosóficas son sujetas al relajamiento y vulgarización.Ello ha sucedido con sistemas de una riqueza doctrinaria muy alta como la filosofía epicúrea, el estoicismo, el existencialismo, el militarismo y el pragmatismo.En este trabajo se hace una exposición de las filosofías militarista y pragmática, de sus principales categorías, se examina en la misma forma las características del neoliberalismo económico y de sus efectos prácticos sobre nuestras sociedades y sobre aquéllas en las cuales representa la base de su desarrollo.
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Kimmerling, Baruch. "Patterns of militarism in Israel". European Journal of Sociology 34, nr 2 (listopad 1993): 196–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975600006640.
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Most of the subjects concerned with Israel, such as the location of the military and militaristic culture, are heavily distorted in comparison to other themes prevalant in the discourse and the debates in the social sciences, very much like the other issues linked with the Jewish-Arab conflict and Jewish-Arab relations (Kimmerling, 1992). Ideological and value loaded considerations blur the issue, making even the usage of the term ‘militarism’ in the canonical textbooks a taboo in Israel. The main purpose of this paper is three-fold: 1) to present a brief survey of the present state of the literature on so-called ‘civil-military relations’ in Israel, from which 2) a revision can be made of the overall impact of the Jewish-Arab conflict and the militarization of Israeli society. This will be followed by 3) a reformulation of the effect of militarization on the institutional and value spheres of the Israeli collectivity.
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Carballo, David M. "IMPLEMENTS OF STATE POWER". Ancient Mesoamerica 18, nr 1 (2007): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956536107000144.
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AbstractThe expansionary strategies of Teotihuacano political leaders involved the large-scale manufacture of weaponry and the production of ceremonial items representative of a coherent suite of symbols expressing themes of warfare and sacrifice. Recent excavations at the Moon Pyramid demonstrate that such production activities were undertaken next to the monument, where obsidian was reduced into dart points and eccentrics linked to militarism and sacrificial practices in the art and archaeology of the city. These craft production activities were likely directly administered by state functionaries and formed part of the physical and ideational bases of state political authority. The finished products served as means of direct military coercion and symbolic reification of state authority, materialized through the militaristic offering complexes within the major temples of the city. This study presents a detailed technological analysis of the production activities and contextualizes their social significance by examining their symbolic manipulation in the art and sacrificial offerings of Teotihuacán.
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Woodward, Rachel. "From Military Geography to militarism's geographies: disciplinary engagements with the geographies of militarism and military activities". Progress in Human Geography 29, nr 6 (grudzień 2005): 718–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1191/0309132505ph579oa.
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Kemerli, Pınar. "RELIGIOUS MILITARISM AND ISLAMIST CONSCIENTIOUS OBJECTION IN TURKEY". International Journal of Middle East Studies 47, nr 2 (27.04.2015): 281–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743815000057.
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AbstractThis article focuses on Islamist conscientious objectors (COs) in Turkey who have resisted both mandatory conscription and the Turkish state's use of Islamic discourses of jihad and martyrdom to legitimize it. Examining military conscript training and the post-1980 coup national school curriculum, the article first outlines the Turkish state's production of a particular interpretation of Islam and its dissemination of it through nationalist and militarist discourses and practices. The article then pursues an ethnographic analysis of Islamist COs’ resistance to conscription through nonviolent civil disobedience based on antiauthoritarian and antinationalist interpretations of Islam. Weaving together their own interpretations of jihad and martyrdom with transnational theories and ideologies, Islamist COs present a powerful critique of Turkish militarism and its religious claims. A focus on Islamist COs potently highlights the diversity of Islamic groups and sensibilities in contemporary Turkey, and the difficulties faced by nationalist projects to discipline religious imaginaries and put them to the service of the modern state.
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Sylvester, Christine. "Curating and re-curating the American war in Vietnam". Security Dialogue 49, nr 3 (13.11.2017): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617733851.
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The American war in Vietnam killed 58,000 US military personnel and millions of people on the ground, creating a troubling war legacy that has been ‘resolved’ in the USA through state strategies to efface military mortalities. Drawing on Charlotte Heath-Kelly’s work addressing mortality denied or ignored in the field of international relations and that of Andrew Bacevich and Christian Appy on American militarism, I explore the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, DC, as a site of war re-curations that refuse the effacement of mortality and disrupt the militarist myths that sustain it – namely, that America is renewed and revitalized through war, and that soldiers live on as American heroes when they sacrifice for the country. With the Vietnam Syndrome long since replaced by insistence on loving all soldiers, even if not all the country’s wars, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial is dedicated to remembering those who were not publicly acknowledged for fighting and dying in America’s failed war. Assemblages of pictures, letters, and other items that a community of loss leaves at the Memorial re-curate the war by showing the lingering pain that war mortality inflicts on those who experience it decade upon decade. Taken together, the objects of war shown at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial and collected each evening put mortality at the heart of war experience. The Memorial is therefore a key location of knowledge that challenges militarist appeals and state effacements in favor of what Viet Thanh Nguyen calls ‘just memory’ of war.
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Mabee, Bryan, i Srdjan Vucetic. "Varieties of militarism: Towards a typology". Security Dialogue 49, nr 1-2 (1.01.2018): 96–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010617730948.
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Militarism – a mercurial, endlessly contested concept – is experiencing a renaissance of sorts in many corners of the social science community. In critical security studies, the concept’s purview has become increasingly limited by an abiding theoretical and analytical focus on various practices of securitization. We argue that there is a need to clarify the logic and stakes of different forms of militarism. Critical security scholars have provided valuable insights into the conditions of ‘exceptionalist militarism’. However, if we accept that militarism and the production of security are co-constitutive, then there is every reason to consider different manifestations of militarism, their historical trajectories and their interrelationships. To that end, we draw on the work of historical sociologists and articulate three more ideal types of militarism: nation-state militarism, civil society militarism and neoliberal militarism. We suggest this typology can more adequately capture key transformations of militarism in the modern period as well as inform further research on the militarism–security nexus.
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Alexandra, Andrew. "Militarism". Social Theory and Practice 19, nr 2 (1993): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract19931928.
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Huang, Wentao. "Research on China-Japan Bilateral Relations——A Stable and Fragile Bilateral Relationship". Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 35 (16.06.2024): 93–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/ve1pwf70.
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After the end of World War II, since the surrender of the Japanese militarist Empire, Japan had political reform with the help of the United States. It was the beginning of Japan's diplomatic normalization after the end of militaristic diplomacy. Since the new century, from the “Follow America and give priority to economic development” to the “New capitalism and realism diplomacy in the new era” foreign policy with domestic and foreign coordination, Japan's diplomatic strategy towards China has handled resoundingly on the delicate relationship of competition between China and the United States. Japan has a lot of deep cooperation with the United States, Japan maintains a relatively harmonious relationship at the same time. This paper focuses on the important strategic changes in Japanese diplomacy from the beginning of the 21st century to the present and the leading ideas and lines of Japanese diplomacy in different periods. According to Japan's various strategic changes, domestic and foreign factors have proved that Sino-Japanese relations are both stable and fragile.
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Musselman, Cody. "Training for the “Unknown and Unknowable”: CrossFit and Evangelical Temporality". Religions 10, nr 11 (11.11.2019): 624. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10110624.
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This article looks at the relationship between the U.S. military and CrossFit, a functional fitness training method and sport, and focuses on how their affinities coalesce around the idea of preparedness. CrossFit makes a sport and spectacle out of preparing for the “unknown and unknowable” challenges of life. This approach to life and fitness is attractive to service members, first responders, and average citizens alike who live in an age of constant anticipation, awaiting unknown threats. This article draws from fieldwork observations, interviews, CrossFit videos and articles, social media posts, and discussion board threads to argue that CrossFit, with its emphasis on preparedness, exhibits an evangelical temporality that is particularly symbiotic with American militarism. This article introduces two new terms, “evangelical temporality” and “generic evangelicalism,” to discuss a disposition towards time marked by a sense of expectation; by the anticipation of rupture and change that necessitates a state of constant preparedness; and by a firm conviction that time is running out. In three acts, this article explores how CrossFit, as a militaristic sport and a lifestyle centered on preparedness, benefits from and adds to the prevailing sense of uncertainty, expectation, and preparation that characterizes evangelical temporality in America.
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Zafirovski, Milan. "Indicators of Militarism and Democracy in Comparative Context: How Militaristic Tendencies Influence Democratic Processes in OECD Countries 2010–2016". Social Indicators Research 147, nr 1 (16.07.2019): 159–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-019-02149-1.
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Rothschild, Matthew. "Militarisme messianique". Agone, nr 31-32 (1.05.2004): 30–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/revueagone.261.
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Mårsell, Maria. "Militarismens ontologi". Tidskrift för litteraturvetenskap 51, nr 1-2 (10.12.2021): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.54797/tfl.v51i1-2.1741.
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The Ontology of Militarism: War and Peace as Conditions of Existence in Frida Stéenhoff ’s Stridbar ungdom and Elin Wägner’s Släkten Jerneploogs framgång This article claims that Western culture is tinged by an idea of an ontology of militarism. By analyzing how bodies are militarized because of this presumption, and how resistance against that very same presumption is carried out in Frida Stéenhoff ’s Stridbar ungdom (1906) and Elin Wägner’s Släkten Jerneploogs framgång (1916), this article presents an alternative understanding of the relationship between militarism and peace. Both works problematize and challenge the idea of militarism as a pre-condition for the human being. Finally, utopia, rather than militarism, emerges as indispensable to human beings.
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Martiarena de Oliveira, Maria Augusta, i Bernat Sureda García. "Los reportajes fotográficos en la prensa gráfica como instrumento de propaganda y divulgación del escultismo al sur de Brasil y en España en las primeras décadas del siglo XX". Historia y Memoria de la Educación, nr 8 (27.06.2018): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/hme.8.2018.19179.
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En este artículo se estudia el discurso propagandístico que la prensa ilustrada nos ofrece de los boy scouts en el sur del Brasil y en España en las primeras décadas del siglo XX. Para el estudio nos hemos basado en las fotografías publicadas en las revistas de la época. En el artículo se demuestra como mediante las fotografías, tanto en Brasil como en España, desde las instancias del poder, se ofrece una reinterpretación del método creado por el militar británico Robert Baden-Powell, con el objetivo de dar a los jóvenes formación patriótica mediante la disciplina y el orden inculcando sentimientos favorables al militarismo. La Primera Guerra mundial, la postguerra y la crisis social y económica de aquellos años crearon el contexto necesario para una exaltación patriótica que encontró en el método scout una forma de adoctrinamiento y de formación militarista de la juventud. Las imágenes publicadas de los grupos de boy scouts, que se organizan en ambos países poco después de la creación del método en Inglaterra, muestran habitualmente su participación en actividades que implican subordinación al poder y rigurosa disciplina. Por el contrario, se encuentran pocas fotografías que muestren exclusivamente la vertiente lúdica y de educación activa que podía comportar la aplicación del método
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Gusterson, Hugh. "Feminist Militarism". PoLAR: Political html_ent glyph="@amp;" ascii=""/ Legal Anthropology Review 22, nr 2 (listopad 1999): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/pol.1999.22.2.17.
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Spade, Dean, i Aaron Belkin. "Queer Militarism?!" GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 27, nr 2 (1.04.2021): 281–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10642684-8871705.
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Does advocating for queer and trans people to serve in the US military move the struggle for queer and trans justice forward toward liberation by improving the lives of queer and trans soldiers and increasing societal acceptance of queer and trans people? Or does it legitimize US military imperialism and increase the likelihood of more queer and trans people being abused and traumatized in the US military? This article consists of a conversation between Aaron Belkin, director of the Palm Center, who has spent decades advocating for queer and trans military inclusion, and Dean Spade, a trans racial- and- economic- justice–focused activist and scholar who opposes military inclusion advocacy. The conversation examines fundamental debates about the possibilities and limits of legal equality for marginalized and stigmatized groups, drawing on critical race theory, women of color feminisms, anticolonial critique, and competing theories of queer and trans liberation work.
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Rosenblum, Nancy. "Romantic Militarism". Essays in Romanticism 3, nr 1 (styczeń 1995): 55–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/eir.3.1.4.
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Case, Emalani. "Keywords: Militarism". Counterfutures 10 (27.07.2021): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v10.6939.
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Using the biennial Rim of the Pacific (RIMPAC) maritime exercises as an example, this keywords entry explores the concept of militarism and seeks to understand ideologies of justified violence in relation to the structure of settler colonialism and the logics of white supremacy. Using three brief reflections from RIMPAC 2020, I examine how militarism sustains, and is sustained by, racial hierarchies and colonial power. I also draw links to the Covid-19 global crisis and the Black Lives Matter movement, demonstrating how the impacts of militarism, like a disease, extend far beyond what are usually identified as militaries, infecting all aspects of society.
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Morris, Benny. "Israeli Militarism". Journal of Palestine Studies 29, nr 3 (2000): 103–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676463.
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Smith, Matthew. "Environmental Militarism". Greener Management International 2005, nr 52 (1.12.2005): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.9774/gleaf.3062.2005.wi.00006.
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Paley, Dawn Marie. "Militarism Matters". NACLA Report on the Americas 55, nr 4 (2.10.2023): 337–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.2023.2280316.
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Clarke, Mysha K., Lara A. Roman i Tenley M. Conway. "Communicating with the Public about Emerald Ash Borer: Militaristic and Fatalistic Framings in the News Media". Sustainability 12, nr 11 (3.06.2020): 4560. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12114560.
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Invasive species can spread to new landscapes through various anthropogenic factors and negatively impact urban ecosystems, societies, and economies. Public awareness is considered central to mitigating the spread of invasive species. News media contributes to awareness although it is unclear what messages are being communicated. We incorporated Frame Theory to investigate newspapers’ coverage of the emerald ash borer (EAB; Agrilus planipennis Fairmaire (Coleoptera: Buprestidae)), which has killed millions of ash trees in the continental United States. We conducted a content analysis of 924 news articles published between 2002 and 2017 to examine language framing (how a phenomenon like invasive species is constructed and communicated), information sources, management methods, recommended actions for the public and whether this communication changed overtime. Seventy-seven percent of articles used language evocative of distinctive risk framings, with the majority of these using negative attribute frames like invasion-militaristic and/or fatalistic language to describe EAB management. Few discussed positive impacts like galvanizing public support. Most articles used expert sources, primarily government agents. We recommend that public communications regarding invasive species be cautious about language evoking militarism and fatalism. Furthermore, invasive species communication requires a broader diversity and representation of voices because invasive species management requires community effort.
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JABBAR, SABAH SALIM. "Anti-Militarism in Joseph Heller's Catch-22". Al-Adab Journal, nr 114 (15.12.2015): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.31973/aj.v0i114.1368.
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The paper attempts to address Joseph Heller in his novel, Catch-22 (1961). An examination of the content of the novel in relation to antimilitaristic concepts is a major focus of the paper. The paper depicts various characters in the novel and tries to show how they reflect antimilitarism. The effects of particular behaviors and the major events that take place in the Air Force are discussed in the paper. The story mainly revolves around some airmen who were combatants in World War II. The events discussed in the paper clearly highlight the sentiments held by antimilitarists on war issues. The plot of the novel is sequential and the description of events is comic. The characters represent various characteristics that can be used to develop a plot on antimilitarism.
The paper bases its literature of the aspects of the military that necessitate and justify the rise and development of antimilitarism. Socialism is a notable aspect of antimilitarism while militarism seems to conform to capitalism. From an antimilitaristic perspective, capitalism is characterized by a type of bureaucracy that demoralizes soldiers and promotes individuality within the military. Catch-22 deals with all the militaristic and antimilitaristic factors and events that lead to the same aspects.
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Wright, Katharine A. M., i Annika Bergman Rosamond. "NATO's strategic narratives: Angelina Jolie and the alliance's celebrity and visual turn". Review of International Studies 47, nr 4 (10.05.2021): 443–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210521000188.
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AbstractAngelina Jolie's high-profile visit to NATO in 2018 signals a move to brand the alliance's strategic narrative within the language of celebrity through engagement with popular culture. The partnership represents a significant change in the alliance's approach to global security. It also builds on a shift in NATO's self-narrative through the advocacy of gender justice related to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. Rather than fading into the background, NATO appears to be pursuing the limelight for the purpose of ‘awareness raising’ as a tool to implement the WPS agenda. Drawing upon feminist scholarship on the WPS agenda, NATO, and research on celebrity humanitarianism and politics, we provide a critical study of this change in NATO's strategic narrative, through the analysis of visual and textual material related to Jolie's visit to NATO. Our focus is on the significance of this partnership and its contribution to legitimising the alliance's self-defined ‘military leadership’ in the area of conflict-related sexual violence. While Jolie's visit to NATO opened the alliance to public scrutiny it also symbolised a form of militarism, surrounded by orchestrated visual representations. As such, it only marginally disrupted the militarist logic present in NATO's wider WPS engagement.