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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Militantisme – Chili – Valdivia (Chili)"
Moine, Caroline. "Les mobilisations de solidarité avec le Chili : militantisme transnational et stratégies médiatiques (années 1970 et 1980)". Le Temps des médias 33, nr 2 (2019): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/tdm.033.0073.
Pełny tekst źródłaVayssière, Pierre. "Militantisme et messianisme ouvriers au Chili à travers la presse de la Pampa nitrière (1900-1930)". Cahiers du monde hispanique et luso-brésilien 46, nr 1 (1986): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/carav.1986.2265.
Pełny tekst źródłaPearsall, Deborah M., Neil A. Duncan, Karol Chandler-Ezell, Douglas H. Ubelaker i James A. Zeidler. "Food and Society at Real Alto, an Early Formative Community in Southwest Coastal Ecuador". Latin American Antiquity 31, nr 1 (28.01.2020): 122–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/laq.2019.96.
Pełny tekst źródłaRozprawy doktorskie na temat "Militantisme – Chili – Valdivia (Chili)"
Morales, Aguirre Barbara de Los Angeles. "Le conflit et l’action collective comme une expérience de citoyenneté : anthropologie des processus de construction de citoyenneté dans les conflits environnementaux au Chili : le cas CELCO (Mehuín et Valdivia)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris, EHESS, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021EHES0014.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis explores the relationship between environmental conflicts and the issue of citizenship, at different scales and temporalities. From an anthropological approach, this thesis aims at the empirical capture of citizenship processes in action in two cases of environmental conflicts that take place in the city of Valdivia and in the coastal town of Mehuín, in southern Chile, due to the construction and commissioning of a cellulose factory. By taking up the historicity of conflicts, as well as the ruptures they have gone through, this thesis focuses on analyzing the way in which different forms of citizenship have been made, evolved and transformed during the conflicts.In this research, the constructions of citizenship are played out in at least three areas of analysis, which at the same time account for the different levels, places and moments of the conflicts in which they take shape. In this way, the analysis will pay special attention to the citizenship registers or “legitimacy registers” (Fourniau, 1996; Carrel, 2007) mobilized by the actors involved to strengthen their position in the conflict and undertake the defense of the sites. Second, this research focuses on analyzing the constructions of citizenship identified in the field of the forms of action and organization established by the collectives in the context of the protest. The third and final area of analysis of citizenships that emerge during conflicts is that of collective engagement. The research raises here the question of “engagement trajectories” (Bertheleu and Neveu, 2005; Douat et al. 2012), that is, to now how collective engagement is built and evolves during the conflicts. This thesis thus seeks to contribute to the understanding of the fabric of citizenship, or of “moving citizenships”, as well as the role played by environmental conflicts in the democratic construction in Chile
Miranda, Arenas Francisca. "Les mouvements d'Action Catholique au Chili et l'enracinement social et territorial du parti Démocrate-Chrétien : une étude de cas dans le milieu rural (1950-1970)". Paris, EHESS, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012EHES0638.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis analyzes the historical and institutional linkages between the Christian Democratic Party (PDC) and the Catholic Action Movement (CAM) between 1931 and 1971 in Chile. During this period, through the CAM the Chilean Catholic Chruch and the PDC became involved in the implementation of a trining project that aimed to form elites from the popular milieu. Based on an historic and institutional approach as well as the analysis of trajectories of social activists in a rual community of Chile, it seeks to explain the role of this educational policy in the social and territorial implantation of this party in rural areas. This educational policy was consolidated in the mass education programs to the government of Frei Montalva (PDC 1964-1970). These programs were based on two main pillars: development of different organizations involved in "Popular promotion", and mass-education that togrther produced the activists. They both contributed to the homogenization of the PDC by forming peasant leaders around values of conciliation as against notions of agrarian conflict, but also to the professional and social differenciation of activists by engaging diverse trends of professionalization and promoting multiple trajectories of social mobility at the local level. All these socialization instances have rezulted in diverse forms of politicization among the members of the AC (engagement in the PDC and in the movement of the revolutionary left Christian) while renewing the local elites of the PDC
Gutiérrez, Crocco Francisca Paz. "Le militantisme politisé, judiciaire et social : une étude comparative des syndicalismes au Chili et en France (1980-2010)". Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0057.
Pełny tekst źródłaOur work aims to transcend the "declinological approach” that has been popular among labor unions specialists since the 1980's. We are interested in the activism models that representing different projects of trade unionism, compete for hegemony in France and in Chile today. How did these two labor union systems, sharing the same revolutionary matrix, acclimatize to two opposite modes of social construction (conservative-corporatist and a neoliberal Welfare State)? To answer this question, we carried out sixty interviews with trade unionists in both countries, as well as five with experts and a participating observation. Analyzing the interviews we distinguished three archetypes of labor union activism: politicized activism, judicial activism and social activism. The first two models are present in both Chile and France, whereas the last one represents a group present only in Chile. Inspired on a "bottom up' approach, the last chapter attempts to explain national diversity and differences between both of the studied systems, through an analysis of the activist's commitment trajectories. Besides the description of this typology, each chapter attempts to discuss important subjects for the sociological debate: the sociological construction of labor union as an object of study, the political projects of labor unions, the "judicialization" of work conflicts, how labor unions asses representativeness, and the "professionalization" of union activists
Giraudier, Elodie. "Le Parti démocrate-chrétien au Chili (1957-2010) : de la troisième voie au néolibéralisme". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA076.
Pełny tekst źródłaStemming in the 1930s from the National Phalange party, the Chilean Christian Democratic movement became in 1957 a Mass party, the Christian Democratic Party (PDC). The PDC occupied a central place on the Chilean political scene at the turning point of the 1950s-1960s, then at the beginning of the 1990s. The electoral victory of Eduardo Frei Montalva led in 1964 the PDC to be the first Latin American Christian Democracy to run the Presidency. In 1990, a Christian Democratic (DC) President, Patricio Aylwin, led the first civil and democratic government after the military dictatorship. This thesis proposes a History of this Party under varied angles with an Electoral History which aims at the game of scales between the national results and the implanting of the Party in cities, provinces and Chilean regions. Then, an Ideological History tries to understand the project of the Third Way, which aims to be an alternative to the communism and capitalism in the context of the Cold War. Then, a Militant History has for objectives to distinguish generations of DC leaders. Finally, a History of the international insertion of the Chilean Christian Democracy testifies of the importance of its relations with the United States and with the European and Latin American "brother parties" in the context of the Cold War and the fight against the Cuban Revolution. Beyond the example of the Chilean PDC, this thesis is dedicated to the question of the historicity of the Christian Democratic project of the Third Way
Rodriguez, Aedo Javier. "Le folklore chilien en Europe : un outil de communication confronté aux enjeux politiques et aux débats artistiques internationaux (1954-1988)". Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020SORUL028.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis studies the international circulation of Chilean folk music’s during the second half of the 20th century. We discuss the international trajectory of singers and folk ensemble related to the Chilean Left, also their artistic practices, the space of musical circulation and the ways in which this folk music is welcomed by the general public, music critics, political organizations and media, including the left-wing press and labels. The geographical space of this circulation is constituted by the countries of Western Europe. The study period is circumscribed by two significant moments for the international circulation of Chilean folklore: the first trip to Europe of folk singer Violeta Parra in 1954 and the end of the exile of Chilean musicians in 1988. For more than 30 years, the musicians have been interacting extensively with the diverse artistic and political contexts of Europe. The first part of the thesis studies the activities that Chilean musicians performed in Europe between 1954 and the government of Salvador Allende (1970–1973), in a context of a strong exotic look towards the music of America Latin. The second part examines the artistic activities taking place between 1968 and 1982, when the political events of Chile locate the cultural manifestations, including the folklore, in a privileged place of the artistic circuits of the European left. Finally, the third part examines the artistic experiences developed between 1978 and 1988, and analyzes the repercussions that life in exile has on the practice of Chilean folklore in Europe, notably the questioning of the role of politics
Morales, La Mura Quidora. "Contre-pouvoir, Technicité et action associative : fonctionnements et engagements associatifs au sein d'organisations de défense des consommateurs en France et au Chili". Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LORR0351/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis research questions the mechanisms and the form of associative commitment in consumer organisations in Valparaíso (Chile) and in Moselle (France). The point is to understand how the complex connexion between the will to form forces of opposition and the need to technicize their action so much that it pushes to professionalization acts on the commitment in institutionalized organisations. Thus, this study is at the meeting point of organizational studies, industrial sociology and the sociological studies of social movements
Marques, Teresa Cristina Schneider. "Militância política e solidariedade transnacionais : a trajetória política dos exilados brasileiros no Chile e na França (1968-1979)". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/29583.
Pełny tekst źródłaO exílio constituiu um mecanismo de combate à oposição utilizado pelas ditaduras militares no Cone Sul, cuja principal função era a de provocar o isolamento do militante. Acreditava-se que o exílio cumpriria com eficácia essa função, pois, além de afastar o militante do território nacional, a proteção prevista pela legislação internacional é condicionada ao afastamento do exilado de atividades políticas no exterior. No entanto, contrariando os anseios dos militares e a legislação internacional, uma grande parte dos exilados brasileiros deixou o país com o intuito de transformar o exílio em um espaço de combate político. Todavia, as mobilizações realizadas pelos exilados foram marcadas pelos efeitos do transnacionalismo, que se caracteriza pela universalização e rápida transmissão de ideias e valores. Visando compreender as influências do transnacionalismo nas formas de mobilização política dos militantes brasileiros, a presente tese analisa a trajetória política da segunda geração de exilados (1968-1979), boa parte engajada na luta armada contra a ditadura e comprometida com um projeto revolucionário. Para tanto, enfoca as ações de oposição dos exilados brasileiros no Chile e na França, dois países distintos que representaram focos de concentração da segunda geração de exilados brasileiros em diferentes momentos. A pesquisa em fontes oficiais e não oficiais – tais como a documentação diplomática aberta para pesquisa, os documentos produzidos pelos próprios exilados e as entrevistas concedidas para a tese – demonstrou que variáveis tais como o contexto político do país onde estavam inseridos, o sistema de acolhida e a presença da repressão brasileira influenciaram as ações políticas dos exilados. Assim, a pesquisa demonstrou que, enquanto estiveram no Chile, a convicção no sucesso da revolução socialista marcou as atividades políticas dos exilados brasileiros. Na França, por sua vez, onde os brasileiros se concentraram após o golpe chileno de 1973, o exílio brasileiro entrou em uma nova fase, marcada pela adesão a novos temas, notadamente, a anistia, os direitos humanos e a democracia.
The exile was a mechanism used by the opposition against military dictatorships in the Southern Cone, whose main function was to cause the isolation of the militant. It was believed that the exile would fulfill this function effectively, because in addition to depart the militant from the national territory, the protection provided by the international law is subject to the removal of the exiled from political activities abroad. However, contradicting the wishes of the military and the international law, a large part of the Brazilian exiles left the country in order to transform the exile into a political battle space. However, the mobilizations carried out by the exiles were marked by the effects of the transnationalism, which is characterized by the universalization and the rapid transmission of ideas and values. In order to understand the influences of the transnationalism in the forms of political mobilization of the Brazilian militants, this thesis analyzes the political trajectory of the second generation of exiles (1968-1979), much engaged in armed struggle against the dictatorship and committed to a revolutionary project. For that, this thesis focuses on the actions of the opposition Brazilian exiles in Chile and France, two different countries which represented focus of concentration of the second generation of Brazilian exiles at different times. The research in official and unofficial sources - such as diplomatic documents open for research, documents produced by their own exiles and the interviews for the thesis - has shown that variables such as the political context of the country in wich they were inserted, the host system and the presence of the Brazilian repression, influenced the political actions of the exiles. This way, the research has shown that while they were in Chile, the belief in the success of socialist revolution marked the political activities of Brazilian exiles. In France, in turn, where Brazilians were concentrated after the Chilean coup of 1973, the Brazilian exile entered a new phase, marked by the acceptance of new issues, notably, amnesty, human rights and the democracy.
Hanry-Knop, Diana. "Trois partis verts latino-américains en perspective comparée avec les pays européens. Concurrence avec la gauche et stratégies de démarcation". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015USPCA194.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe Partido Verde from Brazil, the Partido Ecologista from Chile and the Proyecto Sur from Argentina are political parties belonging to the movement of green or ecologist parties. They represent, in each country, new political forces which aim at differentiating themselves through a particular identity, built on the focus on sustainable development and the strong will to do politics in a new fashion. Members of those three political parties believe they are apart from left-wing activists. Nevertheless, they do share similar ideas, regarding societal issues, as well as economic and social questions. These parties appeared in a particular context, influenced by democratic renewal, in connection with civil society activists. They continue to keep strong ties with associations, unions, and artistic movements. Their organisation is based on democratic principles such as pluralism, representativeness and territoriality. However, like their European counterparts, they have trouble applying these principles in actual fact. They also face the issue of monopolized power by party leaders. The Partido Verde, the Partido Ecologista and the Proyecto Sur were able to fill a political vacuum in their respective countries, yet their prospects in terms of electoral success remain uncertain
Henderson, Rita Isabel. "The dismembered family : youth, memory, and modernity in rural southern Chile". Thèse, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/9686.
Pełny tekst źródłaThis thesis tells a story of the supposed loss of political and citizen culture in post-dictatorship Chile. Focusing on the learning of civic behaviour among the country’s youngest political generation, now in its twenties, I question the taken-for-granted nature of this sense of loss. Given that members of this generation were either children or not yet born at the time of the 1990 democratic transition, they have largely learned from others about recent state repression and democratic reconciliation. This is amplified in sectors of the rural South, where much of what younger generations know about the conflicted past, including colonialism, revolutionary socialism, and fascism, has not been communicated through deliberate or verbal instruction, but transmitted indirectly as cultural tastes and habits that nevertheless influence political decisions. Through analysis of inter-generational transmissions of perspectives on the contested past, this thesis explores micro-level processes by which certain kinds of political behaviour are learned within families and small community networks. These are often in tension with lessons transmitted in public domains, such as in schools and among civic associations. Such tensions raise important questions about uneven membership in the national community, especially in a neoliberal era in which the restructuring of social services and of control over natural resources have transformed relationships between the rural poor and dominant society emanating from urban centres. Among Chile’s youngest political generation, in what ways do situated understandings of the contested past and its impacts on the current distribution of power in the country, shape budding political identities? I broach this question through ethnographic analysis of the means by which youth acquire and express knowledge about history and its lingering influence on civic life today. Observations draw on over two years of anthropological fieldwork in three localities of the southern countryside impacted by industrial interventions in nearby rivers. These include the contamination of one from a pulp mill, and the proposed hydroelectric damming and diversion of several others. Industrial activities offer backdrops for assessing emergent political identities, as well as for identifying what the learning of political behaviour communicates about citizenship in Chile today.
Esta tesis narra la historia de la supuesta pérdida de la cultura política y ciudadana en Chile después de la dictadura militar. Enfocándome en el aprendizaje de la conducta cívica en la generación política más joven, ahora veinte añeros, cuestiono la naturaleza de esta sensación de pérdida que se ha tomado por sentada. Dado que los miembros de esta generación eran niños y niñas o aún no habían nacido en la época de transición democrática en los 1990s, en su mayoría han sabido a través de otros acerca de la reciente represión estatal y la reconciliación democrática. Esto es amplificado en los sectores rurales del Sur, donde mucho de lo que las generaciones jóvenes saben acerca del controversial pasado, incluyendo el colonialismo, el socialismo revolucionario, y el fascismo, no ha sido comunicado a través de instrucciones deliberadas o verbales, sino que ha sido transmitido indirectamente como gustos, preferencias, y hábitos culturales que aún así tienen influencia en las decisiones políticas. A través del análisis intergeneracional de transmisión de perspectivas sobre el controvertido pasado, esta tesis explora los procesos a nivel micro por los cuales ciertos tipos de comportamientos políticos son aprendidos dentro de las familias y pequeñas redes comunitarias. Éstas muchas veces están en tensión con las lecciones transmitidas en ámbitos públicos, tales como las escuelas y entre las asociaciones civiles. Tales tensiones hacen surgir cuestionamientos importantes acerca de la integración desigual en la comunidad nacional, especialmente en una era neoliberal en la cual la re-estructuración de los servicios sociales y de control sobre los recursos naturales ha transformado las relaciones entre los pobres rurales y la sociedad dominante que emana de los centros urbanos. ¿De qué maneras los aprendizajes situados acerca del controvertido pasado y sus impactos en la actual distribución del poder en el país forman identidades políticas en la generación política más joven de Chile? Abordo esta pregunta a través del análisis etnográfico de los medios por los cuales la juventud adquiere y expresa el conocimiento de la historia y su persistente influencia en la vida cívica de hoy. Las observaciones se dieron durante dos años de trabajo antropológico de campo en tres localidades del área sureña rural impactada por intervenciones industriales en los ríos aledaños. Éstas incluyen la contaminación por parte de una planta procesadora de celulosa, y la propuesta para construir una represa hidroeléctrica, primer paso para la multiplicación de muchas otras contempladas en el mismo lugar. Las actividades industriales ofrecen el escenario contextual para el estudio de las identidades políticas emergentes, como también para identificar qué es lo que comunica el aprendizaje del comportamiento político acerca de la ciudadanía en Chile actual.