Rozprawy doktorskie: „Militarismi”

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Silva, Karina da. "Os recrutamentos militares e as relações sociedade-Estado na Capitania/Província de São Paulo (1765-1828) /". Franca : [s.n.], 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93301.

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Orientador: Marisa Saenz Leme
Banca: Wilma Peres Costa
Banca: Denise Aparecida Soares de Moura
Resumo: Os recrutamentos militares foram uma realidade na Capitania de São Paulo, desde o século XVIII. Os conflitos na Bacia do Prata, na busca de delimitar as fronteiras da América portuguesa e espanhola, exigiram a organização de uma estrutura militar no Brasil. Para sediar essa estrutura foi escolhida a referida Capitania. A união de interesses, de segmentos da elite paulista e da Coroa portuguesa, possibilitou a consolidação da militarização da Capitania ao longo da segunda metade do século XVIII. Todavia, a dinamização da economia e da sociedade paulista, a partir das últimas décadas do século XVIII e início do XIX, entrou em conflito com a militarização ali desenvolvida. O presente trabalho buscou analisar as diferenças entre os recrutamentos realizados em São Paulo nesses dois momentos, focando as relações entre a sociedade e o Estado na organização e manutenção da estrutura militar.
Abstract: The military recruitment had been a reality in São Paulo, since the 18th century. The conflicts at the Silver Drainage Basin, in search to delimit the Portuguese and Spanish America borders, they had demanded to orgazine the military structure in Brazil. Hosting this structure São Paulo Captainship was chosen. The union of interests, segments of São Paulos elite and the Portuguese Crown, made it possible the militarization of Captainship consolidation throughout the second half of 18th century. However, the joining of the economy and the paulista society, from the last decades from the 18th and beginning of 19th century, it got in conflict with the militarization developed there. The current paper searched to analyze the differences between the recruitment fulfilled in São Paulo at these two moments, focusing the relations between the society and the State over the organization and maintenance of the military structure.
Mestre

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Cevedon, Herrera Laura Carolina. "Análisis de la cobertura periodística de la Hípica peruana en el diario “El Comercio” en los años 30’". Bachelor's thesis, Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC), 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10757/651645.

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Esta investigación analiza la cobertura periodística sobre hípica del diario “El Comercio” en los años 30, cuando el contexto político peruano era protagonizado por el tercer militarismo. La historia peruana toma un giro en esta época donde el militarismo hacía un pacto con la oligarquía para permanecer en el poder indirectamente. Las revisiones de textos periodísticos comprueban que el hipódromo, más que ser un centro deportivo, era un espacio de reunión social; asimismo, la prensa cubría al personaje más que a la noticia. Para el análisis se realizó revisión bibliográfica, la búsqueda y lectura de archivos periodísticos de aquellos años en el ya mencionado diario que, en aquella época, cubría a la hípica como deporte importante. El objetivo de este trabajo es conocer el uso de recursos periodísticos en aquellos años para señalar el vínculo entre el poder, el Estado y la prensa peruana en ese contexto.
This research analyzes the journalistic coverage on equestrian of the newspaper "El Comercio" in the 1930s, when the Peruvian political context was led by the third militarism. Peruvian history takes a turn in this era where militarism made a pact with the oligarchy to remain in power indirectly. Journalistic text reviews prove that the racecourse rather than being a sports center was a space for social gathering, the press itself covered the character rather than the news. For the analysis, a literature review was carried out, the search and reading of journalistic archives of those years in the before mentioned newspaper that at that time covered horse riding as an important sport. The objective of this work is to know the use of journalistic resources in those years to indicate the link between the power, the state and the Peruvian press.
Tesis

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Maia, Paulo Roberto de Azevedo. "Canal 100 : a trajetoria de um cinejornal". [s.n.], 2006. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/284259.

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Orientador: Nuno Cesar Pereira de Abreu
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Artes
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Resumo: Esse trabalho procura discutir a trajetória histórica e a constituição da linguagem do cinejornal Canal 100. A abordagem cinematográfica desse periódico foi, de forma não oficial, condizente com a proposta de leitura do Brasil feita pelo projeto de propaganda política do regime militar que procurou se distanciar dos tipos clássicos de propaganda. A história do cinejornalismo foi motivo de discussão, verificando a presença de vários governos no incentivo a produção e na sua utilização política. A história do Canal 100 (1959-1986) foi abordada com ênfase na figura do seu criador Carlos Niemeyer e suas relações com os governos militares. O formato do cinejornal foi estudado para uma melhor compreensão da sua estrutura narrativa e, particularmente, as imagens relativas ao futebol, responsáveis pela manutenção do Canal 100 na memória de algumas gerações
Abstract: This document discusses the historical route and the establishment of language of Canal 100, a movie news periodical. The movie approach of this series was conducted in non-official form according to the proposal of interpretation of Brazil made by the political propaganda project of the military regime which attempted to distinguish itself from classical forms of propaganda. The history of news movies was discussed, confirming the presence of various governments in the sponsoring of production and its political use. The history of Canal 100 (1959-1986) was remarkably emphasized by the figure of its director, Carlos Niemeyer and his relations with the military Governments. The format of the news movie series was studied for a better understanding of its narrative structure and especially the images related to soccer, responsible for the permanence of Canal 100 in the memory of several generations
Mestrado
Mestre em Multimeios

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Garcia, Felipe Ramos. "Esquerda policial e ação política em São Paulo (1946-1964) /". Marília, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/191131.

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Orientador: Paulo Ribeiro Rodrigues da Cunha
Resumo: Na última década, alguns trabalhos foram produzidos com objetivo de investigar e resgatar um campo pouco explorado: a Esquerda Policial. Nesse sentido, esse projeto tem como objetivo investigar a presença de uma Esquerda Policial em São Paulo entre 1946 e 1964, atuante na Força Pública e na Guarda Civil e vinculada com o Antimil, o Setor Militar do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB). Embora pouco se saiba em relação a esse grupo específico, documentos do Departamento de Ordem Política e Social, dos arquivos oficiais da Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo e do Relatório Final da Comissão Nacional da Verdade, apontam para relação política entre policiais da Força Pública e da Guarda Civil, cuja atuação estava atrelada a um pensamento à esquerda, que se expressava no engajamento com a luta pelas causas nacionais e a defesa de pautas corporativas e na luta pela democracia. Tal fato, analisado sob o prisma da “Esquerda Militar”, fornece pistas importantes para compreensão da intervenção política desempenhada pelas corporações policiais paulistas, entre 1946 e 1964.
Abstract: In the last decade, some works have been produced aiming to investigate and rescue a little explored field: the Police Left Wing. In this sense, this project aims to investigate the presence of a Police Left Wing in São Paulo between 1946 and 1964, active in the Public Force and Civil Guard and linked with Antimil, the Military Sector of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB). Although little is known about this specific group, documents from the Department of Political and Social Order, the official archives of the São Paulo State Military Police and the Final Report of the National Truth Commission point to a political relationship between law enforcement officers. And of the Civil Guard, whose action was linked to a left thinking, which was expressed in the engagement with the struggle for national causes and the defense of corporate agendas and in the struggle for democracy. This fact, analyzed from the perspective of the “Military Left”, provides important clues for understanding the political intervention performed by the São Paulo police corporations between 1946 and 1964.
Mestre

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Palmer, R. William. "Twenty-first century celebrations of the British Armed Forces : the rise of the biopolitical military professional". Thesis, University of Manchester, 2017. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/twentyfirst-century-celebrations-of-the-british-armed-forces--the-rise-of-the-biopolitical-military-professional(0eae07bc-4aee-40cd-9e2b-86a8889d2365).html.

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Over the past decade, the United Kingdom has witnessed a proliferation of civil-military initiatives that have engendered overt and celebratory displays of support for the British Armed Forces. This thesis interrogates two of these initiatives: the annual public relations event Armed Forces Day and the military charity Help for Heroes. Significantly, these initiatives have emerged against a backdrop of morally and politically contentious military violence, notably in Iraq and Afghanistan. Hence, these initiatives raise important questions about the type of politics which underwrite them. In this thesis, I address these questions by critically engaging with a figure who occupies a key position within this UK civil-military landscape: the professional soldier. Adopting a Foucauldian approach, I place this figure within a broader political, social and historical context and show how, since the end of the Second World War, the professional soldier has continually remerged to rewrite the conditions of possibility for liberal war-fighting. Drawing on this insight, I identify a professional soldier, I label the biopolitical military professional, who greatly informs the contours of this contemporary UK civil-military landscape. The biopolitical military professional is an important figure because they are able to co-opt "civilian" political subjects into the service of liberal-warfighting despite a conflict's political context. This is made possible because the biopolitical military professional is a figure who incorporates their military expertise and professional concerns within a wider set of life-administering knowledges concerned with the health and well-being of the population. Crucially, the most overt expressions of biopolitical military professionalism are produced through these UK civil-military initiatives. I demonstrate this by showing how these initiatives mobilise a whole host of "civilian" proto-professional subjects into the active service of liberal war-fighting through an appeal to both their military "obligations" and their fitness and wellbeing. An effect of this is that participating in one of these initiatives becomes more than an act of military support it also becomes a way of partaking in a healthy and life-enriching activity. For example, a day out at Armed Forces Day is a way to get children to take part in active play and educational activities. Supporting the armed forces through Help for Heroes may involve running a marathon or taking part in a long-distance cycle ride. Consequently, via the presence of the biopolitical military professional these initiatives achieve a certain resonance with a civilian population disinterested in the politics of war but increasingly concerned with their health and wellbeing.

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Inacio, Fatima Pacheco de Santana. "A política de formação de professores em Goiás no contexto dos acordos MEC-USAID (1961-1983)". [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/251183.

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Orientador: Ediogenes Aragão Santos
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: Este texto analisa a formação de professores, realizada no âmbito das políticas públicas decorrentes dos acordos MEC/USAID/UNESCO, no pós Segunda Guerra Mundial, que resultaram na criação dos Centros de Formação de Professores Primários, entre 1961 e 1983, no município de Catalão, Goiás. Estes cursos de formação, de orientação tecnicista na educação, foram iniciados no Governo Mauro Borges após o Golpe Militar de 1964, com o intuito de planejar, racionalizar os investimentos no setor educacional. Os acordos firmados tinham como elemento chave a formação de uma sociedade "massificada" através da democratização da educação, de bens e de consumo para o mercado. O material didático utilizado nesse processo de formação era elaborado por equipes de trabalho orientadas e vinculadas ao Programa Brasileiro-Americano para o Ensino Primário (PABAEE). As especificidades desta formação, em tempo integral, em regime de internato, se propunha a melhorar a produtividade e a qualidade do ensino do 1º grau e Normal. As principais fontes primárias, inéditas, utilizadas nesta pesquisa foram localizadas no arquivo do Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisas em Educação de Catalão (NEPEDUCA), da Universidade Federal de Goiás (UFG), Campus Catalão, onde pudemos ter acesso aos projetos para instalação dos Centros Experimentais de Formação de Professores, aos planos de cursos, planilhas, avaliações e textos produzidos pelos professores e bolsistas. A análise das referidas fontes evidenciaram conluio de interesses no período de internacionalização da economia brasileira, criando as condições materiais, técnicas e humanas para a execução dos acordos Brasil/USAID. A interpretação das fontes revelaram-nos que as teorias e metodologias usadas pelos Centro reproduzia uma orientação escolanovista, já ultrapassada nos Estados Unidos, mas que passa a ser usada durante a Ditadura Militar como mecanismo de controle social sem recorrer a violência explícita, pois aplicadas nas escolas, lócus de preservação e distribuição cultural. Os relatos dos bolsistas indicam que mudanças foram sutilmente introduzidas alterando seus valores, comportamentos e práticas pedagógicas, assim como sua percepção de escola, da cidade e das relações socioculturais e políticas engendradas entre as instâncias do poder constituído e a sociedade catalana. As representações construídas pelos bolsistas revelam que os conteúdos transmitidos foram assimilados e condicionaram sua percepção de mundo, de sociedade, e que para o bom funcionamento da cidade havia uma hierarquia entre poderes e posições sociais a ser respeitado, sem contestação e cabia ao indivíduo, agora identificado com os valores da pátria, assumir para si os encargos públicos antes atribuídos ao Estado.
Abstract: This text analyses the teacher training, carried out according to the public policies reached in MEC/USAID/UNESCO agreements, in the post Second World War, which resulted in the creation of Primary Teaching Training Centers, from 1961 to 1983, in Catalão, Goiás. These training courses, with technical orientation on education, started to run during Mauro Borges' Government after the Military Coup in 1964, in order to plan and rationalize the investments in education. The key element of the agreements signed, was the formation of a "mass" society through the democratization of education, of material goods and through the acquisition of things, the market. The material used in this teaching process was developed by teams which were orientated and linked to the Brazilian-American Program for the Primary Education (PABAEE). The specifics of this formation which took place in boarding schools in a full-time period aimed to improve the productivity and the quality of the Elementary School and the "Normal" School. The main primary sources used in this research were found in the files of the "Núcleo de Estudos e Pesquisas em Educação de Catalão (NEPEDUCA) (Study and Research Center for Education, in Catalão), located in the Federal University of Goiás (UFG), Catalão Campus, where it was allowed our access not only to the projects to set up the Experimental Centers for Teaching Training, but also to the lesson plans, worksheets, evaluations and texts created by teachers and scholars with a scholarship. The analysis of the aforementioned sources made it quite clear that during the period of internationalization of the Brazilian economy, the technical, human and material conditions were settled in order to reach Brazil / USAID agreement. The interpretation of the sources showed that the theories and methodologies used by the Centers reproduced a "escolanovista" orientation which wasn't popular in the United States anymore, but which started being used during Military Coup as a social control mechanism without the necessity to make use of explicit violence, as applied in schools, locus of cultural preservation and distribution. The scholars with a scholarship reported that changes were subtly introduced altering values, behaviors and pedagogical practices. Their perception of the school, of the city and of the political and socio-cultural relationships engendered between the power which was constituted and the Catalana society was also altered. The representations built by the scholars with a scholarship show that the contents taught were learnt and understood. Their perception of the world, and the society were conditioned and in order to make the city works and operates well there was an hierarchy of power and social positions to be respected, without any kind of objection, and the individuals, now identified according to the values of the homeland, had to take over public charges previously attributed to the State.
Doutorado
Historia, Filosofia e Educação
Doutor em Educação

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Missiato, Victor Augusto Ramos. "Entre a nova república e as velhas autonomias : as relações civis-militares nos governos FHC e LULA (1996-2008) /". Franca : [s.n.], 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93189.

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Orientador: Héctor Luis Saint-Pierre
Banca: Érica Cristina Alexandre Winand
Banca: Eduardo Mei
Resumo: Neste trabalho analisamos e comparamos as políticas para a Defesa no Brasil durante os governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2008), levando em consideração as relações entre o poder público e os militares no decorrer desses anos. Nos dois períodos, abordamos as questões conjunturais na formação da Política de Defesa Nacional (1996) e do Ministério da Defesa (1999) durante o governo FHC e, no governo Lula, a atualização da PDN (2005) e a publicação da Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008). Nesse processo, focamos a posição de militares do Exército sobre os temas referentes à defesa nacional, refletidas nas dissertações dos cursos da Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (ECEME), entre os anos 1996-2008. A partir dessas análises, nosso objetivo é identificar a maneira como foram conduzidas as relações civis-militares na Nova República
Abstract: This work intends to compare and to analyze the Brazilian defense policies during the presidencies of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2008). Our approach will emphasize the conjunctural questions in the formation of Politica de Defesa Nacional (1996) and of the Ministério da Defesa (1999) - during FHC administration -, and during the presidency of Lula we will point out the update of PDN (2005) and the creation of Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008). In this process, our focus will be the positions of military personnel from the Army concerning national defense - theme presented in the works developed in Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (ECEME) between 1996-2008. From these analyses, our goal is to identify the way were conducted civil-military relations in the new Republic
Mestre

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Costa, Davisson Henrique Araújo da. "O que é ser policial militar?: Percepções de integrantes da polícia militar da Paraíba sobre o "militarismo" na instituição". Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2016. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/9526.

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The current social situation is characterized by a significant increase in crime rates, demanding an increasingly effective operation of the agencies responsible for public security. In this context, the military police are seen by the media and by human rights organizations as one of the institutions that are most responsible for violating fundamental rights. Experts argue that one of the causes of such violations is the militarization of the police and the consequent authoritarianism present in their practices, which reveals the need to investigate this phenomenon. Therefore, to effectively understand the institution, it is necessary also to know the views of its members. In this sense, this research investigates the perceptions of military policemen of Paraíba about what is militarism for them and for the organization. It is discussed, then, the existing duality between militarism maintenance discourse and the demilitarization discourse, in order to identify and relate to each other perceptions and positions of the military policemen about the role of militarism for the institution, its positive and negative aspects. Thus, the study was characterized as a field research and documentary research of qualitative nature, being conducted semi-structured interviews with thirty military police. Based on the literature that addresses the issue, it broke the hypothesis that the military police, for the most part, which is composed mainly of soldiers, they see militarism as an inadequate model for the effective performance of the public safety services, since it is filled with relations of domination that prevent the configuration of a truly citizen police. As a result, the hypothesis was confirmed, and also was revealed a clear distinction between the ways of seeing the militarism of the soldiers and the officers. The soldiers reject the militarism widely while the officers only suggest an adaptation of the organization to democratic context without, however, removing the militarized structure.
A atual conjuntura social é caracterizada por um aumento significativo nos índices de criminalidade, demandando uma atuação cada vez mais efetiva dos órgãos responsáveis pela segurança pública. Nesse contexto, as polícias militares são apontadas pela mídia e organizações de defesa dos Direitos Humanos como uma das instituições que mais violam esses direitos fundamentais. Teóricos argumentam que uma das causas de tais violações é a militarização da polícia e consequente autoritarismo presente em suas práticas, o que revela a necessidade de se investigar tal fenômeno. Sendo assim, para se compreender efetivamente a instituição, faz-se necessário conhecer também os pontos de vista dos seus integrantes. Nesse sentido, a presente pesquisa investiga as percepções dos policiais militares da Paraíba acerca do que representa o militarismo para eles e para a organização. Questiona-se, pois, a dualidade existente entre os discursos de manutenção do militarismo e o discurso da desmilitarização, de modo a identificar e relacionar entre si as percepções e posicionamentos dos policiais militares sobre o papel do militarismo para a instituição, seus aspectos positivos e negativos. Assim, o estudo se caracterizou como uma pesquisa de campo e documental de cunho qualitativo, sendo realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com trinta policiais militares, sendo vinte praças e dez oficiais. Com base na literatura que aborda o tema, partiu-se da hipótese de que os policiais militares, em sua maior parte, sendo esta composta majoritariamente por praças, veem o militarismo como um modelo inadequado para uma efetiva prestação dos serviços de Segurança Pública, uma vez que se encontra preenchido por relações de dominação que impedem a configuração de uma polícia realmente cidadã. Como resultados, a hipótese pôde ser comprovada, sendo revelada ainda uma evidente distinção entre os modos de ver o militarismo dos praças e dos oficiais. Os primeiros o rejeitam amplamente enquanto os últimos apenas sugerem uma adaptação da organização ao contexto democrático, sem, contudo, retirar a estrutura militarizada.

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Silva, Karina da [UNESP]. "Os recrutamentos militares e as relações sociedade-Estado na Capitania/Província de São Paulo (1765-1828)". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93301.

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Os recrutamentos militares foram uma realidade na Capitania de São Paulo, desde o século XVIII. Os conflitos na Bacia do Prata, na busca de delimitar as fronteiras da América portuguesa e espanhola, exigiram a organização de uma estrutura militar no Brasil. Para sediar essa estrutura foi escolhida a referida Capitania. A união de interesses, de segmentos da elite paulista e da Coroa portuguesa, possibilitou a consolidação da militarização da Capitania ao longo da segunda metade do século XVIII. Todavia, a dinamização da economia e da sociedade paulista, a partir das últimas décadas do século XVIII e início do XIX, entrou em conflito com a militarização ali desenvolvida. O presente trabalho buscou analisar as diferenças entre os recrutamentos realizados em São Paulo nesses dois momentos, focando as relações entre a sociedade e o Estado na organização e manutenção da estrutura militar.
The military recruitment had been a reality in São Paulo, since the 18th century. The conflicts at the Silver Drainage Basin, in search to delimit the Portuguese and Spanish America borders, they had demanded to orgazine the military structure in Brazil. Hosting this structure São Paulo Captainship was chosen. The union of interests, segments of São Paulo s elite and the Portuguese Crown, made it possible the militarization of Captainship consolidation throughout the second half of 18th century. However, the joining of the economy and the paulista society, from the last decades from the 18th and beginning of 19th century, it got in conflict with the militarization developed there. The current paper searched to analyze the differences between the recruitment fulfilled in São Paulo at these two moments, focusing the relations between the society and the State over the organization and maintenance of the military structure.

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Talamante, Pérez Manuel. "Las élites socioeconómicas del Uruguay en la época de la modernización y del militarismo : análisis de redes (1876-1903)". Thesis, Toulouse 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019TOU20028.

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Cette recherche analyse le fonctionnement et les dynamiques d’un réseau social qui a soutenu la mise en place en Uruguay du Gouvernement militariste de Lorenzo Latorre en 1876. Ce gouvernement s’est perpétué pendant quatre ans jusqu’à l’arrivée de la figure de Maximo Santos, qui a poursuivi ce modèle politique. Cette thèse se propose d’analyser comment s’est articulé le groupe de soutien issu de deux réunions qui ont favorisé ce processus politique, c’est-à-dire, une première réunion, qui a eu lieu le 10 mars 1876, à laquelle ont participé 38 acteurs, et une seconde, à laquelle ont participé 21 individus dont Latorre lui-même. L’objectif principal de ce travail est de montrer les différents liens qu’entretenaient les différents membres du groupe de soutien au militarisme et les éléments internes de celui-ci. De même, il s’agit de visualiser les réseaux qui ont été tissés en dehors du groupe et les intérêts qui rendirent possibles ces événements manrquants l’histoire uruguayenne. D’un point de vue social, politique et économique, nous analysons les dynamiques qui se déroulent à l’intérieur du groupe et qui aident à comprendre le fonctionnement d’une partie de la société orientale. Les motivations et les approches de travail différenciées donnant des résultats très intéressants des stratégies adoptées dans ce contexte. Pour répondre à cet objetif, diverses sources et ressources ont été analysées en Uruguay, aussi bien des archives publiques que des fonds privés et des collections d’institutions sociales, commerciales et politiques qui selon moi ont été et sont pertinentes pour comprendre le fonctionnement de la structure relationnelle étudiée. Pour travailler sur ce sujet et ses sources, nous avons priviliégié la méthodologie de l’analyse des réseaux sociaux et de la prosopographie afin de proposer une nouvelle approche de l’historiographie uruguayenne et de faire connaître le parcours d’acteurs inconnus jusqu’à présent
This research analyses the functioning and dynamics of a social network that supported the establishment in Uruguay of the Lorenzo Latorre Military Government in 1876. This government was perpetuated for four years until the arrival of the figure of Máximo Santos, who continued with this political model. The analysis focuses on the articulation of the support group resulting from two meetings that have fostered this political process, that is, an initial meeting, which took place on 10 March 1876, in which 38 stakeholders participated, and one second, in which 21 individuals took part, counting Latorre himself. In total, 59 actors are working on relationships. The main objective of this work is to show the different ties, links and social relations between the various members of the group supporting militarism and the internal intricacies of it. Similarly, it is intended to visualize the networks that were woven outside the group and the interests that made possible those events that marked the Uruguayan history. From a social, political and economic point of view, one reflects on the dynamics which take place within the group and which help to understand the functioning of a part of Eastern society. As well as the different motivations and approaches to work giving very interesting results of the strategies adopted in this context. In response to the above, various sources and resources have been implemented in Uruguay, ranging from public archives to private funds to collections of social institutions, the trade and political policies that we believe have been and are relevant to understanding the functioning of the relationship structure being studied. To work on this subject and its sources, we used the methodology of the Analysis of social networks and prosopography by bringing a new approach to Uruguayan historiography, and to make known the realities of actors unknown until now
Esta investigación analiza el funcionamiento y las dinámicas de una red social que apoyó la instauración en Uruguay, del gobierno militarista de Lorenzo Latorre en 1876. Dicho gobierno, se perpetuó durante cuatro años hasta la llegada de la figura de Máximo Santos, que continuó con dicho modelo político. El análisis se centra en la articulación del grupo de apoyo obtenido de dos reuniones que favorecieron este proceso político, es decir, una primera reunión acontecida en 10 de marzo de 1876, en la que participaron 38 actores; y una segunda, en la que confluyeron 21 individuos contando al propio Latorre. En total, se trabajan las relaciones de 59 actores. El objetivo principal de este trabajo es mostrar los diferentes lazos, vínculos y relaciones sociales entre los diversos miembros del grupo de apoyo al militarismo y los entresijos internos del mismo. De igual forma, se pretende visualizar las redes que se tejieron fuera del grupo y los intereses que hicieron posible tuvieran lugar dichos eventos que marcaron la historia uruguaya. Desde un prisma social, político y económico, se reflexiona sobre las dinámicas acontecidas en el interior del grupo y que ayudan a comprender el funcionamiento de una parte de la sociedad oriental. Así como las motivaciones y enfoques de trabajo diferenciados dando unos resultados muy interesantes de las estrategias adoptadas durante este contexto. Para responder a lo aquí expuesto, se han trabajado diversas fuentes y recursos en Uruguay, desde archivos públicos pasando por acervos privados, hasta colecciones de instituciones sociales, comerciales y políticas que creemos han sido y son relevantes para comprender el funcionamiento de la estructura relacional estudiada. Para trabajar este sujeto y fuentes, se ha usado la metodología del Análisis de Redes Sociales y la prosopografía aportando un enfoque novedoso a la historiografía uruguaya, y dando a conocer las realidades de unos actores desconocidos hasta el momento

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Missiato, Victor Augusto Ramos [UNESP]. "Entre a nova república e as velhas autonomias: as relações civis-militares nos governos FHC e LULA (1996-2008)". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93189.

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Neste trabalho analisamos e comparamos as políticas para a Defesa no Brasil durante os governos Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2008), levando em consideração as relações entre o poder público e os militares no decorrer desses anos. Nos dois períodos, abordamos as questões conjunturais na formação da Política de Defesa Nacional (1996) e do Ministério da Defesa (1999) durante o governo FHC e, no governo Lula, a atualização da PDN (2005) e a publicação da Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008). Nesse processo, focamos a posição de militares do Exército sobre os temas referentes à defesa nacional, refletidas nas dissertações dos cursos da Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (ECEME), entre os anos 1996-2008. A partir dessas análises, nosso objetivo é identificar a maneira como foram conduzidas as relações civis-militares na Nova República
This work intends to compare and to analyze the Brazilian defense policies during the presidencies of Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2008). Our approach will emphasize the conjunctural questions in the formation of Politica de Defesa Nacional (1996) and of the Ministério da Defesa (1999) - during FHC administration -, and during the presidency of Lula we will point out the update of PDN (2005) and the creation of Estratégia Nacional de Defesa (2008). In this process, our focus will be the positions of military personnel from the Army concerning national defense – theme presented in the works developed in Escola de Comando e Estado-Maior do Exército (ECEME) between 1996-2008. From these analyses, our goal is to identify the way were conducted civil-military relations in the new Republic

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Beitum, Rodrigo Valverde [UNESP]. "Crédito rural, agricultura e regime militar: a política de desenvolvimento agrícola (1965-1979)". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93312.

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A participação do Estado, frente à expansão da agricultura comercial, foi intensa no período pós-64. O Governo buscou o desenvolvimento econômico brasileiro tendo como base a expansão agrícola. A modernização das atividades do campo era considerada elemento fundamental à ampliação dos demais setores da sociedade. O setor primário seria responsável pelo equilíbrio econômico nacional, ao mesmo tempo em que produziria divisas capazes de financiar os demais setores. O Crédito Rural foi o instrumento adotado para incentivar esse desenvolvimento. Junto aos subsídios ajustados às atividades econômicas atreladas ao campo, ele foi responsável pela utilização intensiva de fertilizantes, pela mecanização das atividades agrícolas, pelo aumento da produtividade e pela abertura do mercado externo. Suas atividades relacionadas aos subsídios se mantiveram até o final da década de 1970, quando o Governo decidiu mudar a forma de incentivar a produção agrícola, abandonando a política de crédito agrícola subsidiado em favor da...
The participation of the State, based on the expansion of the commercial agriculture, was intense in the year of post 64. The government searched for the economic development based on the agriculture development. The modernized activities were a crucial element to the increase of other branches of the society. The primary branch would be responsible for the national economic balance at the same time that it would produce borders capable of financiering the others. The Farm Credit was the policy adopted to motivate this development. Together with the subsidy adjusted to the economic activities pegged to the field. It was responsible for the utilization intensified of the fertilizer. By the mechanization of the agriculture activities, by the increase of the productivity and by the opening of the external market. However, its activities related to the subsidy happen to the end of the 1970s. At that moment the government decided to... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

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Martins, Eliezer Pereira. "A hipercodificação e a mortificação do “eu”, a docilização dos corpos e o panoptismo na deontologia e no ordenamento disciplinar militar do Estado de São Paulo: um exame sociofilosófico do militarismo policial". Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2017. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/20379.

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Life in the barracks is dictated by a multiplicity of normative commands that organic scan the behavior of the individual-military", particularly when it comes to functional routinization done by the military police. This is a process of interna corporis socialization that acts inside of the dynamics formation of military and police identity, and represents a traditional symbolic capital of institutional power of the military apparatus of the State. In fact, mark symbolically the individuals subject to the police culture, using specific features of "total institution" to the police rows. Thus, the profile of the identity of the military's civilian is gradually the mortification of mechanisms of the "I" conjured up by an instrumental logic of an axiological military discipline hermetically “closed” and distanced, from the point of view of politics, and the values of democracy, republic, and humanities. Given this, here it is claimed that the military "disciplines", in turn, establishes a general system of control and docilization of military conducts closely linked to the Panopticon system, which ensures an efficient and exemplary punishment of acts considered as deviants of military standards. Given this, here it is tried to identify that the hipercodification of the law system of the military police of São Paulo state, in Brazil, was inspired by the speech of the "military-moral". It constitutes the “I” mortification technique by docilization of the military bodies and the disciplinary panoptism. Finally, it is demonstrated here the need to reduce the field of completeness and disciplinary strategies of the legal system of the military police of São Paulo, which leads to the creation of a model of discipline aesthetically military aligned to the interests of society, justice system and the establishment of the fundamental rights of the military police. This kind of discipline needs to be aligned to the construction of a police identity in tune with humanistic values, what marks the originality of the thesis sustained in this work, marked mostly by philosophical musings of Michel Foucault
A vida na caserna é ditada por uma multiplicidade orgânica de comandos normativos que esquadrinham o comportamento do “indivíduo-militar”, particularmente no que toca à rotinização funcional exercida pelos policiais militares. Trata-se de um processo de socialização interna corporis que atua na dinâmica formativa da identidade policial militar e representa tradicionalmente um notável capital simbólico de poder institucional dos aparelhos militares do Estado brasileiro. Com efeito, marcam-se simbolicamente os indivíduos sujeitos à cultura policial, empregando-se caraterísticas próprias de “instituição total” às fileiras policiais. Assim, o perfil da identidade civil do militar é submetido gradualmente a mecanismos de mortificação do “eu” engendrados por uma lógica instrumental axiológica de disciplina militar hermeticamente “fechada” e distanciada, sob o ponto de vista político, de valores democráticos, republicanos e humanísticos. Diante disso, sustenta-se que as “disciplinas” militares, por sua vez, instauram um regime geral de controle e docilização das condutas militares intimamente ligadas ao sistema panóptico de vigilância, o que garante uma exemplar e eficiente punição de atos considerados desviantes dos padrões militares, inclusive. Diante disso, identifica-se que a hipercodificação do ordenamento jurídico disciplinar dos policiais militares do Estado de São Paulo, inspirada no discurso da “moral-militar”, constitui técnica de mortificação do “eu”, de docilização dos corpos militares e do panoptismo disciplinar. Por fim, demonstra-se a necessidade de redução do campo de estratégias totalizantes e disciplinares do ordenamento jurídico da policial militar paulista, o que leva à criação de um modelo de disciplina esteticamente militar que se alinhe aos interesses da sociedade, ao sistema de justiça e à efetivação dos direitos fundamentais do policial militar e à construção de uma identidade policial afinada com os valores humanísticos, o que marca o ineditismo da Tese sustentada neste trabalho, balizada, principalmente, pelas reflexões filosóficas de Michel Foucault

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Hendrix, Henry J. "The roots of Japanese militarism". Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/34001.

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Militarism in pre-World War Two Japan was a product of Japan's culture, manifested within its distinctive internal domestic institutions, stimulated by the encroaching external pressures, and is distinct from militarism anywhere else in the world. The culture of Japan emphasized the group over the individual, a strong sense of hierarchy, and a profound pride in the divine nature of the national essence. The abrupt intrusion of the technologically advanced Western civilization triggered an "insider-outsider" mentality within Japan that rejected participation in the Western diplomatic, and economic cabals which denied Japan its true equal (or, to some, superior) position in the community of nations. Japan's pre-war militarism clearly can be defined as the mobilization of the entire society, drawing upon an essentially homogeneous outlook, to achieve a position within the international system which reflected the cultural perception of Japan's "chosen" status (derived from centuries of Shinto influence) within the family of man. The martial segments within Japanese society used the "alien" international system, largely defined at the time in Imperial colonial military terms, to buttress the martial segments within Japanese society and to justify the expansion of their influence.

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Quinney, Nigel Peter. "Edwardian militarism and working class youth". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.385630.

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Lautze, Susan Lorraine. "Militarised livelihoods in Uganda". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.539971.

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Beitum, Rodrigo Valverde. "Crédito rural, agricultura e regime militar : a política de desenvolvimento agrícola (1965-1979) /". Assis : [s.n.], 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93312.

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Orientador: Claudinei Magno Magre Mendes
Banca: Áureo Busetto
Banca: Carmem Lúcia Gomes de Salis
Resumo: A participação do Estado, frente à expansão da agricultura comercial, foi intensa no período pós-64. O Governo buscou o desenvolvimento econômico brasileiro tendo como base a expansão agrícola. A modernização das atividades do campo era considerada elemento fundamental à ampliação dos demais setores da sociedade. O setor primário seria responsável pelo equilíbrio econômico nacional, ao mesmo tempo em que produziria divisas capazes de financiar os demais setores. O Crédito Rural foi o instrumento adotado para incentivar esse desenvolvimento. Junto aos subsídios ajustados às atividades econômicas atreladas ao campo, ele foi responsável pela utilização intensiva de fertilizantes, pela mecanização das atividades agrícolas, pelo aumento da produtividade e pela abertura do mercado externo. Suas atividades relacionadas aos subsídios se mantiveram até o final da década de 1970, quando o Governo decidiu mudar a forma de incentivar a produção agrícola, abandonando a política de crédito agrícola subsidiado em favor da... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The participation of the State, based on the expansion of the commercial agriculture, was intense in the year of post 64. The government searched for the economic development based on the agriculture development. The modernized activities were a crucial element to the increase of other branches of the society. The primary branch would be responsible for the national economic balance at the same time that it would produce borders capable of financiering the others. The Farm Credit was the policy adopted to motivate this development. Together with the subsidy adjusted to the economic activities pegged to the field. It was responsible for the utilization intensified of the fertilizer. By the mechanization of the agriculture activities, by the increase of the productivity and by the opening of the external market. However, its activities related to the subsidy happen to the end of the 1970s. At that moment the government decided to... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre

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Fouse, David B. "The role of antimilitarism in postwar Japanese political legitimacy". Thesis, University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2002. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=765044431&SrchMode=1&sid=4&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1208544298&clientId=23440.

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Justo, Mario Augusto Cardoso. "Os legados e as heranças do regime militar de 1964 ao espaço geográfico-territorial brasileiro". Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-08032016-141651/.

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A presente pesquisa trata sobre alguns dos principais legados e heranças que o regime militar de 1964-1985 trouxe ao Brasil. Num primeiro momento abordou-se a formação sócio-política da América Latina, se restringindo mais especificamente à América do Sul, chegando-se ao período que genericamente conhecemos por populismo. E, na sequência, um panorama histórico dos regimes militares que permearam a vida política de várias nações sul-americanas, como Peru, Chile e Argentina, a partir da década de 1960. A análise torna-se centrada no Brasil, a partir da exposição da participação dos militares na política nacional, desde a proclamação da República, em 1889, passando-se pela República Velha, a Era Vargas (1930-1945) e pelo período democrático, iniciado em 1946, até a renúncia de Jânio Quadros, em 1961. Ao chegar-se no período de João Goulart (1961-1964), a análise se torna mais detalhada por aquele ter sido o governo derrubado pelo golpe de 1964. Segue-se um panorama histórico bastante abrangente dos cinco presidentes-generais que governaram o Brasil entre 1964 a 1985: Castelo Branco; Costa e Silva; Médici; Ernesto Geisel; e João Figueiredo. Naquele momento, o trabalho se detém num exame mais acurado do milagre econômico; dos anos de chumbo; da distensão ou abertura; e da transição democrática, com o movimento das Diretas-Já e o Colégio Eleitoral que elegeu Tancredo Neves, presidente da República, em 1985. Após esta longa retomada histórica, são abordados os legados e as heranças do regime militar ao espaço geográfico-territorial brasileiro tomando-se como fio norteador o conceito e o processo de modernização conservadora/centralizadora. Este processo é analisado desde as suas raízes, na Revolução de 1930 e início da Era Vargas, destacando-se o Estado Novo varguista (1937-1945), prosseguindo-se pelo período democrático pós-1946, tratando-se, em especial, do outro governo de Getúlio Vargas (1951-1954) e o de Juscelino Kubitschek (1956-1960). E chega-se ao regime militar iniciado em 1964. O foco desta parte do trabalho são as políticas territoriais adotadas e implementadas pelo governo federal ao longo dessas diferentes fases político-institucionais do Brasil e que afetaram o território nacional trazendo reflexos até hoje, bem como a implantação, estruturação e a consolidação de redes por parte dos governos militares pós- 1964 como a de transportes, a urbana, a de telecomunicações, a elétrica, etc., procurando-se salientar que essa modernização autoritária, imposta pelo governo central brasileiro, apresentou notória continuidade apesar das mudanças político-institucionais que o Brasil experimentou naquelas décadas, fazendo-se então um balanço dos legados e das heranças que esse modelo modernizante, reforçado sobremaneira pelo regime militar, trouxe ao espaço geográfico e território brasileiro, em nome da unificação e da integração nacionais. Finalmente, este trabalho faz uma breve retomada histórica da Geografia Política e da Geopolítica,desde o século XIX até ao século XX, posteriormente adentrando-se no pensamento geopolítico brasileiro, desde a década de 1930 até a visão triunfalista do Brasil-Potência dos anos 1970, com especial destaque ao pensamento de Golbery do Couto e Silva. E depois, as críticas à esta visão triunfalista e ao pensamento geopolítico no Brasil, com a necessidade de se repensar a Geografia Política em nosso país.
The present research about some major legacies to the 1964-1985 military regime brought to Brazil. At first approached the formation social and policy of Latin America, if restricting more specifically to South America, the period generally known as populism. And, as a result, a history of the military regimes that permeated the political life of several South American Nations, such as Peru, Chile and Argentina, from the early 60s. The analysis becomes centered in Brazil, from the exposure of military participation in national politics, since the proclamation of the Republic in 1889, passing by the old Republic, the Vargas Era (1930-1945) and the democratic period, which started in 1946, until the resignation of President Jânio Quadros in 1961. Upon arriving in the period of João Goulart (1961-1964), the analysis becomes more detail for that have been the Government overthrown by the coup détat of 1964. Below is a comprehensive historical overview of the five Presidents-generals who ruled Brazil between 1964 to 1985: Castelo Branco; Costa e Silva; Medici; Ernesto Geisel; and João Figueiredo. At that time, the work comes to a halt in a more accurate examination of the \"economic miracle\"; the \"years of lead\"; the \"bloating\" or opening; and the democratic transition, with the movement of the \"direct\" and the electoral college that elected Tancredo Neves, President of the Republic, in 1985. After this long historical resume, are covered and the legacies of the military regime to the geographical space-Brazilian territorial taking as \"guiding wire\" the concept and the conservative modernization process/centering. This process is analyzed from its roots in the revolution of 1930 and early Vargas highlighting New Vargas State (1937-1945), continuing the democratic period post 1946, dealing, in particular, of another Government of Getúlio Vargas (1951-1954) and the Juscelino Kubitschek (1956-1960). And arrive at the military regime started in 1964. The focus of this part of the job are territorial policies adopted and implemented by the federal Government over these different political and institutional stages of Brazil and that affected the country bringing reflections until today, as well as deployment, structuring and consolidation of networks by military governments post 1964 as urbanization, transports, telecommunications, electric , etc., should be noted that this authoritarian modernization, imposed by the central Government of Brazil, presented notorious continuity despite political and institutional changes that Brazil experienced in those decades, doing a legacy and balance of the legacies that this model of modernization greatly reinforced by the military regime, brought to the geographical space and Brazilian territory, in the name of national integration and unification. Finally, this work makes a brief resumption of political geography and Geopolitics since the 19th century until the 20th century, later entering in the Brazilian geopolitical thinking, since the 1930 until the vision \"triumphalist\" of \"Brazil-power\" of the 70´s, with special emphasis on thought of Golbery do Couto e Silva. And then, the criticism of this vision \"triumphalist\" and geopolitical thinking in Brazil, with the need to rethink the political geography in our country.

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Meyer, Karen Ashley. "Disarming Athena militarism from Homeric epics to Callimachus /". Tallahassee, Fla. : Florida State University, 2010. http://purl.fcla.edu/fsu/lib/digcoll/undergraduate/honors-theses/2181962.

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Johnson, Matthew. "Militarism and the left in Britain, 1902-1914". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.547766.

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Efthymiou, Stratis Andreas. "Nationalism, militarism and masculinity in post-2003 Cyprus". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2015. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/54049/.

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This thesis addresses the relationship between Greek Cypriot nationalism, militarism and masculinity following the opening of the borders in Cyprus between North and South in 2003. Drawing upon empirical research conducted in Cyprus in 2011, the thesis argues that there is an integral relation between nationalism, militarism and masculinity and that since the opening of the borders, there has been a re-constitution of this relationship. In the re-constitution of this relationship what appears as the weakening of each component is illustrated to be an adapted reiteration of its co-constitution under new social and political parameters. This adapted reiteration is a continuation of the Greek Cypriot perceived nationalist militarist masculinist stance of power in the conflict situation against ‘occupation' and explains, amongst other post – 2003 nationalist, militarist and masculinist reiterations, as to why the opening of the borders has not helped in the bringing together of the two communities. On the contrary, in fact, in some cases the adapted reiterations have helped new divisions to emerge. The research reveals that the inextricability of masculinity in this three-fold co-constitutive relationship is significant in the adapted reiteration of an identity, which exists beneath the politically symbolic or institutional level – and is hindering the process of reconciliation. It is argued that despite there being a shifting away of the hegemonic masculinity of men from the national struggle, and thus also the conscription service, towards a transnational entrepreneurial masculinity, there remains a broader masculinist discourse in this co-constitutive relationship, which I name in this thesis as nationalist militarised masculinity. This is significant because it is a discourse that is integral to this Greek Cypriot nationalist militarist masculinist stance, with its adapted reiterations, that creates obstacles for reconciliation. The results of this thesis highlight the necessity of addressing the co-constitution of nationalism, militarism and masculinity in Cyprus and likewise in other post-armed conflict societies.

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Rossdale, Chris. "Anarchism, anti-militarism, and the politics of security". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2013. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/57615/.

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This thesis seeks to conceptualise an anarchist response to the politics of security. Understanding security as a discourse of conceptual and political mastery, and as therefore resistant to incorporation within a framework of emancipation, it argues that anarchism offers theoretical and practical resources through which creative insurrections in the political-metaphysical fabric of security might be made. The thesis is built around an ethnography of UK-based anti-militarist activism, interpreting a variety of practices, tactics and strategies through a conception of anarchism which emphasises prefigurative direct action and a ceaseless resistance to relations and discourses of domination and hegemony. Three central interventions in the logics of security are identified. The first involves the subversion of the hegemonic ontology of agency which can be identified across both traditional and critical understandings of security; those anti-militarists under examination do not appeal to „the state‟ to redress their grievances and insecurities, preferring instead to „directly‟ engage in practices of security. The second intervention emphasises those forms of anti-militarism which can be seen to subvert the security/insecurity binaries themselves, and to open spaces and possibilities beyond the totalising frameworks which constitute our contemporary politics of security. The third examines those moments and movements where, as they subvert these binaries, anti-militarists prefigure forms of subjectivity which displace those forms of rationality and relationality which underpin the politics of security (and militarism). Together these three interventions destabilise the politics of security in ways which offer powerful opportunities for rethinking and resisting contemporary forms of political domination and violence. This also functions as an argument about the politics of resistance, which is conceptualised here not as a programmatic, strategic or confrontational posture, but a tactical, prefigurative and anarchic exploration of becoming otherwise.

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Rohkrämer, Thomas. "Der Militarismus der kleinen Leute : die Kriegervereine im Deutschen Kaiserreich 1871-1914 /". München : R. Oldenbourg, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb36658028k.

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Buss, Hansjörg. ""Banal Militarism" 15. und 16. Oktober 2004 in Marburg". Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2008/2064/.

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Spencer, Stephen C. "Japan's Push to Rearm: Neo-Militarism or Self-Preservation". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1118.

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This piece tries to determine whether or not Japan’s movement towards rearmament is indicative of a renewed militaristic sentiment or driven by the necessity of improving its defense in view of mounting threats from its age-old enemy, China. The goal of this work is to create a framework using both international events and domestic responses in which to ascertain whether or not the reformation of Article 9 is, in of itself, a reemergence of pre-war bushido/nationalist sentiment or a response to both outside and inside influences necessitating the need for a “normalized” state. The work focuses on three distinct time periods – early 2000s, latter 2000s, and the 2010s – in which to highlight the initial development, progression, and foreseeable resolution to the Article 9 debate. These stages emphasize several elements persistent in Japan’s quest for a more normalized state, including: the hostile external environment created by the rise of foreign assertiveness, and internal domestic pressures (which to some extent are driven by external pressures) along with its own desire to seek a more normalized position in the international community as well as to gain an enhanced sense of national pride. Additionally a brief synopsis of both the foreign and domestic entities which have contributed to the Japanese reformation movement has been included for better foundational understanding of the question at hand. In general, results suggested that, though there is some merit towards a reemergence of pre-WWII nationalistic sentiment (especially in the case of the Net Uyoku), the reformation of Article 9 is primarily driven in response to growing tensions – both within East Asia as well as world-wide – as well as a need to assert some semblance of nationalistic identity (an area seriously lacking in Japanese society). Results further implicate that, though the process of reforming Article 9 and thereby revising Japan’s anti-war policy may not be immediate, movement within the Japanese state towards constitutional reformation is indeed on the rise – rearmament being the primary target of said reforms.

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Foster, Douglas. "Militarism in Tajikistan: Realities of Post-Soviet Nation Building". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/19684.

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Shortly after the breakup of the Soviet Union, the newly independent Central Asian republic of Tajikistan fell into a brutal civil war (1992-97) that exacerbated internal divisions based on ethno-regional groupings. In the following decade, the new government formed its own armed forces while maintaining the presence of the Russian 201st Motorized Rifle Division in the country. This made Tajikistan the only former Soviet republic that did not inherit the Soviet units located within its territory; thus, Tajikistan formed its own national military. This dissertation examines the effect of military service on the development of national sentiments in the Tajikistan, focusing on three main points: 1)the practice of military recruitment, 2) the conditions within the national military, and 3) the available option for Tajikistan nationals to serve in active military units of the Russian Federation. The autocratic Tajikistan government’s state symbolism is associated with the importance and glory of the military. However, the population has shown a strong distaste for service in this military, and the state’s approach to recruitment is both a response to this aversion and a contributor to it. I show that military recruiters’ use of an illegal but tacitly accepted practice of impressment called “oblava” (Russian: roundup) during bi-annual conscription drives has negative consequences for the development of national sentiments and state legitimacy. This conscription method is coupled with a lack of pay, training, adequate food, and health care during a member’s service. The conditions within the Tajikistan military stand in contrast to those within the Russian military, which has units based in Tajikistan and into which Tajikistan nationals may enlist as contract soldiers. I conclude by conceptualizing the majority of military service in Tajikistan as the state use of biopower to control young males in a territory with a rapid population growth rate but few economic opportunities while relying on the Russian Federation for its existential defense.

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An, Hyoju. "Evolution of Security Identity of Domestic Antimilitarism and Roles of Political Parties: Case Studies of Japan and Germany". Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2009/Dec/09Dec_An.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Fareast, Southeast Asia, Pacific) )--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2009.
Thesis Advisor(s): Weiner, Robert J. ; Abenheim, Donald "December 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 26, 2010 Author subject terms: Security Identity, Antimilitarism, Political Party, Japan, Germany, The War on Terrorism in Afghanistan, The Bosnian War, The SDF dispatch, Out-of-Area Missions. Includes bibliographical references (p. 125-140). Also available in print.

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Amusquivar, Érika Laurinda 1984. "O papel da política de segurança dos Estados Unidos no Sistema Internacional no pós-Guerra Fria". [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279370.

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Orientador: Sebastião Carlos Velasco e Cruz
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Esta dissertação de mestrado, intitulada O papel da política de segurança dos Estados Unidos no Sistema Internacional no pós-Guerra Fria, busca analisar a postura dos Estados Unidos em promover políticas militaristas ao instalar bases militares ao redor do mundo a partir do final do século XX e início do século XXI. Deriva-se dessa discussão dois debates. O primeiro - debate interno - foca na consecução da política de segurança dos Estados Unidos recomendado pelo think tank neoconservador PNAC (Project for the New American Century) por meio da consolidação do sistema de alianças militares entre Estados Unidos e da Europa - a Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte - OTAN. Essa política seria um ferramental estratégico para a manutenção da hegemonia estadunidense que, após os ataques terroristas de 11 de Setembro aos Estados Unidos, se incorporaria nos documentos oficiais de política de segurança do país. O segundo debate - externo - discorre sobre a insuficiência desse projeto ao criticar o modelo de política de segurança adotado. Partindo da premissa que essas políticas estiveram na contramão do que se apostava ao final dos anos 90, essa crítica se pauta na análise da mudança na política de segurança estadunidense, que não se sustentaria no novo século. Por isso o segundo debate contempla outros fatores primordiais desconsiderados pelo projeto neoconservador. Ressalta-se que o objeto referente à concretização da política de segurança do PNAC para o sistema de alianças da OTAN envolve um debate complexo - Império, imperialismo, militarismo - que não será abordado aqui senão tangencialmente, na medida em que o tratamento do nosso objeto o exigir. Isto porque são temas teoricamente densos, que exigiriam um estudo de outra envergadura
Abstract: This Master's Degree thesis, entitled The role of the Security Policy of the United States in the International System following the Cold War, seeks to analyze the posture of the United States in promoting militaristic policies to install military bases around the world from the late twentieth and early twenty-first century. From this discussion, two debates are derived. The first - the internal debate - focuses on achieving the security policy of the United States recommended by the neoconservative think thank PNAC (Project for the New American Century) by consolidating the system of military alliances between the United States and Europe - North Atlantic Treaty Organization-NATO. This Policy would be a strategic tool for the maintenance of the U.S. Hegemony that, after the September 11th terrorist attacks to the United States, would be incorporated in the official documents of the country's security policy. The second debate - external - stems from the failure of this project to criticize the security policy adopted. Assuming that these policies were contrary to the ideals supported by the late '90s, this critique is guided in the analysis of change in the U.S. security policy, which is not sustained in the new century. Therefore, the second debate addresses other key factors not considered by the neoconservative project. It is noteworthy that the object which relates to the implementation of the security policy of the PNAC for the alliance system of NATO involves a complex debate - Empire, Imperialism, Militarism - which will not be discussed, but tangentially, to the extent that the treatment of our object requires. The reason being that it involves theoretically dense issues, which would require a study of another magnitude
Mestrado
Relações Internacionais
Mestre em Ciência Política

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ZANLORENZI, SILVIA. "Diplomazia e alleanza tra Italia e Giappone negli Anni Trenta del Secolo Breve". Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Trieste, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/11368/2908484.

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Nell’ambito dell’alleanza nazi-fascista dell’Asse tra Roma, Berlino e Tokyo, il “segmento” italo-giapponese è quello che fino ad oggi, ha ricevuto minor attenzione, con una relativa scarsità di titoli anche da parte di studiosi italiani e giapponesi. Tramite l’analisi di fonti documentarie conservate presso l’Archivio storico-diplomatico del Ministero degli Affari Esteri italiano e l’Archivio Centrale dello Stato a Roma, l’indagine è stata svolta con lo scopo di delineare un quadro più dettagliato, più complesso ma sostanzialmente più aggiornato, di un fase storica, che fa risaltare con particolare rilievo, il prestigio politico della diplomazia fascista in Estremo Oriente

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Cole, Jeffrey S. "Militarism in Mexico : Civil-Military Relations in a transforming society /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1997. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA341018.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1997.
"December 1997." Thesis advisor(s): Maria Jose Moyano Rasmussen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-92). Also available online.

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Sjögren, Anders. "Between militarism and technocratic governance : state formation in contemporary Uganda /". Stockholm : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-6796.

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Goredema, Ruvimbo Nyaradzo. "Women and Rhetoric In South Africa: Understanding Feminism and Militarism". Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3772.

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Jesus, Samuel de [UNESP]. "Gigante pela própria natureza: as raízes da projeção continental brasileira e seus paradoxos". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/106269.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A presente pesquisa remonta a construção do mito brasileiro, o gigante pela própria natureza. Essa ideologia se origina a partir da fusão de dois mitos, o do bandeirante e o do indianismo. Buscamos paralelos entre o Brasil e a construção das ideologias estadunidenses tais como o destino manifesto e o mito da fronteira. No caso brasileiro, os ideais de bravura e pureza, assim como os laços criados entre os europeus e o brasileiro original, o índio. A visão dos brasileiros sobre si mesmos como membros de um país destinado à grandeza, se refletirá em sua organização social e política (interna e externa). O grande paradoxo da projeção continental brasileira reside no fato de que no plano externo o país busca a cooperação e integração com os outros países sul-americanos e no plano interno adota projetos, planos e estratégias que fomentam as desconfianças entre os países da Comunidade Sul Americana
This research goes back to building the Brazilian myth, the giant by nature. This ideology originates from the fusion of two myths, the pioneer and the Indian. We seek parallels between Brazil and the construction of ideologies such as the U.S. manifest destiny and the myth of the frontier. In Brazil, the ideals of bravery and purity as well as the ties created between the original Brazilian and European, the Indian. The vision of Brazilians on themselves as a nation destined for greatness is reflected in its social and political organization (internal and external). The great paradox of the Brazilian continental projection lies in the fact that externally it seeks cooperation and integration in the internal adopts projects, plans and strategies that foster mistrust between the countries of South America

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Bernardo, Rosangela Souza. "Interpretação dos atos de anistia política no Brasil República". Universidade de Fortaleza, 2018. http://dspace.unifor.br/handle/tede/106829.

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The dissertation here presented to the Masters Course of the Post-Graduate Program in Constitutional Law of the University of Fortaleza is in the Public Constitutional Law and Political Theory focus area, following the Brazilian Democratic State of Law research line, being part of the State, Politics and Constitution research group. The present work aims at developing a study on the relations between the normative production of political amnesties and the performance of the Powers during the Brazilian republican period. It seeks to understand how the pattern of production and interpretation of this normative species expresses the interests of social groups with greater political influence. To this end, the nature of the institute and its relations with political criminality is considered and the classification of 56 normative acts produced during the period of reference is elaborated. After, the repercussions of political amnesties in the power relations and the military influence on national politics are investigated. Next, we examine the relations between militarism and the Judiciary, considering the interpretation of political amnesties carried out by the Federal Supreme Court from the beginning of the 20th century, the criminal actions promoted by the Federal Public Ministry to comply with the Human Rights Inter-American Court¿s decision in the Gomes Lund case and the State's capacity to draft transitional justice. Finally, it reflects on the relationship between democracy, the role of military institutions and the amnesty granted through Law No. 6.683, of 1979, and its reflections on transitional justice elaborated by the Brazilian State during the validity of the Federal Constitution of 1988. The methodology adopted is descriptive-analytical, with bibliographical and documentary research, focused on the problematic of the interpretation of the normative acts of political amnesty and the characteristics of the national politics. Normative acts, jurisprudence, scientific articles, doctrines, magazines and specialized publications on transitional justice, political theory, Brazilian historiography and political amnesties were consulted. It becomes evident the influence of national political impressions on the production and judicial interpretation of political amnesties, the influence of military institutions on the Judiciary and on the political life of the country, and the continuity of the pattern of power relations that create the interpretations of acts of political amnesty, even during the validity of the Federal Constitution of 1988. Keywords: Political amnesty. Militarism. National politics. Judicial interpretation. Transitional justice.
A dissertação que ora se apresenta no Curso de Mestrado do Programa de Pós-Graduação em Direito Constitucional da Universidade de Fortaleza está inserida na área de concentração de Direito Constitucional Público e Teoria Política, enquadra-se na linha de pesquisa Estado Democrático de Direito no Brasil, bem como faz parte do grupo de pesquisa Estado, Política e Constituição. Por meio do presente trabalho, busca-se desenvolver estudo sobre as relações entre a produção normativa de anistias políticas e a atuação dos Poderes durante o período republicano brasileiro. Almeja-se compreender como o padrão de produção e de interpretação dessa espécie normativa expressa os interesses dos grupos sociais de maior influência política. Para isso, pondera-se a natureza do instituto e suas relações com a criminalidade política e elabora-se a classificação de 56 atos normativos produzidos no período de referência. Logo após, investigam-se as repercussões das anistias políticas no jogo do poder e a influência castrense sobre a política nacional. Em seguida, examinam-se as relações entre o militarismo e o Poder Judiciário, considerando a interpretação das anistias políticas realizada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal a partir do início de século XX, as ações penais promovidas pelo Ministério Público Federal para dar cumprimento à decisão da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos no caso Gomes Lund e a capacidade do Estado para elaborar a justiça de transição. Por fim, reflete-se sobre a relação entre a democracia, o papel das instituições militares e a anistia concedida através da Lei nº 6.683, de 1979, e seus reflexos sobre a justiça de transição elaborada pelo Estado brasileiro durante a vigência da Constituição Federal de 1988. A metodologia adotada é descritivo-analítica, com pesquisa do tipo bibliográfica e documental, com foco sobre a problemática da interpretação dos atos normativos de anistia política e as características da política nacional. Foram consultados atos normativos, jurisprudência, artigos científicos, doutrinas, revistas e publicações especializadas sobre justiça de transição, teoria política, historiografia brasileira e anistias políticas. Constata-se a influência das marcas da política nacional sobre a produção e a interpretação judicial das anistias políticas, a influência das instituições militares sobre o Poder Judiciário e sobre a vida política do país e o continuísmo do padrão das relações de poder que criam as interpretações dos atos de anistia política, mesmo durante a vigência da Constituição Federal de 1988. Palavras-chave: Anistia política. Militarismo. Política nacional. Interpretação judicial. Justiça de transição.

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Kruse, Wolfgang. "Die Erfindung des modernen Militarismus : Krieg, Militär und bürgerliche Gesellschaft im politischen Diskurs der Französischen Revolution 1789-1799 /". München : R. Oldenbourg, 2003. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb390779785.

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Diniz, Fabiana Araujo. "Crise capitalista e rivalidades imperialistas". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2012. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/92891.

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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Geografia, Florianópolis, 2009
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Este trabalho pretende demonstrar as novas tendências imperialistas, em especial as rivalidades entre os países imperialistas, através de um estudo das condições sociais (as diferentes formações sociais), econômicas, políticas e culturais das novas formas estatais, procurando situá-las como resultado de um processo histórico, mais precisamente no pós-guerra. Verificaram-se inúmeras modificações no aspecto político-econômico, sobretudo de ordem monetária, como também a força do militarismo e da guerra como forma de manutenção do poder imperialista. Indicamos o enfraquecimento da hegemon estadunidense fortalecida na tese da existência das rivalidades imperialistas.
This work intends to demonstrate the new imperialist tendencies, in special the rivalries between the imperialist countries, through a study of the social conditions (the different social formations), economical, political and cultural of the new state-owned forms, trying to situate them as result of a historical process, more precisely in the post-war period. Countless modifications happened in the economical-political aspect, especially of monetary order, like also the strength of the militarism and of the war like the form of maintenance of the imperialist power. We indicate the weakening of the North American hegemon strengthened in the theory of the existence of the imperialist rivalries.

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Van, Meter Larry Allan. "The officer fetish". Texas A&M University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/1366.

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The Officer Fetish examines the fetishized American military officer and the marginalized American enlisted man as they appear in post-World War II American film, television, and literature. The fetishized officer, whose cathexis is most prominent in the World War II-era propaganda film, has persisted as a convention since the wara phenomenon that has contributed to the rise of militarism in America. Chapter II lays the foundation of Marxist and Freudian definitions of fetishism and fetishization, and then gauges those definitions with two films, In Which We Serve (1942), a standard World War II propaganda film, and Saving Private Ryan (1997), a film that postures itself as anti-war. Chapter III examines war narratives as a medium that polices class in American culture. The military, with its anti-democratic two-tiered rank system, is attractive to many novels and films because of its strict class boundaries. Chapter IV examines the degree to which so-called anti-war narratives contribute to Americas rising economy of militarism.

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Erickson, Mark. "Toward a sociology of morally contestable work : a case study of the defence industry in the North East of England". Thesis, University of Sunderland, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337285.

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Lleixà, Chavarría Joaquim. "Contrarrevolución monárquica y militarismo en la España de los años treinta". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/1396.

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DE LA TESIS:

Aunque el estudio que sigue presenta un cierto carácter interdisciplinar, con elementos más propios de la historiografía, lo cierto es que pertenece sobre todo a la esfera de la Ciencia política. Su objetivo es el análisis del pensamiento y las orientaciones políticas de un movimiento político presente en la España de los años treinta en España, a saber: el monarquismo. Formado por un conglomerado de movimientos monárquicos que reaccionaron contra el advenimiento en 1931 de la II República, su intención era ir más allá de la experiencia que había supuesto la dictadura del General Primo de Rivera, ya que a su juicio ésta no había modificado las causas del peligro revolucionario, por lo que una futura dictadura de signo restaurador debía hacerlo imposible. Hacia 1933-1934 esta corriente política ya mostraba unos perfiles definidos, pero en 1937-1938 su entidad se difuminó conforme se iban asentando las líneas más fundamentales del "Estado Nuevo" encabezado por Franco.

Una de las principales características de este conglomerado era su falta de homogeneidad. Si bien tuvo algunas concreciones orgánicas definidas, como la sociedad "Acción Española" (que editaba la revista del mismo nombre) o el "Bloque Nacional" encabezado desde 1934 por Calvo Sotelo, lo cierto es que el monarquismo contrarrevolucionario carecía de fronteras definidas: una parte notable de los miembros de la CEDA estaba vinculada directamente a "Acción Española", y otro tanto puede afirmarse con respecto a Falange Española y de las J.O.N.S.

Sin embargo, considerar el monarquismo como un movimiento dotado de un pensamiento político bastante unitario puede resultar útil a efectos analíticos, y precisamente ésta es una de las bases del presente trabajo. La otra sería centrar el análisis en un punto en particular: la concepción militarista del pensamiento monárquico. En realidad, comencé el estudio del monarquismo precisamente a través del estudio de las instituciones y prácticas políticas militaristas del régimen franquista, no desde la óptica sociológica ni desde el punto de vista de la historia política, sino desde un concepto de militarismo que se atribuye primordialmente a la sociedad civil. El militarismo del régimen instaurado por Franco en 1939 no surgió por sí solo, sino que tiene sus fundamentos en las fuerzas políticas que apoyaron la reacción militar, y si hay una fuerza en la que el militarismo sea preponderante, ésta era el monarquismo. En ese sentido, el militarismo civil que éste proponía formaba un proyecto político no tan sólo reaccionario, sino además contrarrevolucionario.

Estas consideraciones modelan la estructura expositiva de la presente tesis. En primer lugar, a modo de introducción, fijaré los conceptos de "contrarrevolución" y "militarismo" que he adoptado como coordenadas esenciales. Posteriormente, en las partes Segunda y Tercera, examinaré la reacción del monarquismo contra la II República, así como las líneas esenciales de su proyecto de restauración monárquica.

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Silva, Ricardo Barbosa da. "Culto à guerra: uma abordagem historiográfica do militarismo na Esparta Clássica". Universidade Federal de Pelotas, 2017. http://guaiaca.ufpel.edu.br:8080/handle/prefix/4185.

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A guerra é um tema de interesse de pesquisa já há muito vislumbrado. Os gregos foram os primeiros a se interessarem pelo relato e estudo dos acontecimentos bélicos de seu tempo. O surgimento do hoplita nos campos de batalha gregos da antiguidade (séc. VII A.E.C.) fora um importante golpe nas prerrogativas da aristocracia militar, ajudando a consolidar o novo modelo político de cidades-Estado. Cada pólis era independente uma da outra e, apesar de dividirem uma ―identidade cultural grega‖ comum a todas, tinham suas peculiaridades. Dentro dessa cultura guerreira que se estabeleceu no mundo grego, principalmente na Hélade Antiga, uma cidade-Estado logo se destacou nos campos de batalha, esta era Esparta. Na presente pesquisa, temos como objetivo entender a formação dos jovens espartanos dentro de um contexto de culto à guerra, e da relação que a sociedade espartana tinha com a guerra através de uma abordagem historiográfica
A war is a topic of much research interest there glimpsed. The Greeks were the first to take an interest in the account and the study of the warlike events of their time. The emergence of the hoplite on the Greek battlefields of antiquity (seventh century BC) for a major blow to the prerogatives of the military aristocracy, helping to consolidate the new political model of city-state. Each polis was independent of another, although it divided a "Greek cultural identity" common to all, have their peculiarities. Within the culture of war established in the Greek world, especially in Ancient Hellas, a city-state soon stood out on the battlefields, this was Sparta. In the present research, we aim to understand the identity formation of young Spartans within a context of war cult, a relationship that a Spartan society had with war through a historiographic approach.

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Creed, Pamela M. "Myth, memory and militarism the evolution of an American war narrative /". Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/5634.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2009.
Vita: p. 370. Thesis director: Dan Rothbart. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Nov. 11, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 360-369). Also issued in print.

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Hastings, Thomas William. "Into the fire masculinities and militarism in Timothy Findley's The Wars /". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/nq22910.pdf.

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Viklund, Åsa. "National Security, Gendered Insecurity : Feminist Perspectives on Militarism, Masculinities & Security". Thesis, Teologiska högskolan Stockholm, Avdelningen för mänskliga rättigheter, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ths:diva-219.

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I denna uppsats granskas militariserad säkerhet i relation till kvinnors osäkerhet. Uppsatsen genomsyras av ett genusperspektiv och berör skadliga sociala normer såsom våldsuttryck knutna till maskulinitetsideal, nationens betydelse, maskuliniseringen av den säkerhetspolitiska arenan och hur den Amerikanska armén använde sig av feminisering som förhörsmetod i det skandalomsusade Irakiska fängelset Abu Ghraib. Uppsatsen finner att militariserad säkerhet utgör ett hot mot kvinnors säkerhet i och med den könsmaktsordning som upprätthålls och förstärks i samband med konflikt och militär närvaro och som resulterar i specifikt våld riktat mot kvinnor och feminiserade grupper.

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Mahon, Penny. "Towards a peaceable kingdom : women writers and anti-militarism, 1790-1825". Thesis, University of Reading, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388582.

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Suarez, Theresa Cenidoza. "The language of militarism engendering Filipino masculinity in the U.S. Empire /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3320357.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Sept. 22, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 109-119).

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Eynon, Jacob. "The Mythic Army: Cultural Militarism in Germany from 1648 to 1945". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2121.

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This study focuses on an analysis of militarism in German culture from the end of the Thirty Years’ War in 1648 to the Fall of the Third Reich in 1945. Its focuses on the effects of the military, its presence, needs, personnel, values and activities on the four main groups of relevance to this topic within the German populace; The rulers of Germany and its various states prior to unification, the aristocracy, the common solidres and the common people who comprise the remainder of the populace. The differences in the specificity between the first three categories and the last one is that the rulers, nobility and soldiery each have unique and intense connections with the military and its structures as they are either directly a part of its traditions and hierarchies or are deeply intertwined with its functioning. The rest of the German populace, the common man, experience the structures of the military second hand, they are affected by it but not directly connected to it. This study focuses on an analysis of militarism in German culture from the end of the Thirty Years’ War in 1648 to the Fall of the Third Reich in 1945. Its focuses on the effects of the military, its presence, needs, personnel, values and activities on the four main groups of relevance to this topic within the German populace; The rulers of Germany and its various states prior to unification, the aristocracy, the common soldiers and the common people who comprise the remainder of the populace. The differences in the specificity between the first three categories and the last one is that the rulers, nobility and soldiery each have unique and intense connections with the military and its structures as they are either directly a part of its traditions and hierarchies or are deeply intertwined with its functioning. The rest of the German populace, the common man, experience the structures of the military second hand, they are affected by it but not directly connected to it. This study will also focus primarily on the history and military tradition a German state, Brandenburg-Prussia later the Kingdom of Prussia. This is for two reasons; first, that Russia's hegemony over the other German states and its eventual role in unifying them into the German Empire in 1871 give its traditions and structures a primacy amongst its neighbors; second, that the history of Prussia is so deeply entwined with their army, which made them famous at the time and is still the main contributor to their notoriety in history today, that its military culture has the strength and recognition amongst the other German states.

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Göransson, Göran. "Virtus militaris : officersideal i Sverige 1560-1718 /". Lund : Lund university press, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb35520019r.

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Jesus, Samuel de. "Gigante pela própria natureza : as raízes da projeção continental brasileira e seus paradoxos /". Araraquara : [s.n.], 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/106269.

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Orientador: Enrique Amayo Zevallos
Banca: Angelo Del Vecchio
Banca: Lilia Pasquariello
Banca: Fábio Borges
Banca: Niminon Suzel Pinheiro
Resumo: A presente pesquisa remonta a construção do mito brasileiro, o gigante pela própria natureza. Essa ideologia se origina a partir da fusão de dois mitos, o do bandeirante e o do indianismo. Buscamos paralelos entre o Brasil e a construção das ideologias estadunidenses tais como o destino manifesto e o mito da fronteira. No caso brasileiro, os ideais de bravura e pureza, assim como os laços criados entre os europeus e o brasileiro original, o índio. A visão dos brasileiros sobre si mesmos como membros de um país destinado à grandeza, se refletirá em sua organização social e política (interna e externa). O grande paradoxo da projeção continental brasileira reside no fato de que no plano externo o país busca a cooperação e integração com os outros países sul-americanos e no plano interno adota projetos, planos e estratégias que fomentam as desconfianças entre os países da Comunidade Sul Americana
Abstract: This research goes back to building the Brazilian myth, the giant by nature. This ideology originates from the fusion of two myths, the pioneer and the Indian. We seek parallels between Brazil and the construction of ideologies such as the U.S. manifest destiny and the myth of the frontier. In Brazil, the ideals of bravery and purity as well as the ties created between the original Brazilian and European, the Indian. The vision of Brazilians on themselves as a nation destined for greatness is reflected in its social and political organization (internal and external). The great paradox of the Brazilian continental projection lies in the fact that externally it seeks cooperation and integration in the internal adopts projects, plans and strategies that foster mistrust between the countries of South America
Doutor

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Becker, Frank. "Bilder von Krieg und Nation : die Einigungskriege in der bürgerlichen Öffentlichkeit Deutschlands 1864-1913 /". München : R. Oldenbourg, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39913897h.

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