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Marty, Laurence. "Apprendre et lutter au bord du monde : récits de mouvements pour la justice climatique en France et en Europe (2014-2017)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021EHES0143.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis dissertation focuses on the French and European movements against climate change and on the tensions that characterize them: what does it mean to fight when the scale of the disaster, the sense of urgency and the feeling of powerlessness prevail? How does one keep fighting in a world in rubble, which we do not believe we can save anymore? And how do we do so when we know that we belong to the countries responsible (historically and still today) for the unprecedented environmental disruptions that are happening to us? This ethnography explores the actions of activists and collective groups in the preparation of the mobilizations that took place around the COP21 (Paris, December 2015). It examines the decomposition and re-composition of the struggles against climate change that ensued. The specificity of these activists and collectives is that they belong to the least institutionalized space of the environmental movement: their commitments rested on a continuum of collective actions ranging from food farming to direct action. Moreover, they belong to the part of the movement that has participated in importing and developing the climate justice framing in France since 2015. From this ethnography, which was also lived as a personal experience, whereby I shared moments of life with these activists and collectives, I sought to make tangible the pathways and learnings that unfolded within the climate movements, as well as the breathlessness, doubts, joys and empowerment, which have been experienced in these movements.The manuscript is organized in two "volumes", each of which corresponds to a major question addressed to the movements against climate disruption and which relays those asked by the activists themselves: “What is the ‘right way’ to fight against climate disruption?” and “What is the ‘right political subject’ of the movement for climate justice?” In contrast to univocal and absolute answers, I propose to think about these questions as pharmaka in the sense of Isabelle Stengers: depending on their dosage, they can empower or weaken, poison. Each of the two volumes is itself composed of several “stories”, which are used to shift these questions and showing their effects in situation. Finally, between these stories I have interspersed “workshops”, which are the summary of notes I took during trainings, in which I participated in the climate movements since 2015
Dosquet, Frédéric. "De l'application des représentations sociales en marketing politique : étude sur les militants du parti socialiste au cours de la présidentielle de 2007". Pau, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PAUU2013.
Pełny tekst źródłaThese research propose to adapt the concept of the social representations in politic marketing. The arrival of many (+65%) of new activists in the socialist organization asks the question of the share of the values inside these party, between the old and the new. Does they share the same core of value? Seven hypothesis are tested. Five about the sociale representation concept itself and two are abour the traingulation theory used during the campaign. Based on an experiment directly to the activists, these research is articulated around a study on experts of tis party, a study on the socialist program, a study on a 571 activists. The main academic advantages of these research are : original link between two sciences : political sciences and marketing, results obtained on a target not often studied. The main organisationnal advantages of these research are : new attention inside an organization about the triangulation strategy and the arrival of an important number of members
Johsua, Florence. "De la LCR au NPA (1966-2009) : sociologie politique des métamorphoses de l'engagement anticapitaliste". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0003.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis doctorate thesis analyzes the evolutions that the Ligue communiste révolutionnaire (LCR) and its members’ activism underwent from its creation in 1966 to the birth of the Nouveau Parti Anticapitaliste (NPA) in 2009. This study founds a political sociology of the evolutions of activism applied to the specific case of anti-capitalist activism in France over the same years. Three fundamental aspects of those changes are analyzed, the first being the members’ social characteristics, which raises the question of the social production of revolt [Part I]. Then comes the ideological (re)production of activism [Part II], and finally the evolutions occurring in both organization and practices are analyzed by observing by what means and ways the activists and/or the organization have tried to make their lives change [Part III]. To that aim, this study is based on an interactionist approach of the LCR. 45 interviews with LCR members and leaders provide an interpretive approach, combined with a statistical perspective obtained through four quantitative surveys : an analysis of the national membership database in 2003 (N= 1800 cards, 69% of all members) and 2005 (N=1476), a 2006 national survey based on questionnaires returned by members (N=1557, 59% of all members), and another among the representatives of the XVth national congress of 2003 (N= 362, 74% of those attending). Furthermore, common activist practices were routinely observed
Petitfils, Anne-Sophie. "Sociologie d'une mobilisation partisane modernatrice : la refondation de l'UMP saisie "par le bas" (2004/2008)". Thesis, Lille 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LIL20015.
Pełny tekst źródłaHow does a party of government, such as the UMP, which defines itself as modern, professionalized and without ideology, achieve to mobilize widely? At the intersection of a sociology of parties and political mobilization, this study is dedicated to the analysis of the genesis and the effects of the campaign of recruitment which was introduced by Sarkozy’s direction at the UMP from 2004 to 2008 and used a rhetoric of modernity and managerial tools. It shows that the “managerial modernization”, as an institutional ideology, was an essential condition for this mobilization. This result cannot be understood independently to a sociography of the “new” members, who, compared to the members of the former right parties, belong to entrepreneurial groups. The commitment of these new members, whose identity and expectation differ from the members of former parties, caused an infrapolitical resistance of these ones and had paradoxical effects on the institution (an increase of internal tensions, a reactivation of the gaullist and liberal identity and a renewal of member’s ideology). At a theoretical level, this study pleads for a cultural approach of partisan institutions which is paradoxically able to explain the logics that lead parties of government to appear as rational enterprises. Keywords: political parties, mobilization, UMP, commitment, activism, organizational modernization, management, ideology, culture, identity
Choffat, Thierry. "Les militants du Front national". Nancy 2, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994NAN20004.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe objective of this thesis is to describe the society formed by the militants of the national front, a political party founded in 1972 but which only really emerged on the electoral scene ten years later. A preliminary chapter is attempting to account for the extent of the phenomenon and to present the geographic distribution of the members of the national front. Then, the first part includes a sociological study of the adherents of that extreme right movement according to fundamental criterions such as sex, age, the education received, the diplomas obtained, profession, religious practices, the family environment and the politic past of Jean-Marie Le Pen advocates. Also we explain in detail their presence within possible internal tendencies (traditionalist Catholics, royalists, followers of the new right, Bonapartists, nationalist-revolutionists. . . ), unions associations and national groups. The second part more specifically deals with the diverse motivations which encourage the sympathizers to adhere to the national front but sometimes to leave it too. We account for the remunerations of activism, of the newspapers which are read, of the formation granted by the FN and of the activities practiced by the militants. Finally, we analyses the ideas, beliefs and values of the militants on important subjects such as immigration, education, death penalty, monarchy or abortion
Rizet-Savoi, Stéphanie. "La distinction militante : transformations et invariances du militantisme à la Ligue communiste". Paris 7, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA070027.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis is about the transformations but also the constancies of the militancy in the "ligue communiste révolutionnaire" (lcr- révolutionary communist league). The thesis aims at beinc comprehensive regarding this topic; it sets forth the individual, organizational, and social aspect. Consequently, we take into account the social trajectories of lcr members, the work of the militant institution and the effects of social context on the two previous dimensions. We use a longitudinal method. "participating observation", bibliographics interviews and the collection of documents belonging to the studied organization are the bases of dur analysis. The research lays emphasis on the strong impact of the evolutions of the social and political contexts, especially the differents forms of social strife, on the militancy in the lcr. These elements have influence on the reasons why peuple join or leave the lcr, on the political practices and on the scope of the lcr activities. At the same time, the way lcr activists militate, driven by an avant-gardist vocation show many constancies. Elective and distinctive logics that make certain of a cohesion transcending the effects of the context are part of the explanation of these constancies. So as to understand the latter, we analyse the social and individual features of the lcr militants
Stuppia, Paolo. "Les tracts du mouvement « anti-CPE » de 2006 : sociologie d’une technologie militante". Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010335.
Pełny tekst źródłaAs it a neglected and relatively unknown object of the scientific fields, the leaflet is most often relegated to a simple tool for illustating political struggles, wether they be electoral campaigns or social movements. With their multiple definitions, which open as many perspectives for analysis (historical, sociological, linguistic analysis), ephemeral leaflets have never been questionned from the viewpoint of their materiality, of their manufacturing and dissemination, and even less from that of the multiplicity of their uses. The aim of this thesis is to question the leaflet as a « activist technology » within a particular socia mobilization, the one called « against-CPE » of 2006. This movement, by their character leading to a « political crisis », first latent, then more and more open, presents itself as an ideal framework for analysing the materiality of this object, as well as its different uses and the main activist pratices which are related to it
Oggetto abbandonato e poco conosciuto dalla communità, il volantino é sovente ridotto a semplice mezzo di illustrazione delle lotte politiche, che si tratti di campagne elettorali o di mobilitazioni sociali. Con le loro molteplici definizioni, che aprono altrettante prospettive (storica, sociologica, linguistica), i volantini non sono stati interrogati dal punto di vista della loro materialità, del contesto nel quale sono fabbricati e distibuiti, tantomeno della plularità dei loro usi. L’obiettivo di questa tesi é di studiare il volantino come una « technologia militante » in un contesto particulare, il movimento « anti-CPE » del 2006, che, caratterizzandosi per il suo aspetto di « crisi politica » prima latente, poi sempre più aperta, appare come un quadro ideale per analizzarne la materialità, gli usi e le principali pratiche militanti che ad esso sono legate
Croyet, Jérôme. "Sous le bonnet rouge : politisation, idéologie et sociologie des militants révolutionnaires de l'Ain : 1788-1800". Lyon 2, 2003. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/sdx/theses/lyon2/2003/croyet_j_notice.
Pełny tekst źródła"Sous le bonnet rouge", in a sociologique studie on departement de l'Ain citizens who took part at the french revolution in their former departement during the 1788-1815 period. This word tempt to answer to many questions nevers asked for this departement : how do men become revolutionnary partisans? Does the Ain geography have an influence on this adhesion? What are their politics, socials and culturals ideas? Who are these revolutionnary militants? This studie is axed around three parts and a biographie dictionnary. The first part tempt to understand the particular context of the french revolution in Ain. The second one try to understand the ideas of the revolutionnary militants of Ain and the third one is the social studie of these militants on Ain. This studie is the first one of this kind in that departement
Leclercq, Catherine. "Histoires d'"ex" : une approche socio-biographique du désengagement des militants du Parti communiste français". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008IEPP0038.
Pełny tekst źródłaMany autobiographies of former communist activists have been published in France but the withdrawal of the French Communist Party's grassroots members has rarely been studied from a sociological point of view. This dissertation deals with this withdrawal process between 1978 and 2000. From a corpus of thirty biographical interviews conducted in two very different regions (the Pas-de-Calais mineral basin, representative of the crisis of the "workers'Party" and Paris, which used to be the showcase of the "intellectuals'Party"), it reconstructs the trajectories of former activists. By studying the evolution of the relationship between individuals and the party, from the joining process to the post-activism redeployments, it allows to understand the motivations for the defection. Identifying the narrative categories used in the biographical interviews makes it possible to understand the conditions of the joining, the inflexions of the activist carreer, the motives for exit, and the ways to biographically negotiate with the defection. The analysis of these processes is a way to break with the explanations of the defection that only focus on political events. It demonstrates the role of social roots, institutionnal changes and identity transformations in the exit phenomenon. It also shows the differentiated ability of people to adapt themselves to new situations and to give coherent image of the changes in their carreer. Eventually, the analysis of the communist exit raises the question of the changes in institutionnal configurations and individual identifications in a social context that values continuity
Ethuin, Nathalie. "A l'école du parti : L'éducation et la formation des militants et des cadres au Parti communiste français (1970-2003)". Lille 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003LIL20020.
Pełny tekst źródłaUntil the beginning of the 90s, the French Communist Party had its own education system to train militants and officials, through a specific network of schools. This dissertation first gives an account of how these schools were operated from the 70s until 1995 - when they were done away. The analysis of date drawn from the archives of the " central schools " and of the " central section for education " enables to give a sharp insight into the contents of the communist curricula, its elaboration and evolution. Interviews with officials in charge of education, with tutors as well as with militants who attented the schools help to understand why and how education was the object of various uses, expectations and identity investments. The schools appear as devices of partisan socialization, that explicitly aim at the assimilation of the official political line of the party and of the communist ideology. They are consequently a particularly relavant locus for the study of the ideologization of engagement and the mechanisms through which the identity of communist militants is constructed. In the second part, the author investigates the various reasons explaining how the schools network was dismantled and finally replaced by a more diverse system of training courses, that relies on different principles. An ethnographic inquiry of these courses puts light on the mechanisms through wich the communist identity and ideology come recomposed. On the wole, this thesis stands as a contribution to the analysis of the transformations of the communist institution, seen from the point of view of the militant training system
Dressen, Marnix. "Les étudiants à l'usine : mobilisation et démobilisation de la gauche extra-parlementaire en France dans les années 1960-1970 : le cas des établis maoi͏̈stes". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992IEPP0007.
Pełny tekst źródłaSubject : the factors contributing to the appearance and disappearance of a left wing "extraparliamentary" movement in an industrially developed country, during a period of economic growth. The population studied consciously chose downward mobility in order to incorporate itself into the working class. Method: fifty in-depth qualitative interviews with former activists who had chosen factory work, detailed study of newspapers, periodicals, leaflets and letters. Quantitative survey with 95 items, mailed to activists. 283 answers were received. The thesis includes: an historical analysis of the roots of the "factory work" movement and a comparison with historical precursor movements ; a monograph on the political and trade union work of 9 activists who worked in one firm between 1968 and 1982 (1500 documents were studied) ; a detailed semantic and statistical analysis of interviews, illustrated by tables of factorial analysis. Conclusions : the thesis demonstrates that the socio-economic origins of the population studied were typical of students of the period. The catalytic role of historical events as a cause of political commitment is stressed. It is shown why militants refused the middle class model of economic success, and why the working class exerted such a strong attraction on them. The fashion in which they started factory work, the circumstances in which 90% of them left the factories, as well as what.
St-Pierre, David. "Maurice Laporte, militant : du communisme à l'anticommunisme (1916-1929)". Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/17934.
Pełny tekst źródłaGrandhomme, Virginie. "L'action pour répertoire : socialisation militante et processus de politisation par l'expérimentation en milieu contestataire". Thesis, Nantes, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NANT2039/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis research investigates the process of recruitment, training and politicization of activists in an contestying context, using both participative observations and interviews with four non-conventional political organizations, conducted from ethnographical and comparative perspectives. The detailed study of activists practices shows that the action choices made by the organizations respond as much to the search of political goals as to internal considerations aiming at maintaining the individual and collective commitment in the group. The analysis of frameworks used by protest groups unveils a mechanism of sensitization to collective action and active politicization that depends on the dispositions and indispositions of activists whose commitment is characterized by defiance towards the principle of delegation. Thus, the protest framework reveals to be the most adept at providing activists with the incentives and rewards, both individual and collective, necessary to confirm their commitment. By demonstrating that nonconventional organizations are political enterprises “like others” and that they owe their particularities to the social characteristics of the “dominant-dominated” which constitute the major part of their activist base, this thesis contributes to an analysis of the process of commitment (career) and politicization that transforms individual militant intentions into a collective political perspective
Debandi, Natalia. "Retour forcé. Pratiques et politiques d’expulsion d’immigrés en France. 2000-2010". Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040040/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaExpulsion or deportation constituted a privileged punishment prior to the modern prison, whose advantage was the definite exclusion of the individual without having to deal with his body. This punishment reappears as a new strategy of social control and of surplus world population management, particularly regarding foreigners in developed countries. The French model of expulsion of foreigners was based on an administrative device presented as a hygienic and tidy system, symbolized by the administrative retention centers. By means of a six-month-ethnographic study carried out at two retention centers near Paris, we analyze this topic with an empirical inductive approach, in which the characteristics and functioning of the displayed instruments are studied, mainly, the confinement of foreigners in administrative retention centers, so as to understand the impact of migratory control practices and policies on both the individuals and on the construction of the French society. In addition, we analyze forced return as an extension of the penal system whose informal objectives transcend effective deportation and aim to establish a device for the control of the migrant population in general
Vachet, Claire. "Le droit saisi par l'anarchisme. Étude du discours des militants libertaires (1870-1926)". Thesis, Bordeaux, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020BORD0241.
Pełny tekst źródłaBetween 1870 and 1926, anarchists criticism of the state includes criticism of law, and the themes they tackled in this area are vast. From the rejection of the social contract, to the rejection of the law, to the history of law and state, state law is, for them an enemy. Anarchists then think anarchy is in contradiction with it. The normative architecture of the anarchist society gives a large place to the free association of individuals and to the consent of each individual to the norm. However, it also relies on naturalist foundations : the reference to the natural sciences, combined with social sciences, leads militants to justify anarchy in support of the scientific truths accepted in their time. The reference to nature, natural law and morality made the anarchist society a normative order that could bring it closer to state law, which it opposed. The study of the discourse on law of anarchists during 1870 to 1926, through the study of the literature and the propaganda press, highlights this ambivalence. Although jurists often sum up anarchism as “propagande par le fait”, and reduce it to anomie, the recent historiography of legal thought tends to assert the opposite. This thesis demonstrates the complexity of the presence, both implicit and explicit, of law in anarchist thought
Challier, Raphaël. "« Simples militants » : sociologie comparée de l’engagement politique (FN, JC, UMP) en milieu populaire dans la France contemporaine". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA080075.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe thesis examines the engagement of subordinate activists from both a political ("grassroots") and social (working class) perspective. These "ordinary activists", as they call themselves, are privileged observers of the divisions between political leaders and ordinary citizens. The thesis consisted in the comparative ethnography of the activities of activists (Front national, Jeunes communistes and Union pour un mouvement populaire) in three suburban cities in Paris and Lorraine. The observation of ordinary militant life - meetings, distributions, collages, municipal election campaigns - was supplemented by interviews and localized counts. The thesis is divided into two parts. The first consists of three chapters of localized political analysis that describes the socio-political context of respondents' commitments and the social differences within the observed collectives. The second part is divided into two comparative chapters that question the tensions between the "head" and the "base" of the organizations studied, paying particular attention to restoring the dimensions of domination and autonomy that characterize the experience of subordinate militants. By linking the construction of political hierarchies with class relations in militant environments, the thesis invites us to differentiate the study of militantism according to social backgrounds and to question the classist functioning of parties. Symmetrically, it questions the recompositions of the working classes in terms of their relationship to politics, which reflects persistent cultural separations with the wealthier classes
Doidy, Éric. "La vulnérabilité du sujet politique : régimes de proximité dans les arènes d'engagement public". Paris, EHESS, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002EHESA053.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis work examines how contemporary figures of public engagement (such as militancy and political participation) are based on engagements rooted in proximity. But because the civic stance was historically built in France upon detachment, this involves important tensions. The moments of engagement in proximity or familiarity are seen as moments where the posture of political subject tends to disappear. This work examines, through an empirical research both in the urban and rural worlds, different figures of this vulnerability
Ros, Elodie. "Le Réseau de l’Économie Alternative et Solidaire (REAS) : pratique militante, forme d’engagement et projet politique dans le mouvement de l’économie solidaire en France (1990-2000)". Thesis, Paris 8, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA080037/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis work is the result of empirical research conducted on a French network for an alternativeeconomy named REAS and its defenders. The aim is to study the origins of its program usingthe history and backgrounds of its campaigners as a starting point. From 1990 to 1998, theREAS has tried to bring together various initiatives of solidarity-based economic systems inorder to push its political program to the forefront of the public debate.We have wondered whether this program and the militancy which characterizes it were butthe translation of a propensity for activism truly Christian in origin or whether it ratherstemmed from the coming together of various traditions of militancy.A reconstruction of the individual backgrounds of activists from the REAS was possiblethanks to field research, based on a close study of the archives and the periodical which thenetwork published but most importantly on about sixty interviews held with members of theREAS. The research has proven that each age group (under 35, aged 35 to 45 and over 45years old) was characterized by its own specific dynamics and form of militancy.The older members bring with them a leftwing Christian dimension which the intermediateage group politicizes while the younger members contribute to daily awareness and localintegration. The political program of REAS and its members’ militancy can therefore bedefined as an elective affinity bringing together three originally distinct groups. Therefore, ifthe influence and dynamics of each group may be felt, the program for REAS can only bedefined through their combination. Nevertheless, elective affinity theoretically only happensbetween two elements. The possibility of elective affinity happening between three elementsseems unprecedented and would deserve closer inspection
Alphandéry, Pierre. "Les campagnes françaises de l'agriculture à l'environnement (1945-2000) : politiques publiques, dynamiques sociales et enjeux territoriaux". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001IEPP0012.
Pełny tekst źródłaCARLIER, VIRGINIE. "Une interpretation economique des politiques publiques d'insertion professionnelle des jeunes en france, 1968-2000". Université Louis Pasteur (Strasbourg) (1971-2008), 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000STR1EC04.
Pełny tekst źródłaRoullaud, Élise. "La Confédération paysanne à l’épreuve de la Politique agricole commune (1987-2007) : Transformations des pratiques de représentation et du travail militant". Thesis, Lyon 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LYO20077.
Pełny tekst źródłaFocusing on the Confédération paysanne, this research studies the changes in forms and modes of farmers’ interests representation under the effect of European integration. Drawing upon an extensive, multi-method fieldwork (archives, interviews, observations and questionnaire), the thesis intertwines a study of the Europeanization process, sociology of interest groups in the European Union and sociology of farmers’ unions as well as social movements. Not only emphasizing on organizational and configurational logics but also on social dispositions, this work reports two dimensions. The first throws light on the reconfiguration of farmers’ unions actions by analyzing the field of European farmers’ representation and the way unionists integrate the European political space. The second stresses on how the Common Agricultural Policy influences and affects both the internal and external balance of power, the union’s guidelines production and the repertoire of collective actions. Thereby, this study accurately reveals that the Europeanization dynamics rest on the socialization and politicization processes
Lamarque, Gwénael. "Histoire, mémoire et cultures politiques : essai d'interprétation à partir de l'exemple français de 1974 à nos jours : l'odysée de Clio et Mnémosyne au pays de Marianne". Bordeaux 3, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006BOR30028.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis lies within a cultural and historiographic context called “Memory boom” and tries to investigate on the way the past resurfaces in the heart of the French public life and more exactly through eight of the main political cultures of the Hexagon: communist, socialist, radical, christian-democrat, liberal, gaullist and national populist. This research follows a three-part pattern. We will first try to show that the memory of a political culture seems to be built on a more or less latent state of tension between History (which remains the substratum it takes root in) and Power, which directly influences the way the past is handled and summoned. Once those circumstances are established we will enter the heart of the system of Memory and realize that Memory exerts a true power within a political culture: it is constantly referred to, sometimes even as a guide, and provides many an opportunity and place to “remember”/ have memories, each time improving its cohesion. Far from sinking into oblivion, Clio regularly reappears in between Memory and Power, being used in its turn by the different political cultures mostly in a conflicting perspective. Clio seems to have a very special place in France at the meeting points between major political issues and the reasons of state. As the heirs of a long History the French resort to their past more than others and their political life reflects this characteristic in extenso
Hamidi, Kim Bérénice. "Les Cités du théâtre politique en France de 1989 à 2007. Archéologie et avatars d'une notion idéologique, esthétique et institutionnelle plurielle". Phd thesis, Université Lumière - Lyon II, 2007. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00602438.
Pełny tekst źródłaGuillemot, Hélène. "La modélisation du climat en France des années 1970 aux années 2000 : histoire, pratiques, enjeux politiques". Paris, EHESS, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007EHES0149.
Pełny tekst źródłaOur thesis relates to the history of climate modelling from the end of the nineteen sixties to the beginning of this century, focusing on the modelling practices in the two centres developing a climate model in France: the Laboratoire de Météorologie Dynamique (LMD) from the CNRS (and the Institut Pierre Simon Laplace, a fédération of laboratories in and around Paris) and the national organism for vveather forecast, Météo-France. Starting with the first numerical climate models, we trace the évolution of modelling at LMD and Météo-France, and compare the institutions, the carecrs of the researchers and the very différent ways of working in thèse two organisms, determined by their institutional cultures. We describe several modelling practices, in particular the parametrization and validation of models by data, and we analyse the specificities of the scientific practices related to the use of computer. Returning to a critical transitional period in the history of modelling in France, the beginning of the nineties, whcn institutional and scientific reconfigurations allowed coupling of models and simulations of future climate, we analyse the way French modellers confronted the problem of climate change, especially the contribution to IPCC climate prévisions. Finally, we address the expansion of climate modelling to « Earth System », integrating other environments, cycles and interactions, and we discuss the mutations that thèse changes are generating in the working practices of modellisers
Mazouz, Sarah. "La République et ses autres : politiques de la discrimination et pratiques de naturalisation dans la France des années 2000". Paris, EHESS, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2010EHES0011.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe object of this thesis is to study two policies appearing to be paradigmatic of the way relationship to the other and the alien was thought about and conceptualised in France in the years 2000: policy against racial discrimination and policy of naturalization. Ln the end of the years 1990, the paradigm of racial discriminations was added to the existing policies, which until then had been structured by two major idea" integrating migrants and regulating migration flow. This new problematization seemed to call for the launching of a policy of otherness thought of to go beyond the previous analysis in terms of border. However, acknowledging the existence of racial discrimination is from the beginning ambivalent. Overmore, it is the question of the nation, and more precisely of the incorporation in nation through naturaliization that is the frame of this timid acknowledgment of racial discrimination and that is politically reinvested in a new way at this occasion. Based on a fieldwork, combining observation and interviews, this research intends to hold together a sociology of public policies and an anthropology of social practices. Lts purpose is to show that the actual redefinition of French policies of otherness cannot be analysed without taking into account the way the questions of migration, nation and racialization interfere in social space
Butlen, Max. "L'offre publique de lecture : évolution des politiques en France, concurrence et complémentarité entre les acteurs de 1980 à 2000". Paris 5, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA05H041.
Pełny tekst źródłaObject : analyse and understand the public offers of reading policies evolutions, in France from 1980 to 2000. An initial inventory of fixtures shows the proliferation of offered objects, places, actions, actors, and the consensus range around the offer of reading. The study of interactions between announced policies and their implementations done by the main actors underlines competition, complementarity and limits of the consensus. It appears that book militants and some professionals have built the offer insufficiency as a society problem. The decision makers considered the claimsmakers' systems of reference. The offer of reading got rationalised, professionalized and institutionalised. It structures demand, improves visibility and profitability, sometimes to the detriment of an ethics of conviction. The reading crisis isn't at all exhausted. Successes and limits of offer lead to others mutations in the offerings
Alouan, Lara. "Apport et limites d’un projet d’émancipation technocentré : cas de hackerspaces français". Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SACLE028.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn reference to Ray Oldenburg (1989/1991), who introduced the definition of third places, a group of structures is emerging with several terms (Fab Labs, hackerspaces, etc.). These organisations advocate more democratic, less formalised and hierarchical way of proceeding, in order to grant more autonomy and responsibility to their members. The interest generated by hackerspaces, as particular places of technological creativity, has spread recently beyond researchers (Lallement, 2015; Davies R., 2017 ; Berrebi-Hoffman, Bureau, Lallement, 2018). Specifically hacker movement – taken in its general sense of emancipation thought technic and not in its reductive acceptance of informatics piracy (Raymond, 1999 ; Himanen, 2001 ; Mc Kenzie Wark, 2004) – clames for a continuous experimentation with alternative forms of working organization. And if these organization forms, based on peer relations, own alternative character, even capacitable, do hackerspaces create a new socio-economical paradigm or do they consider/conceal other realities? To answer all these questions, we suggest our research: behind the smooth and enthusiastic facade in which hackerspaces are presented, what are structuring or occurring issues implemented (not only technological, but also social, economical, political terms)?
Coudray, Sophie. "Histoire politique et esthétique du Théâtre de l'opprimé en france de ses origines aux années 1990". Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2124.
Pełny tekst źródłaFar from the mythic and fragmented image of Theatre of the oppressed, this study intends to bring to light the ongoing processes in the development of this praxis developed by the Brazilian director Augusto Boal. Systematically considered as both a theory (the poetics of the oppressed) and a practice, Theatre of the oppressed is comprehended in all its historicity. Drawing on a theoretical corpus as well as archives – including unpublished funds from the Parisian Theatre of the oppressedCentre – and interviews with practitioners who used to be members of the Parisian centre, these researches lead us to trace Theatre of the oppressed political and aesthetical history.Organised in chronological order, this study begins in Brazil during the 1930s, in order to discuss Augusto Boal’s artistic concerns – while he works as Teatro Arena’s director in São Paulo – focused on the search for a renewal of dramatic forms tied up with a political imperative: performing popular theatre, that is a theatre performed for Brazilian people. From this time, we attempt to uncover the early stages of a theoretical reflection but also the roots of some theatre techniques, thatconstituted the fertile ground for the further development of Theatre of the oppressed during the mid 1970s, while Boal is in exile.The rest of this study takes place in France, a country where Boal starts to become known in 1971 through the Nancy World Theatre Festival and the revue Travail théâtral. By the end of the 1970s, in Paris he starts the first permanent group of Theatre of the oppressed, whose mission is to spread this method. Progressively, this group will become more professional and institutionalised, and will finally find its place in the field of sociocultural intervention theatre, a place where this structure continues its activities until 1988, when it breaks out and leaves the door open for many companies spread throughout France, leaving the old centre whose theatre identity has been radically altered.The French history of Theatre of the oppressed is the story of a permanent dialogue between theatre, the activist and political fields and popular education. This is also the story of a collective gathered around the use of the same theatrical method over two decades, while the face of society is being deeply reshaped. Thus, this history is fraught with many contradictions, evolutions but also strong positions being held and reaffirmed. Our task is to bring them to light. From activist movements to urban policy, Theatre of the oppressed Centre’s path is nothing else but the path of a group in touch with its time. However, the Parisian structure grounded by Boal is at the core of the spread of Theatre of the oppressed techniques in the whole world. That’s why writing Theatre of the oppressed history in France is a way to modestly contribute to writing its world’s history, in which the Parisian centre represents a major step
Troupel, Aurélia. "Disparités dans la parité : les effets de la loi du 6 juin 2000 sur la féminisation du personnel politique local et national". Nice, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006NICE0029.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe law of 6 June 2000, which obliges parties to field an equal number of male and female candidates, should have increased the number of women elected in politics. However, the parity law achieved very variable results, being most effective at the local and European levels whilst having little or no effect on the composition of the Senate and the National Assembly. To understand the reasons for these variations between the different levels of politics, several theories have been tested and a database has been created of female politicians (1958-2004). This research allows certain established ideas to be challenged and disputed. It is revealed that partisanship, changes to the electoral regulations and the presence of female incumbents are not sufficient to explain these variations. On the other hand, the prior feminisation of the elected assembly along with how restrictive the parity law is under the circumstances are both essential to the effective functioning of the law. Taken together, these elements show a perpetuation of the local/national cleavage (strongly and weakly feminised), as argued by Mariette Sineau
Jacquemart, Alban. "Les hommes dans les mouvements féministes français (1870-2010) : sociologie d'un engagement improbable". Phd thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00608896.
Pełny tekst źródłaFabre, Christopher. "La dimension environnementale des politiques énergétiques française et allemande de 1973 à 2000 : de l’antagonisme à la convergence des modèles ?" Thesis, Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040102.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis studies the integration of environmental issues into French and German energy policies between 1973 and 2000. While the two countries are generally analyzed in terms of their divergences, the question here is whether the development of protection of the environment has not contributed to the phenomena of convergence. To do this, the energy systems of the two countries are studied in their entirety and through a long historical perspective. Beyond the nuclear question, it is indeed the entire energy mix and the evolution of consumption that are questioned here, from the first oil shock and the launch of nuclear programs, until the early 2000s, Which mark the beginning of a new cycle for the energy sector. Over the period as a whole, environmental protection has become a key and structuring issue, particularly through the development of standards and commitments at international and community levels. While the nuclear issue remains a definite element of differentiation, it appears that it responds to different initial constraints between the two countries and is gradually being resolved. In the end, there is a certain degree of convergence of all French and German indicators between 1973 and 2000, to which the protection of the environment contributed with certainty
Desbrosses, Elodie. "Politiques culturelles locales, coopération et frontières : l'exemple de villes frontalières petites et moyennes dans le nord et le nord-est de la France". Lille 1, 2000. https://pepite-depot.univ-lille.fr/RESTREINT/Th_Num/2000/50377-2000-11-1.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaGutiérrez, Crocco Francisca Paz. "Le militantisme politisé, judiciaire et social : une étude comparative des syndicalismes au Chili et en France (1980-2010)". Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0057.
Pełny tekst źródłaOur work aims to transcend the "declinological approach” that has been popular among labor unions specialists since the 1980's. We are interested in the activism models that representing different projects of trade unionism, compete for hegemony in France and in Chile today. How did these two labor union systems, sharing the same revolutionary matrix, acclimatize to two opposite modes of social construction (conservative-corporatist and a neoliberal Welfare State)? To answer this question, we carried out sixty interviews with trade unionists in both countries, as well as five with experts and a participating observation. Analyzing the interviews we distinguished three archetypes of labor union activism: politicized activism, judicial activism and social activism. The first two models are present in both Chile and France, whereas the last one represents a group present only in Chile. Inspired on a "bottom up' approach, the last chapter attempts to explain national diversity and differences between both of the studied systems, through an analysis of the activist's commitment trajectories. Besides the description of this typology, each chapter attempts to discuss important subjects for the sociological debate: the sociological construction of labor union as an object of study, the political projects of labor unions, the "judicialization" of work conflicts, how labor unions asses representativeness, and the "professionalization" of union activists
Fabre, Christopher. "La dimension environnementale des politiques énergétiques française et allemande de 1973 à 2000 : de l’antagonisme à la convergence des modèles ?" Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA040102.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis studies the integration of environmental issues into French and German energy policies between 1973 and 2000. While the two countries are generally analyzed in terms of their divergences, the question here is whether the development of protection of the environment has not contributed to the phenomena of convergence. To do this, the energy systems of the two countries are studied in their entirety and through a long historical perspective. Beyond the nuclear question, it is indeed the entire energy mix and the evolution of consumption that are questioned here, from the first oil shock and the launch of nuclear programs, until the early 2000s, Which mark the beginning of a new cycle for the energy sector. Over the period as a whole, environmental protection has become a key and structuring issue, particularly through the development of standards and commitments at international and community levels. While the nuclear issue remains a definite element of differentiation, it appears that it responds to different initial constraints between the two countries and is gradually being resolved. In the end, there is a certain degree of convergence of all French and German indicators between 1973 and 2000, to which the protection of the environment contributed with certainty
Becerra, Sylvia. "Protéger la nature : politiques publiques et régulations locales en Espagne et en France". Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2003. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00133021.
Pełny tekst źródłaBosphore-Pérou, Rolande. "Militants et militantisme communiste à la Martinique, 1920-1970 : identification, formes et implication". Thesis, Antilles-Guyane, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014AGUY0800.
Pełny tekst źródłaThrough various sources, particularly oral sources collected from ancient communists, ordinary members or officials, and articles of martinican Communist press, this thesis shows about the militant fervor of martinican men and women and essential political family in the course of the twentieth century. This study covers a long period extending mainly from 1920 to 1971 showing the early stuttering of communism in Martinique, his ascension, his prosperous period and the beginning of his slow decline. The issue is first to make discover Martinicans in their experience of communist militant, present how these men and women appropriated a doctrine, transformed it perhaps to suit at their needs, at their culture. It is also to consider what communist structure was put in place in Martinique; this organization was it like the metropolitan federations or was it a specific political party? Then to better understand the choices and paths, it’s necessary arrive at identifying mentors, origins of this activism and training of militants. Referents were as figures specific to Marxism and international and national socialism as figures as specific martinican politics. Then offer a reading of practices and activist strategies for assessing the quality and uniqueness of this militancy and the consequences of the commitment of these activists in different spheres. What were their political choices, why their political demands did they differ from others colonial Communists? How to explain their choice of a new society more egalitarian in a socialist state, but always associated with France? This research study positions that militancy in the center of an analysis that explores the political and social history of a population, based on other disciplines such as socio-biography and political-sciences. It examines the shaping of a people by a political significant group between 1920 and 1971, and the proposals of this group face different political and social problems in promoting an approach by the actors
Bereni, Laure. "De la cause à la loi : Les mobilisations pour la parité politique en France (1992-2000)". Phd thesis, Université Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris I, 2007. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00232810.
Pełny tekst źródłaLe présent travail de thèse explore les logiques sociales et politiques de transformation de cette revendication initialement marginale en slogan consensuel et en dispositif institutionnel. Afin de saisir la complexité d'un tel processus, on a élaboré la catégorie d'espace de la cause des femmes, qui désigne l'ensemble des collectifs – et leurs participant-e-s – luttant au nom des femmes et pour les femmes, quelle que soit la sphère sociale dans laquelle ils s'inscrivent. Cette notion permet d'appréhender à la fois l'hétérogénéité des actrices, des lieux et des investissements pour la parité (traversant les frontières établies entre les univers associatif, étatique, partisan, académique, etc.) et les liens qui les unissent (par le jeu des multipositionnalités et des réseaux militants). On montre que la structure intersectionnelle de l'espace de la cause des femmes éclaire le processus de légitimation du slogan de parité, ses « percées » dans le champ politique et les modalités de sa « traduction » institutionnelle tout au long des années 1990.
Au-delà de la question de la parité, une telle approche permet d'échapper aux apories de l'antagonisme entre une explication « par le bas » (insistant sur le rôle des « mouvements ») et « par le haut » (plaçant la focale sur les « institutions ») de la genèse d'une réforme institutionnelle, dans le sillage de développements récents en science politique, qui tendent à décloisonner les lieux et les registres de la politique contestataire.
Apard-Malah, Élodie. "Queues de Pie et Grands Boubous : une histoire franco-africaine : les relations politiques franco-nigériennes de l'après-guerre aux années 2000". Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010652.
Pełny tekst źródłaGay, Renaud. "L'Etat hospitalier : réformes hospitalières et formation d'une administration spécialisée en France : (années 1960 - années 2000)". Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018GREAH014.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe « neoliberal statization » of French hospital system is a well-established paradox that our research reexamines through two ways. The first one is historical. It consists in studying managerial reformism which emerged in the 1960s, whereas most investigations are focused on policies implemented after the 1980s. The second one is organizational. The statization is to be understood less as proliferation of norms and procedures in hospitals than as the formation and the stabilization of public specialized organizations. At the intersection of the policy analysis and the sociology of administration, this study focuses on how hospital reforms can contribute to the definition, the consolidation and the recognition of a political-administrative center in a sociohistorical perspective. Our main hypothesis is that hospital reforms crystallize three interconnected processes which underpin the institutionnalization of a specialized administrative organization called the Hospital State. Firstly, reforms support the redistribution and concentration of administrative prerogatives on hospitals within one single organization (process of monopolization). Secondly, they help increase the capacities of this organization that in turn strengthen its autonomy from other agents (process of autonomization). Thirdly, they generate and rely on specialized knowledge that justifies state interventions (process of legitimation). Our historical observation of reform activities leads to outline three temporal sequences. These reveal an uneven continuity of these processes and their unequal articulation depending on historical periods. If reforms contribute to forging a relative autonomous Hospital State, its organizational boundaries and its principles of legitimation are far from being stabilized. Our investigation is based on various materials : records from administrative and private organizations ; interviews with minister’s advisers, senior civil servants and experts of the Ministry of Health ; grey literature (administrative and expert reports, ministerial publications) ; national newspapers and professional journals ; parliamentary debates ; biographies of supervisory staff members at the Ministry of Health
Bouju, Marie-Cécile. "Les maisons d'édition du Parti communiste français 1920-1956". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005IEPP0026.
Pełny tekst źródłaIn 1920, The Librairie de L'Humanité, established in 1905, plan to educate first French communists as professionnal revolutionaries. Then, le FCP take over the Library from two publishing houses : the Bureau d'éditions in 1926 and the Eitions sociales internationales in 1927. A that time, Komintern's publishing Service set the same politic litterature to the national sections. The FCP construct a harsch view about reading. From1930, it attacks popular novels. At 1935, FCP'S running take over his own publishing services. The catalogue aim to readership more extensive and is made up of more various editorial genres. The publishing houses aim to distribution by bookshop's network. Even if the FCP expect intellectuals to be go-between, they have not a central function in theses publishing houses. The World War two confirm publishing houses' duties, to train militants and to keep politic cohesion of the FCP. At the Libération, the FCP give priority to his press. With the economic crisis of publishing and the biginning of the Cold War, the FCP‘s publishing houses enter into a difficult period. The FCP reorganize his editorial system, with Editions sociales and Editeurs français réunis, and then Cercle d'art in 1950 and La Farandole in 1955. At the end of the Cold War, the results are bad. The publishing houses suffer from a real isolations in the publishing world. The FCP fight always for a useful function of reading. The reading as entertainment is defending by alone communist intellectuals
Duhalde, Michel. "Analyse des instruments des politiques de la biodiversité : le cas de Natura 2000 en milieu littoral et marin". Thesis, Brest, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BRES0008/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaTaking the Natura 2000 sites on the French coastal area as a case study, this work aims at strengthening the understanding of the practices in terms of local biodiversity conservation measures, analysed through the concept of public policy instruments : what are the instruments that are chosen, during both the planning and implementation phases? What are the factors influencing these choices? Our work combines two approaches. First, a quantitative analysis allows us to describe the measures that are provided in 113 management documents (Docobs) of coastal Natura 2000 sites. Through a method to select and average binomial logistic models, we identify contextual factors that influence the choice of instruments of action. Second, a qualitative analysis focuses on the coastal Natura 2000 sites in Brittany and paves the way to a better understanding of the implementation of the different instruments available for the management of the sites. Our results tend to show that the choices of instruments of action on each site are parts of the adjustments allowing the integration of the policy into a formal and informal institutional local context. In particular, the regulatory instrument seems to play a significant role in the implementation of this policy, but this role is sensitive to the local context of the site, especially the political context. We emphasize the association of some instruments to different types of ecosystems. Our results lead to question the autonomous nature of the Natura 2000 policy for the marine area. Our results also highlight the strengths and weaknesses of the different instruments of action in the implementation phase, especially with regards to the associated transaction costs. In the face of the constraints that we identify, we stress the importance of the operational complementarity of voluntary and regulatory instruments, of the commitment of local authorities and of the leading role of the Natura 2000 site managers
Ghibaudi, Paul-Emmanuel. "Le citoyen et le politicien : étude ethnopolitologique en agglomération lyonnaise". Lyon 2, 2000. http://theses.univ-lyon2.fr/documents/lyon2/2000/ghibaudi_pe.
Pełny tekst źródłaRighi, Dominique. "Les images dans les manuels de lycee (manuels d'histoire, de français, de philosophie et de langues vivantes publiés de 2000 à 2003) : les représentations des pouvoirs et des conflits politiques de 1815 à nos jours". Poitiers, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007POIT5014.
Pełny tekst źródłaThroughout this research, two levels of analysis are carried out in parallel _one relating to the original images and the other concerning the modes of reproduction in the handbooks_ from a historical and history of art perspectives. The introduction delivers the historiography of the subject and analyzes the sources, i. E. The programs and the images chosen by the authors of the handbooks according to their nature and their place in these works. The first part concentrates on the political power representations and the second relates to the armed confrontations representations. The third part continues with the civilian images during the conflicts and the traces of the wars including genocides, and finishes with the various memories representations. A volume of appendices counts the exhaustiveness of the images reproduced _3651 images_ as well as the precise statistics in order to show and to justify the established reports
Brunn, Matthias. "Idées globalisées, défis nationaux : l’introduction du Disease Management et du paiement à la performance en France et en Allemagne". Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017SACLV020/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaHealth systems in many welfare states are undergoing important transformations, triggered by increasing budgetary pressures and characterized by the growing role of market and rationalization measures. In this context, France and Germany have introduced disease management (DM) programs to deliver more structured patient care and pay-for-performance (P4P) measures to provide financial incentives for providers meeting certain objectives.These reforms, which reflect the increasing role of the State in both statutory health insurance systems, were inspired by Anglo-Saxon models but translated in distinct ways, owing to differences in the two countries’ systems. In Germany, DM and P4P were based on increasing competition between sickness funds and between hospitals, while in France these reforms reflected a shift by its central insurance system “from payer to player”.The positioning of the medical profession vis-a-vis these new instruments of governance, which are hierarchical in nature and impose stronger public accountability, was a key issue in both France and Germany. The negotiation processes were accompanied by a growing disconnect between physician representatives and their memberships in both countries, despite significant differences in the way physicians are traditionally integrated into health system regulation
Allouche-Chemla, Marie-Rose. "Etude de la réception de la littérature hébraïque en France : nature et enjeux culturels, économiques et politiques des œuvres de fiction en prose traduites en français depuis l'an 2000". Thesis, Paris 8, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA080046/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThere are been a significant increase in French translations of Israeli literature in recent decades. This phenomenon fits into the general framework of increased international literary exchange, but also due to political, commercial or cultural reasons. Our study identifies the works of prose fiction of Israeli literature translated into French between 2000 and 2012, and provides statistical data on the number of translations to Hebrew, on the most translated authors and on the publishers and translators involved in the import into France.It clarifies the role of the main actors involved in such export / import: Israeli and French governmental institutions, literary agents, editors and translators, and it analyses for each of them the importance of political, cultural and commercial issues.Lastly, our study attempts to understand how these works were accepted into France by the media and by the general public.Our conclusions are based on the one hand on a broad corpus of Israeli literary works and press articles and on the other hand on interviews or written responses of writers, literary agents, editors, translators, library directors and readers. They highlight not only a quantitative change in the acceptance of Israeli literature in France, but also a change in terms of choice of translation that reflect evolution of Israeli literature itself and the individual will of a few people much involved in such export / import. If the approach of the French media remains today, although to a lesser extent, politically oriented, the public of readers is primarily sensitive to its literary qualities
Cognard, Françoise. "" Migrations d'agrément " et nouveaux habitants dans les moyennes montagnes françaises : de la recomposition sociale au développement territorial. L'exemple du Diois, du Morvan et du Séronais". Phd thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 2, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010CLF20003.
Pełny tekst źródłaCharles, Thierry. "Le chabanisme : idéal politique et projet social". Lyon 3, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992LYO33025.
Pełny tekst źródłaChabanism is mneither a deviation or an imitation of a failing gaullism. Where does the difference lie ? not of course, in the attachement to a republican "france libre" but in a political, economic and social conception. It's very close to both the english idea of a parliamentaty government and to liberalism. The chaban doctrine can be divided into two periods : one of secret complicities (iv republic) and illusions (from 1969 to 1972); and one of latent opposition to de gaulle and then to pompidou. (in its relationship to the executive power) two concepts epitomize chabanism : its criticism of society and its reforms to set up a new society the chaban doctrine is rooted in the romantic attachement of france to failure ( chaban and "l'exception francaise" ). Great men have always been faced with the painful experience of adversity, ungratefulness and failure
Dromard, Michaël. "Les doctrines institutionnelles des Responsables Politiques Français vis à vis de la notion de Cohabitation au cours de la 5ème République : 1958-2017". Thesis, Paris 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA020080/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe thesis recalls the many positions of the French political officials with respect to the concept of cohabitation during years 1958-2017 and highlights their institutional contradictions which appear according to situations and political circumstances given. It thus emphasizes the many institutional divergences of the right-hand side on the subject : the cohabitationnist refusal of the Gaullist and Pompidolian regims, the Giscardian assent of 1978, the division within the right during Mitterrand years between 1981 and 1995, the union in the denunciation during the first mandate of Jacques Chirac between 1995 and 2002 and finally a succession of contradictions during years 2002-2017. The thesis also records certain institutional divergences on the side of the socialist left : a cohabitationnist will during years 1958-1981, a serious reserve during years 1981-1986 then 1988-1993, a cohabitationnist satisfaction during years 1997-2002 and also a succession of contradictions during years 2002-2017. The thesis shows so the way in which the political leaders have evolved their institutional doctrines according to situations and political circumstances given and also tries to explain their numerous personal strategies and their institutional reflections with respect to the cohabitation
Cakpo, Charles Christian Kotomé. "Les Institutions démocratiques au Bénin : Analyse comparée France Etats-Unis". Thesis, Reims, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019REIMD002/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe modern constitution of Benin dates from December 11, 1990. It establishes a democratic regime, based on the people, the sole holder of the sovereign power and, defines the institutions as well as a control organ which watches over the relations of their reciprocal actions. As an electoral body, this people exercises its sovereignty through its legitimate representatives.The present thesis aims to study the democratic aspect, the report to the people using the French and American examples. The analysis deals with both constituent power and constituted powers. First, it highlights the intervention of the people both in the process of constitution-making and revision of the constitution.In a democratic context, the sovereign people intervene on the one hand, in the designation of the original constituent organ and at the end of the process to ratify the constitutional text by referendum; on the other hand, during the implementation of the derived constituent function, either initially, on the initiative, by its representatives, or at the end, or by its representatives, or by itself through the popular referendum.Then, with regard to constituted powers, the people exercise their sovereignty through elections to appoint their representatives, those who embody these powers, by means of direct or indirect universal suffrage. These two interventions of the people are compared with the American examples of 1787 and French of 1958 to draw the necessary consequences.The goal is to understand the specificities of Benin in terms of universal suffrage, separation of powers and the relationship established with the people
Bréville, Benoît. ""Inner city" montréalais et banlieue parisienne, politiques et stratégies de lutte contre la pauvreté urbaine : la politique de la ville à Hochelaga-Maisonneuve (Canada) et Saint-Denis (France), années 1960-début des années 2000". Thèse, Paris 1, 2011. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/5483/1/D2407v1.pdf.
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