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1
Villey, Émilie. "A Companion to Byzantine Science edited by Stavros Lazaris". Aestimatio: Sources and Studies in the History of Science 3, nr 1 (30.09.2023): 182–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/aestimatio.v3i1.41826.
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A Companion to Byzantine Science est un volume composé de 13 chapitres, d’une introduction de Stavros Lazaris, d’une conclusion d’Anne Tihon et de trois index (index général, index des manuscrits et index des noms modernes) réalisés par Antonio Ricciardetto. Onze des 13 chapitres sont consacrés à un domaine spécifique de la science byzantine (sur les sciences mathématiques, l’optique, la météorologie et la physique, l’astronomie et l’astrologie, la géographie, la zoologie, la botanique, la médecine et la pharmacologie, la médecine vétérinaire, l’art militaire et enfin les sciences occultes (divination, astrologie, alchimie). Les deux premiers chapitres (« ‘Inner’ and ‘Outer’ Knowledge : The Debate between Faith and Reason in Late Antiquity » d’Hervé Inglebert et « Science Teaching and Learning Methods in Byzantium » d’Immaculada Pérez Martín et Divna Manolova) constituent une sorte d’introduction à l’ensemble des sujets abordés dans le volume. L’éditeur réussit son pari en offrant ici un véritable guide utile pour faciliter l’accès aux textes grecs byzantins traitant de sciences mathématiques et naturelles.
2
Lazaris, Stavros. "Le portrait d'auteur dans les manuscrits hippiatriques byzantins". Ktèma : civilisations de l'Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome antiques 34, nr 1 (2009): 307–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ktema.2009.1757.
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Saliou, Catherine. "Julien d'Ascalon?" Journal of Hellenic Studies 115 (listopad 1995): 168–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631656.
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“Je me propose de faire un jour une étude sur les notes de métrologie dont on a rempli les parties laissées en blanc dans nos manuscrits médievaux (...) Tout de même que sur le dos de nos cahiers nous avons l'habitude d'imprimer des tables de multiplication, tout de même les Byzantins utilisaient les bas de page de leurs manuscrits pour y inscrire des répertoires arithmétiques que la complication de la métrologie ancienne rendaient particulièrement indispensables.”
4
MOSSAY, J. "Pour un corpus des annotations adventices des manuscrits byzantins et orientaux". Le Muséon 100, nr 1 (1.01.1987): 259–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/mus.100.1.2011450.
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Dufrenne, Suzy. "Problèmes des ornements de manuscrits byzantins. [Deux études dédiées à Kurt Weitzmann ]". Scriptorium 41, nr 1 (1987): 35–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/scrip.1987.1463.
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Miljkovic, Bojan. "Ilustracija Druge uskrsnje homilije Grigorija Bogoslova". Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, nr 41 (2004): 105–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi0441105m.
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(francuski) L'illustration de la Deuxi?me hom?lie pascale de Gr?goire de Nazianze a trouv? place dans plusieurs manuscrits byzantins dat?s du IXe au XIVe si?cle et sur une fresque dat?e de 1294/95 ornant la calotte du narthex de l'?glise de la Vierge P?ribleptos ? Ochrid. Le contenu iconographique complexe de cette vision trouve son explication dans le texte m?me de l'hom?lie de Gr?goire le Th?ologien, ainsi que dans les commentaires dus ? la plume d'?crivains tardifs : Jean Damsc?ne, Basile Le Minime, Georges Moc?nos, Michel Psellos et Nic?tas d'H?racl?e.
7
Tuilier, André. "La tradition textuelle du Christos Paschôn et le texte d’Euripide". Kentron 13, nr 1 (1997): 119–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/kent.1997.1579.
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Relevé d’un certain nombre de points où la tradition du texte d’Euripide, telle qu’elle est transmise par le Christus Patiens, renvoie à un état du texte d’Euripide antérieur à la tradition manuscrite byzantine (Pour les pièces qui appartiennent aux deux familles : Hipp. 663 ; Med. 1223 ; Rhes. 52 ; Troi. 474. Pour les Bacchantes : v. 20 ; 55 ; 694 ; 1031 ; 1041 ; 1048 ; 1084 ; 1087 ; 1091 ; 1150-51 ; 1161 ; 1212-15 ; 1345 ; 1353 ; ainsi que la confirmation de l’hypothèse de Kirchhoff en 1853 par le P. Antinoopolis I, 24). Les byzantins des XIème et XIIème siècles (et dès le Vième s.) ne disposant pour le texte d’Euripide que des recensions dont témoigne encore pour nous la tradition manuscrite, il est impossible d’attribuer le Christus Patiensk un byzantin du XIIème siècle.
8
Glynias, Joe. "Reconstructing Middle Byzantine Arabo-Greek Astrology from Later Greek Manuscripts". Mediterranea. International Journal on the Transfer of Knowledge 7 (1.04.2022): 183–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/mijtk.v7i.13669.
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This paper sheds light on one aspect of the large-scale influx of Arabic scientific knowledge into Byzantium through an analysis of three Byzantine astrological compendia that contain texts originally written in Greek as well as those translated from Arabic to Greek. While written c. 1200–1400, each manuscript contains a compilation that was assembled in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The paper first considers the dating of each of the three compilations and shows the utility in using these late Byzantine manuscripts to study Middle Byzantine astrology. Second, it analyzes the Arabic texts translated in these compilations and uses them to explain the chronology and the scale of the translation of astrological material from Arabic to Greek. Third, it considers how the Arabic and Greek material is combined within these manuscripts, and what the resulting synthesis says about Middle Byzantine astrology writ large.
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ΜΑΛΤΕΖΟΥ, Χρύσα Α. "Τρία Κυπριακὰ ἀφιερωτήρια ἔγγραφα. Συμβολὴ στὴ μελέτη τῆς λατινοκρατούμενης Κύπρου". BYZANTINA SYMMEIKTA 7 (29.09.1987): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/byzsym.706.
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<p>Chryssa A. Maltèzou</p><p>Trois actes de donation Chypriotes. Contribution à l'étude de Chypre pendant la domination latine </p><p>Dans le second volume de miniatures de manuscrits byzantins de la Bibliothèque Nationale de Grèce, publié par Anna Marava-Chadjinicolaou et Christine Toufexi-Paschou (Athènes 1985), sont édités trois actes de donation des années 1499, 1542 et 1590 repérés dans l'évangéliaire n° 185. Les éditrices notent que ces actes sont selon toute vraisemblance originaires de Cythère. Pourtant l'étude de ces documents (langue, toponymie, prosopographie, cadre historique) a amené l'auteur de constater qu'ils proviennent de Chypre. Le toponyme <em>Κιθιρία</em> mentionné dans les actes n'a rien à faire avec l'île de Cythère: c'est le toponyme chypriote <em>Κυθρέα</em>.- Suit l'examen du cadre historique de ces actes, leur édition diplomatique et leur commentaire.- Enfin, l'auteur propose une autre lecture de la date du troisième acte qui ne serait pas 1590, mais 1501.</p>
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Sautel, Jacques-Hubert. "Le choix du type de réglure dans les manuscrits byzantins : les Homélies sur la Genèse de saint Jean Chrysostome conservées à la BnF (Paris. gr. 602-652)". Scriptorium 66, nr 2 (2012): 221–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/scrip.2012.4179.
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Reșceanu, Ion. "Saint Nicodemus of Tismana’s Tetraevangelion and Its Relation With Slavic-Byzantine Manuscripts". Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Theologia Orthodoxa 68, nr 2 (30.12.2023): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbto.2023.2.09.
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This study aims to bring a series of clarifications regarding the objectives pursued by Saint Nicodemus in creating a Tetraevangelion for the Tismana Monastery in 1405. We believe that these objectives could be better understood based on the investigation of the relationship that Saint Nicodemus’ Tetraevangelion has with similar Slavic-Byzantine manuscripts, especially with Bulgarian and Serbian manuscripts, of his time. This relation helps identify both the characteristics of the manuscript made by Saint Nicodemus at the beginning of the fifteenth century, as well as its originality among other Slavic-Byzantine manuscripts. Keywords: Tetraevangelion, Saint Nicodemus, Slavic-Byzantine manuscripts, liturgy
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Bryer, Anthony. "Byzantine Agricultural Implements: The Evidence of Medieval Illustrations of Hesiod's Works and Days". Annual of the British School at Athens 81 (listopad 1986): 45–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068245400020086.
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It is argued that Byzantine manuscript illustrations to Hesiod's eighth-century BC poem offer realistic evidence for the appearance and function of common Medieval agricultural implements, of which there is little other record. Fourteen manuscripts illustrated from the tenth to sixteenth centuries AD are analysed in the Table on p. 67. In them seventeen implements not named in the text may be regarded as contemporary Medieval pictures, which may also be true of the six implements which Hesiod describes, for traditional textual or arthistorical rules hardly apply to these rustic drawings. Using the methodology of K. D. White's studies of Roman farming, other pictorial, literary, documentary, and the scanty archaeological evidence, together with that of survivals, is applied to these twenty-three implements alone. Conclusions are that the Byzantines may have introduced an eliktrin spade-fork, and possibly a wheel structure, but the article must be read within the context of Roman, Western Medieval and later Mediterranean studies of technology and means of peasant production, for which it offers only a first step in the largely unexplored Byzantine field.
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Gasbarri, Giovanni. "A Fountain of Fire: Idolatry, Alterity, and Ethnicity in Byzantine Book Illumination". Arts 12, nr 2 (17.04.2023): 82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts12020082.
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This article examines the visual representation of pagan idols in Byzantine book illumination and investigates how such images were employed to convey a sense of geographical or ethnic distance. The main focus of this study is a group of illuminated manuscripts containing two of the most popular texts in the Byzantine world: Barlaam and Ioasaph and the Alexander Romance. These manuscripts include numerous representations of statuary that Byzantine readers would have easily recognized as being associated with the religious practices and superstitions of distant and foreign populations, thereby reinforcing their own self-identification with “civilized” characters. Through a comparative analysis of manuscripts such as Athon. Iviron 463 (Barlaam and Ioasaph) and Venice, Istituto Ellenico cod. 5 (Alexander Romance), this article explores the variety of iconographic solutions adopted by Byzantine artists to enhance the “ethnographic” function of idol images. A close examination of these solutions sheds new light on how visual narratives contributed to the construction of notions of identity, otherness, and ethnicity in Byzantium.
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Haldon, John. "A New Edition of the De cerimoniis: No Longer a ‘geteiltes Dossier’?" Millennium 18, nr 1 (8.11.2021): 389–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2021-0011.
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Abstract This review article presents a brief survey of the new critical edition, translation and commentary of the important tenth-century Byzantine imperial treatise known as the De cerimoniis aulae byzantinae (on the ceremonial of the Byzantine court), a title ascribed to the text only in the 16th century. The edition offers an upto- date and highly accurate edition of the tenth century manuscripts through which the text has been transmitted and the detailed and rigorous commentary includes a complete historical and structural analysis of the two books into which the text is divided. In the course of their analysis, the editors arrive at a number of important new conclusions about the origins, intentions and structure of the text, the working methods of the emperor who commissioned it, and the aims and intentions of Basil the parakoimomenos, the person who commissioned the Leipzig manuscript, the chief surviving witness for the text. The 5 volumes of the publication represent a superb achievement by the team of French scholars under the original direction of Gilbert Dagron (†).
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Likhacheva, D. D. "The Boukoleon Palace in the Madrid Skylitzes’ Miniatures". Art Studies Journal, nr 2 (czerwiec 2024): 48–77. https://doi.org/10.51678/2073-316x-2024-2-48-77.
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The article concerns the images of the Boukoleon Palace in the Madrid manuscript of John Skylitzes’ Synopsis of Histories (MS Graecus Vitr. 26-2). This manuscript is a monument to two artistic traditions, Byzantine and Sicilian. Though the miniatures were created by the masters from San Salvatore convent, these were Byzantine manuscripts of the 11th and 12th centuries, brought to the south of Italy from Constantinople, that served as a model for them. The Madrid Skylitzes’ miniatures give us a rare opportunity to find out how Italian masters saw Byzantine architecture, which architectural forms they adopted and repeated, which details were familiar to them and which were unknown, and finally, what of the Italian architecture that surrounded them they brought to the already established Byzantine architectural iconography.
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Sánchez Márquez, Carles. "Framing the Calendar of the Sacramentary of Messina (BNE, Ms. 52): Patronage and Byzantine Topics in Late 12th-Century Sicilian Art". Arts 14, nr 2 (20.03.2025): 32. https://doi.org/10.3390/arts14020032.
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For the Norman kings of Sicily and the ecclesiastical authorities who ruled their dioceses, Byzantine art served as both a symbol of luxury and a model of prestige. Similarly to the mosaics of Palermo, Monreale, and Cefalú, as well as textiles and goldsmithing, the manuscripts preserved in the National Library of Madrid stand as prime examples of the fascination that the dignitaries of the Kingdom of Sicily had for Byzantine esthetics. Among these manuscripts, the Sacramentary of Messina (Madrid, BNE Ms. 52) is perhaps the most striking. This Latin sacramentary, comprising 303 folios, features illuminated initials, a calendar with depictions of classical topics, such as the Spinario and a compelling depiction of August inspired by the Byzantine Koimesis, the months and zodiac, and two full-page illustrations depicting the Virgin Glykophilousa, the Crucifixion, and the Deesis. This study has a dual focus. First, it aims to analyze the iconographic peculiarities of the monthly images in this Latin calendar. Second, it seeks to provide new insights into the manuscript’s patronage and its place of origin. In this context, one of the most striking and significant aspects of the sacramentary’s iconography is the prominent role of the Virgin, a theme that will also be examined in this study. Archbishop Richard Palmer emerges as the leading candidate to have been the driving force in the patronage of the manuscript to the Royal scriptoria of Palermo.
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Kosourov, Dmitry A. "Two Embassies of Bagrat IV to Constantinople: Dating, Causes, and Aftermath". Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, nr 1 (2021): 40–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.1.003.
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This article is devoted to a new consideration of the issue of the number and dating of the embassies of king Bagrat IV of Georgia (1027–1072) to Constantinople during the reign of the Byzantine emperor Constantine IX Monomachos (1042–1055). Contrary to I. A. Javakhishvili’s point of view, generally accepted in historiography about the existence of the only embassy of Bagrat IV to Byzantium in 1054–1057, the author promotes the hypothesis about the existence of two embassies, in 1047 and 1050–1052/1053 respectively. This hypothesis is proved, in addition to the source analysis of the Georgian text of the Chronicle of Kartli, by referring to Byzantine and Armenian narrative sources, as well as by using information from the recently explored manuscript Q-1376 from the Georgian National Centre of Manuscripts. A comparison of data from sources allows the author to link the reason for the two embassies of the Georgian king to Byzantium with the escalation of the internal Georgian conflict between Bagrat IV and Liparit IV Baghuashi, Duke of Kldekari after the Battle of Sasireti in 1046. Also, the article highlights several new features in it, in particular, the conditions of truces between the two sides, the date of Liparit’s liberation from the Seljuk captivity, as well as the possible participation in the conflict of Leonti Mroveli, a famous Georgian historian of the eleventh century. Also, the article examines the consequences of the two trips of Bagrat IV to Constantinople for the Byzantine foreign policy on its eastern borders and, more particularly, clarifies the dating and circumstances of the military campaign of raiktor Nikephoros against the Shaddadid emir of Dvin Abu’l-Aswar in 1049, as well as the role of Georgian noblemen in this campaign.
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Aleksidze, Zaza, i Tamar Otkhmezuri. "Some Stories about Flyleaves and Palimpsest Leaves in Medieval Manuscripts". Kadmos 3 (2011): 76–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.32859/kadmos/3/76-94.
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The aim of the article is to discuss three distinct examples of the creation of new manuscripts from old ones. These examples have been selected to include samples of Caucasian and Byzantine manuscript books.
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Chircev, Elena. "Archdeacon Sebastian Barbu-Bucur PhD – Researcher of the Byzantine Musical Tradition across the Romanian Territory". Artes. Journal of Musicology 17, nr 1 (1.01.2018): 89–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajm-2018-0004.
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Abstract Professor Archdeacon Sebastian Babu-Bucur PhD is one of the most prominent representatives of Romanian Byzantology with a tireless activity spreading throughout different fields – research, psalmic musical creation, teaching, performing. Our study focuses briefly on several of the researcher’s achievements, some of his main concerns having been the Romanianisation process of the church chant in the 18th century and the manuscripts elaborated by Romanians. We highlighted the merits of the Byzantinist musicologist who contributed to the discovery of most of the Romanian manuscript no. 61 in the Romanian Academy Library, who tracked down and catalogued over 250 Romanian manuscripts to be found in the libraries from Mount Athos, who demonstrated through documenta and transcripta editions the significance of the activity of various Romanian psalm readers whose contribution to the translation of chants in Romanian had been, up to that moment, almost unknown. Archdeacon Sebastian Babu-Bucur’s tireless work as a researcher of Byzantine music contributes to a better knowledge and understanding of the evolution of this type of music in the 18th and the 19th century and leads the way towards new investigations in the years to come.
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Cannon, Fred S. "Acts 17:26: God made of one [blood] every ethnicity of humans: Part A: Appraising Greek Manuscripts". Biblical Theology Bulletin: Journal of Bible and Culture 54, nr 4 (listopad 2024): 243–59. https://doi.org/10.1177/01461079241296533.
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Paul proclaimed, “God made of one [blood] every ethnicity of humans …” (Acts 17:26). Most early sources read “ of one blood” here, including 453 Greek manuscripts, many ancient language manuscripts, plus Irenaeus, Chrysostom, and Augustine. A few other manuscripts read simply “of one,” including Sinaiticus, Alexandrinus, Vaticanus, and P74. This Part A paper appraises the Greek manuscript readings for this passage, in the context of the attested readings at other Acts passages. Compared to other Acts passages with a distinctly Byzantine reading, this “of one blood” Byzantine reading at Acts 17:26 exhibits the most attestation, support, and connectivity. Our appraisal employs Editio Critica Maior III, the ECM computer apparatus, ECM’s Coherence Based Genealogical Method (CBGM) Flow Diagram, and other sources. Another Part B companion paper ( Cannon 2025 ) focuses on patristic witnesses and other ancient language manuscripts at these Acts passages.
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Wagschal, David. "The Byzantine canonical scholia: a case study in reading Byzantine manuscript marginalia". Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies 43, nr 1 (kwiecień 2019): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/byz.2018.23.
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The scholia to the canonical manuscripts of theCollection in Fifty TitlesandCollection in Fourteen Titlesserve as an excellent case study in the potentials of marginalia to illuminate historical narratives and broaden our understanding of how the Byzantines encountered and read their traditional texts. This article explores these potentials by a) offering an overview and taxonomy of the canonical scholia; b) (re)discovering a Macedonian ‘proto-commentator’ hiding in plain sight in the margins of one manuscript; c) sketching some of the scholia's hermeneutic particularities in comparison to the twelfth-century canonical commentaries.
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DĂNILĂ, IRINA ZAMFIRA. "Greek-Romanian manuscript nr. 107 from the “Dumitru Staniloae” Ecumenical Library of the Metropolitan Church of Moldavia and Bukovina in Iasi –an instance of the practice of bilingual church musicin Moldova at the end of the 18th century". ARTES. JOURNAL OF MUSICOLOGY 27, nr 27-28 (2.07.2023): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.35218/ajm-2023-0011.
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The present paper is part of a larger project, intended to catalogue the fund of musical manuscripts from the “Dumitru Staniloae” Ecumenical Library of the Metropolitan Church of Moldova and Bukovina of Iasi and aims to highlight the repertoire and musical semiography of Ms. 107, which can be classified as a small scale Anthologhion in terms of the type of musical collection. What sets it apart from the rest of the codices in the Ecumenical Library of the Metropolitan Church of Moldavia and Bukovina (abridged as LMCMB) of the Iasi manuscript fund is the exegetical, transitional medio-Byzantine musical notation, characterized by a small number of cheironomic signs. Ms. 107 is not dated, its Romanian copyist is not named. The repertoire of Ms. 107 consists mostly of chants for the service of the Divine Liturgy, such as The Sunday Cherouvikon Hymn, The Sunday and festive Koinonika. Some important chants from the Matins Service are also included, among which the Blessings and Polyeleoi should be mentioned. There are only two chants from the Vespers service, both in Romanian, namely Gladsome Light in the 2nd mode and the famous Moldavian Anixandaria by Iosif Monahul [Iosif the Monk], in the plagal of the 4th mode. The authors are classical Greek composers before the Chrysanthine reform (1814): Petros Lampadarios, Petros Byzantios, Nikiphoros Kantouniaris, as well as lesser names such as Anastasios, Vasiliu Stefanos Byzantios. The practice of bilingual Greek-Romanian liturgical chanting is an element of interest in this manuscript, as shown by two chants in this manuscript, first in Greek and then in Romanian: Blessings of the Resurection in the plagal of the tetraphonic 1st voice (leaves 2v and 5v respectively) and the Polyeleos Servants of the Lord, the plagal of the 1st voice (leaves 9v and 25), both of which are Petros Lampadarios’ compositions. Another special element is that although the author of the manuscript is Romanian, the content of the manuscript is mostly in Greek; it had been written in Moldova, most likely in the last decades of the Phanariotes’ rule (around 1790-1810), characterized by the supremacy of Greek culture in the Romanian Principalities (Bucescu, 2009, vol. II, p. 112).
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Ignatenko, Yevgeniya. "Byzantine music in the educational and scientific space of modern Ukraine". Scientific herald of Tchaikovsky National Music Academy of Ukraine, nr 138 (22.12.2023): 116–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.31318/2522-4190.2023.138.294798.
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Relevance of the research. The persistent revival of early music in the twentieth century led to a number of large and small discoveries that significantly enriched the history of European music. Byzantine music became one of the new continents that appeared on the map of European musicology in the twentieth century. The process of comprehending the millennial history of Byzantine music as an important component of European musical culture, as a musical expression of Christian culture, as a tradition that had a powerful influence on the whole of Europe is far from been completed. The revival of the Ukrainian monodic church repertoire, that we observe today, is accompanied by an active search for historical information and appropriate vocal manners and style that lead to the Greek-Byzantine tradition. Comparative studies of Byzantine and East Slavic musical manuscripts have enormous heuristic potential and open up the opportunity to represent the thousand-year history of Ukrainian music, and not be limited to its modern period.
The purpose of our work is to analyze the controversial concepts and approaches to understanding the Byzantine church chant tradition (“Byzantium after Byzantium”, in the words of Nicolae Iorga, traditionalism versus historicism); to show the prospects of Byzantine-Slavic musicological research and the need for its actualization in Ukraine; to present the educational course “Byzantine Music: Theory and Practice”. Methodological framework. The study is based on historicaltypological and comparative research methods.
Results and scientific novelty of the work. The experience of comprehending the Byzantine church chant tradition as an important component of European musical culture was analyzed, discussion concepts and approaches in the development of musical Byzantinology of the twentieth century were highlighted. The prospects and relevance of Byzantine-Slavic music research were shown. The necessity of studying Byzantine music in musical institutions in modern Ukraine was substantiated, the current status of development of Ukrainian musical Byzantine studies was analyzed. An educational program on Byzantine music was presented, and the range of related scientific and methodological discussion topics was outlined.
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Dzurova, Aksinija. "Avtograf na Teodor Hagiopetrit ot C''rkovnija istoriko-arheologiceski Institut v Sofija, CIAI 949". Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, nr 50-2 (2013): 609–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1350609d.
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Subject of this article is the copy of Four Gospels preserved at the Church Institute in Sofia (gr. 949), which was displayed in the Brilliance of Byzantium Exhibition organized during the 22nd International Congress of Byzantine Studies (August 22 - 27, 2011) and which we assumed to have been produced by the hand of one of the most famous scribes at the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 14th century, i.e. Theodore Hagiopetrites. The type of the script employed in the Four Gospels at the Church Institute (CHAI gr. 949) is in the so-called by L. Politis unique ?Hagiopetrites Style?. Although the manuscript does not contain a colophon, comparison to the manuscripts of Theodore Hagiopetrites known to us and especially to Cod. D. gr. 29 (Olim. Kos. 35) at the Ivan Dujcev Centre - an autograph of the scribe of 1307, as well as to another manuscript from Saint Petersburg, Cod. gr. of ASUSSR, No 10/667 of the 14th century, provides good reasons to assume that the Four Gospels manuscript (CHAI gr. 949) was also produced by Theodore Hagiopetrites. Our certainty was further substantiated after we had studied in situ the Four Gospels from Academician N. P. Likhachev?s archive published by Igor Medvedev in the collection ? In Memoriam Ivan Dujcev? of 1988 which is currently kept under No 10/667 in the Archive of the Leningrad Section of the Institute of History at the Russian Academy of Science. Having compared the illumination and the specifics of motif stylization, as well as the specific colouring, we could assert that the two manuscripts manifest pronounced similarities. Thereby, the 27 manuscripts by T. Hagiopetrites published by R. Nelson should also be supplemented by the Four Gospels at the Church Institute (CHAI gr. 949) in addition to the Apostle Lectionary of 1307, autograph of Theodore Hagiopetrites at the Dujcev Centre, Cod. D. gr. 29 (Olim. Kos. 35), which R. Nelson briefly mentioned in his preface, and the Saint Petersburg Four Gospels, published by I. Medvedev.
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Bibikov, Mikhail V. "Kazhdan’s Practices of Working with Manuscript". GRAPHOSPHAERA Writing and Written Practices 3, nr 2 (2023): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2782-5272-2023-3-2-24-29.
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The article contains the notes pro memoria about A. P. Kazhdan’s studies of manuscripts, his achievements and losses in this field. The first case is the episode of the describing by young A. Kazhdan the collection of Greek manuscripts in the former Lenin State Library, now – Russian State Library. The next point is connected with manuscript copy-book by N. Novosadsky, that contained texts of many literary works of Eustathius of Thessalonice, Michael Rhetor (“of Thessalonice”) and other Byzantine authors, copied in El Escorial. They were used by A. Kazhdan himself and by his students in their studies. The last episode con-cerns the case of prohibit for A. Kazhdan to visit Athos and research some manuscripts, even while he visited Grece with a group of colleagues. Those three cases contribute to our un-derstanding of not only the biography of A. P. Kazhdan, but also of the history of Byzantine studies in the USSR and the Russian historiography of the second half of the 20th century in general.
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Kurysheva, Marina A. "Dating and Historical Context of a Greek Manuscript Containing Palaiologoi Emperors’ Portraits (Paris. gr. 1783)". Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, nr 2 (2021): 86–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.2.027.
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This article puts forward a new later dating of the Greek manuscript BnF, Paris. gr. 1783 kept in the National Library of France and containing portraits of emperors of the Palaiologoi dynasty. The manuscript contains important texts related to the Constantinople period of court history and culture. Historiographers used to date the manuscript to the fifteenth century according to the portrait of Patriarch Joseph II (†1439), a famous participant of the Ferraro-Florence Council, which can be seen in the Italian fresco paintings of the fifteenth century. Meanwhile, the study of the manuscript’s palaeographical features shows that it was written by an anonymous scribe from Crete who worked in Venice and Rome for Italian humanists in the middle — third quarter of the sixteenth century. The handwriting of the famous Cretan calligrapher, employee of Francis I’s library in Fontainebleau Angelus Vergecius, as well as some other scribes associated with him was typologically close to the handwriting of the main scribe of the manuscript. Analogies to this handwriting can also be seen in the handwriting of Manuel Provataris, another famous scribe of the epoch, a Cretan Greek from Rethymno, employee and copyist of the Vatican Library. The new palaeographic dating of the Paris. gr. 1783 manuscript changes the date of creation of portrait drawings of the Byzantine emperors of the Palaiologoi dynasty and Patriarch Joseph II. Also, it is important to change the dating of all texts contained in the manuscript including such important texts as one of the three lists of imperial tombs of the Church of Sts. Apostles in Constantinople, as well the list of the offices of the Byzantine court. The Paris. gr. 1783 manuscript should be excluded from the circle of Late Byzantine booklore and attributed to post-Byzantine book heritage.
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Pichkhadze, Anna A. "How Did a Translator into Old Russian Work with His Sources?" Slovene 4, nr 1 (2015): 361–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2015.4.1.23.
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It is a well-known fact that medieval scribes often used several manuscripts as their sources in order to produce a new copy of a text; this is because every source manuscript can contain errors or be damaged. Because scribes did not attempt and were not able to select source manuscripts belonging to the same textual group, the new copy might reflect more than one textual tradition. Translators from Greek into Church Slavonic apparently had the same problems with their sources as scribes did. Moreover, translators had even more difficult problems due to itacism and the numerous abbreviations used in Byzantine manuscripts. However, so far scholars have provided no evidence for the use of multiple Greek manuscripts for translations into Church Slavonic. In this article a few instances of contaminated readings (conflations) from the Old Russian translation of the Life of St. Andrew the Fool are cited. They reflect variant readings from different Greek manuscripts and seem to prove that the translator worked from at least two Greek manuscript sources, which enabled him to choose the wording he considered to be the best for any given passage.
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Zivkovic, Milos. "On Byzantine origins of figural miniatures of Belgrade Alexandride". Zograf, nr 37 (2013): 169–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zog1337169z.
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The late antique literary biography of Alexander the Great known as Pseudo-Callisthenes? Alexander Romance was remarkably popular reading both in Byzantium and in the West in the middle ages. This literary work was also translated into Serbian Slavonic. Two extensively illustrated manuscripts of the ?Serbian Alexandride?, and one decorated with only a few drawings are known. The paper discusses the iconographic features of the oldest of the known manuscripts, the so-called Belgrade Alexandride, which is commonly dated to the second half or the end of the fourteenth century. The research is particularly focused on the costumes of the depicted figures. The findings of the research suggest that the iconographic solutions of the miniatures are of Byzantine origin and that earlier views suggesting West-European influences on their shaping are not founded.
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Tyurina, Olga. "The Octo-modal stichera to the Dormition “Θεαρχίῳ νεύματι” in middle byzantine Sticheraria". St. Tikhons' University Review. Series V. Christian Art 51 (29.09.2023): 29–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15382/sturv202351.29-53.
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An octo-modal hymn in Byzantine liturgical chant is a particular composition type, in which melody runs through all eight modes of the Octoechos. The paper discusses one of such hymns – Sticheron to the Dormition “Thearkhio neumati” as it appears in the Middle Byzantine singing tradition. This melodic version – “Standard Abridged Version” as it is called by Byzantinists – was widely spread in late 12th – 14th centuries and can be found in many manuscripts, written in the diastematic “round” notation that can be read and transcribed.The author presents a detailed study of different melodic and graphic features of the Sticheron: its notation, modal composition, melodic formulae and their cadences. The graphic version from Middle Byzantine manuscripts shows some peculiarity in using modal signatures (called in Greek tradition “martyria”). These signs, marking a modulation or a cadence on a secondary tone, are not obligatory in this version: their number and position change from one manuscript to another without affecting neither the melody of the hymn nor its modal composition. Study of melodico-modal features of the Sticheron reveals, on the other hand, significant similarity in modal and formulae content between authentic modes and their respective plagal modes. Therefore, in a larger sense, the composition of the Sticheron includes not eight, but four wholly distinctive modal sections. There are also other peculiarities: transposition of some melodic formulae; minor discrepancies the melody shows in different manuscripts; some elements of oral singing tradition surviving in the graphic version.In the Appendix to the article, the author presents the full transcription of the Sticheron from Middle Byzantine neumes to modern notation system.
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Boureau, Mai-Lan. "La version α du livre VII de la Physique d’Aristote et son rapport aux familles byzantines a et b". Elenchos 39, nr 1 (28.08.2018): 99–148. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/elen-2018-0005.
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Abstract This paper focuses on the relation between version α of the seventh book of Aristotle’s Physics and the two byzantine families which shape the transmission lineage of most Aristotelian texts. To this end, it establishes a stemma codicum of all known manuscripts of version α. The first step reexamines Simplicius’ testimony in order to overcome the stemmatic problem arising from it: Simplicius’ statement that there was a version β for chapters 4 and 5 seems to be mere speculation on his part. This allows for the more plausible assumption that only the first three chapters of book VII were transmitted in two versions. The paper then deals with the witnesses of version α, which either transmit version α as a whole (e.g. Paris. 1859 – b, and Vind. 64 – Ja) or a mixture of the two versions (e.g. Vat. 1027 – H, and Vat. 241 – I, among Ross’s manuscripts). H and I are shown to stem from the same manuscript ι. ι was used by E2, who famously annotated Paris. 1853 and copied in its margins scholia derived from Philoponus’ commentary as well as κεφάλαια of book VII, both of which also feature in manuscripts close to H and I. Though ι is the source of both a version α (αι) and a version β (βι), the original version of manuscript ι was βι. Therefore, version α cannot be associated with certainty to either of the two byzantine families of Aristotle’s natural works. Although version α may come from a now extinct third family, there is no trace of such a family in either Paris. 1859 (b) or Vind. 64 (Ja), which both got the text of book VII from the same manuscript φ. In any case, the evidence points to all direct witnesses of version α coming from only two sources: ι and φ.
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Penskaya, Daria S. "The Byzantine Narration of Our Father Agapius and Its Slavonic Translation". Slovene 6, nr 2 (2017): 101–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2305-6754.2017.6.2.4.
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The paper introduces the Greek original of the hagiographic text The Narration of Our Father Agapius (presumably from the 5th–6th centuries), which was widely known in Slavonic tradition but remains almost unknown neither to historians of Byzantine culture and to Slavists. The paper consists of two parts. Drawing upon the critical edition of the text, the first part discusses the peculiarities of the Greek tradition. The manuscript from Athens is much more accurate than the second of the two existing Greek manuscripts, from St. Petersburg. Nevertheless, in some cases the Athenian manuscript is defective. Thus, the first culmination of the narrative, the description of the theophany in the Garden of Paradise, is absent. The episode of the raising of the dead son of a widow is also reduced, probably due to its somewhat magical flavor. However, the manuscript from St. Petersburg in its second part is inferior to the Athenian manuscript reducing vast descriptions—prayers and various details of the rites. A comparison of the two Greek manuscripts reveals vivid folkloric and evangelic images of the Greek original that were concealed by various mistakes made by scribes. The second part of the article compares the Greek original of the Narration with the Slavonic translation. The text from the Uspenskij Sbornik is the main focus of the comparison, but other evidence from the South and East Slavonic traditions are also taken into account. The translation eliminated quite a few major traces of the Greek original. Thus, an intimate first-person narration and a striking detail in which the main character himself tells about his death are eliminated. The names of Paradise sites, theological discourses, exhortations, any vast descriptions disappear. The adjusted symbolic structure of the Narration that reveals the transformation of the character from myst to mystagogue is eliminated in the Slavonic tradition and the main idea of the Greek text—the idiorythmia predominating over the koinobion—is scarcely readable. In the Slavonic tradition the text becomes more and more similar to a fairytale.
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Minale, Valerio. "About the reception of Isaurian Ekloge in Byzantine Italy: An effort of comparison with Slavian world and mainly Stefan Dusan’s Serbian empire". Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, nr 49 (2012): 43–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1249043m.
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Aim of the contribute is to offer a new key to analyse the matter concerning the influence of Byzantine law sources on the development of the legal system in Southern Italy. In addition to a historical and juridical survey about the reception process of the Isaurian Ekloge in the territories controlled by the Byzantines, a comparison is tried considering the diffusion of the compilation also in the Slavian world and especially in the Balkan regions: to study the reasons, which persuaded Stefan Du{an to use the text to compose his Zakonik, could be very useful to understand the characters - totally different because of political grounds - of the preservation of the Isaurian Ekloge in the manuscripts coming from Southern Italy.
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Glynias, Joe. "Byzantine Monasticism on the Black Mountain West of Antioch in the 10th-11th Centuries". Studies in Late Antiquity 4, nr 4 (2020): 408–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2020.4.4.408.
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This article sheds light on a hitherto unexplored phenomenon that alters our picture of Byzantine monasticism: the monastic culture of the Black Mountain outside Antioch. From 969-1084, the Black Mountain thrived as a destination for a variety of Chalcedonian monks: Greek-speaking Romans, Arabic-speaking Melkites, Georgians, and Armenians. I illustrate the prosperity of monastic life on the Black Mountain, the scholarly activity flourishing in and between languages, and the networks connecting the mountain to monasteries inside and outside of Byzantium. In this paper, I examine three bodies of source material: manuscripts produced at the Black Mountain, texts produced by its scholars, and the letters of Nikon of the Black Mountain. Colophons in Greek, Arabic, Syriac, and Georgian manuscripts display the active scribal culture of these monasteries. Scholars centered at St. Symeon produced scores of translations from Greek into Arabic and Georgian that illustrate the lasting impact of this multilingual intellectual atmosphere. Nikon’s letters provide the basis for a cultural history of Antiochene monasticism. From these and other sources, I show that the Black Mountain was a major hub in middle Byzantine monastic networks. At the same time when Athos was assuming a primary role in the western Orthodox monastic world, the Black Mountain was performing a similar function in the east.
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Egedi-Kovacs, Emese. "The codex-images and captions of the Barlaam-romance (cod. Athon. Iviron 463 [Lambros 4583])". Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, nr 58 (2021): 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2158117e.
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The study examines the relations between different aspects (Ancient Greek main text, miniatures, Old French translation on the margins, Old French headlines) of the manuscript Iviron ? 463, which is a bilingual (Ancient Greek-Old French) Byzantine manuscript kept on Mount Athos, from a new perspective by including formerly not investigated viewpoints: by exploring the relationship between the miniatures and the headlines that are highlighted by red ink in the Old French text. The study also mentions the explanatory inscriptions in codices that preserved the Greek versions of the Barlaam-romance and are relevant in connection with the Iviron manuscript, furthermore, it investigates the common features of the manuscripts. The analysis reveals new important relations regarding the circumstances of the creation of codex Iviron.
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Pizzone, Aglae. "The Occasionality of Byzantine Didacticism: a Case Study from the Twelfth Century (Milan, Veneranda Biblioteca Ambrosiana, C 222 inf. f. 218r)". Interfaces: A Journal of Medieval European Literatures, nr 11 (28.08.2024): 51–73. https://doi.org/10.54103/interfaces-11-04.
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The paper analyses, edits and translates an unknown didactic poem on prosodic quantity attributed to John Tzetzes. The poem contains an autobiographical and personal component that has a lyrical dimension, challenging the way in which both didactic poetry and Byzantine poetry is traditionally understood. Moreover, manuscripts such as the one preserving the poem under investigation may be seen as sites for both the frozen moment of the didactic occasion and a continuation of the debate in the form of authorial comments on and to the scribe. Overall, the paper argues that didactic poetry in Byzantium was marked by improvisation and personal experience: in other words, a kind of occasionality.
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Aibabin, Aleksandr, i Elzara Khairedinova. "Byzantine Lighting Devices from the Main Basilica of the City on the Eski-Kermen Plateau". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, nr 6 (grudzień 2022): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2022.6.4.
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Introduction. The light played a big role in Byzantine culture. It was an integral part of the original architectural, artistic and symbolic design of the temple. For additional lighting inside the temple, polycandyla, lampadophoroi and candlesticks were used. Lighting devices are depicted on Byzantine mosaics, frescoes, icons, textiles and in manuscripts. Information about lighting devices is also contained in the typicons. Method. In 1930 and 2019–2021, during the excavations of the basilica erected by the Byzantines at the end of the 6th century on the Eski-Kermen plateau, fragments of Byzantine bronze candlesticks and a polycandylon were found. Their study is important for the reconstruction of the interior decoration of the once rich main city temple. Analysis and Results. These candlesticks and a polycandylon are only a small part of the lighting equipment of the main basilica of the city on the Eski-Kermen plateau. The considered lamps give an idea of the complex of church lighting, which was known only by mentions in monastic inventory inventories and typicons of the late 11th – 13th centuries. The increase in the value of candles in the artificial lighting of churches is a characteristic feature of the Komnenos period, which is intensified under the Palaiologoi. Apparently, a new set of lamps began to be used in the main basilica after its reconstruction.
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Morozova, Daria. "Syrians in Post-Roman Britain: an Interdisciplinary Survey". Culturology Ideas, nr 25 (1'2024) (2024): 66–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.37627/2311-9489-25-2024-1.66-78.
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The author reviews literature from various fields of archaeology, history, and linguistics, trying to gather scattered information about contacts between Post-Roman Britain and late Roman Syria. Archaeology shows that a significant part of all imports to Britain in the 5th-7th centuries came from Byzantium and arrived on the Island in Syrian/ Cilician amphorae (both regions were closely intertwined economically, culturally and religiously). Based on these findings and numerous written sources, historians conclude that Syrian merchants played a leading role in trade between Byzantium and Britain. Isotopic studies of the Post-Roman burials in Wales confirm the presence of migrants from the eastern Mediterranean on the island. Linguistic studies of British manuscripts testify to their live contacts with the Byzantines — and specifically the Syrians. This consistent evidence of the long-term presence of Syrians in post-Roman Britain makes it possible to speak with confidence about cultural contacts between Christians of Britain and the Antiochian Church.
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Kujumdzieva, Svetlana. "Reconsidering the Orthodox notated manuscripts from the end of the 12th and 13th century, related to Bulgaria". Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, nr 47 (2010): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi1047179k.
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Manuscripts with notation in the restored Bulgarian state, after Byzantine rule from 1018 to 1187, continued the tradition from former times of being written in Slavic (old-Bulgarian) and Greek, a bilingual practice that was established during the time of SS. Cyril and Methodios. The Greek language did not have an ethnic connotation: it was perceived as the language of the rich culture of Antiquity and as a liturgical language. Most of the manuscripts originated from the south-western Bulgarian lands. Those in Slavic belong to the type of Menaia and Triodia-Pentekostaria; fewer of them are Oktoechoi. The Menaion, the Triodion-Pentekostarion, and the Oktoechos all together constitute the book of the Sticherarion. The manuscripts in Slavic were notated in the Palaeo-Byzantine notation of the archaic adiastematic type. The musical signs in them could be characterized as "instructions" for singing: they did not fix the exact pitch of the tone but only gave the direction of the melody. The manuscripts in Palaeo-Byzantine notation can be systematized into three groups: manuscripts that were partly notated in the Palaeo-Byzantine notation of the Coislin and/or the Chartres type, manuscripts in theta notation, and manuscripts that were fully notated in Palaeo-Byzantine notation. In the Bulgarian libraries from the period under consideration, there are also preserved manuscripts in Greek. They are of the Sticherarion type and were notated in Middle Byzantine notation. The origins of these Sticheraria are linked to the Bachkovo monastery. Manuscripts in Slavic notated in Middle Byzantine notation have not been found and there is no evidence that this notation was adapted to the Slavic language ? either in Bulgaria, or in any other Slavic Orthodox country. However, it does not mean that this notation was not known in any one of them: the Middle Byzantine manuscripts in Greek preserved in the Bulgarian libraries prove that this notation was known. As a whole, till the end of the 13th century, the manuscripts with notation offer a picture of a very dynamic musical practice. Various types of notation show the various levels to which church music developed and functioned: all of the notated manuscripts display a high professional level; the partly notated manuscripts and these in theta notation ? indicate an oral level with particular characteristics.
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Kioridis, Ioannis, i Christos Charakopoulos. "o thrinos yia ton Diyeni Akriti kai tous oikeious tous sto omonimo bizantino epos. Mia proti sinkritiki prosengisi me ton thrino yia ton Ektora stin Iliada". Studia Philologica Valentina, nr 25 (31.01.2024): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/sphv.25.26339.
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The motif of epic lamentation for familiar persons who have passed away has been a popular theme in world literature since the Epic of Gilgamesh and Homer’s Iliad. In this contribution, we focus on the Byzantine epic poem of Digenes Akrites, written by an unknown author of the early 12th century, which recounts the exploits of the eponymous hero on the frontier between the Byzantines and the Arabs. Six manuscripts in Greek survive today (apart from some adaptations in Old Russian), which are variants of the lost original version—all date from the mid-13th or 14th century to the 17th century. Our interest focuses on the four laments for Akritis’ father and mother, himself and his wife, as presented in the six manuscripts. The approach will be comparative between the six texts, the laments for Digenes and similar laments for Hector in the Iliad. Finally, it is essential to draw on Zumthor’s schema of epic lament in French epic medieval texts, and the form in which it is found in the epic laments we are studying.
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Morton, James. "A Twelfth-Century Handbook of Byzantine Canon Law". Vatican Library Review 3, nr 1 (20.06.2024): 55–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27728641-00301001.
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Abstract This article examines the twelfth-century manuscript BAV Vat. gr. 2198 and its contents in light of new research in the field of Byzantine legal history. This codex is most notable for containing a canon law collection known as the Synthesis of the Nomocanon, attributed to “the monk John, the son of the Sebastokrator.” After first introducing the physical details of the manuscript and its history of ownership, the article then lays out the evidence for the identification of John with Adrian Komnenos, nephew of the emperor Alexios I. It next provides a detailed study of the structure and purpose of the Synthesis of the Nomocanon, arguing that it was an attempt to create a practical handbook of canon law that would allow readers to quickly look up canons on particular themes while also being able to check the historical context in which the canons were issued. Lastly, it also surveys the contents of the manuscript’s extensive appendix and offers some general conclusions about the significance of John’s Synthesis within the broader landscape of Komnenian canon law scholarship.
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Martani, Sandra. "The theory and practice of ekphonetic notation: the manuscript Sinait. gr. 213". Plainsong and Medieval Music 12, nr 1 (kwiecień 2003): 15–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0961137103003024.
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The cantillation of the Scriptures played an important role in the complex matrix of symbols that is the Byzantine liturgy. Beginning in the ninth century, a special type of notation called ‘ekphonetic’ was developed to indicate in the lectionaries the formulae used in the chanting of the appointed scriptural pericopes. Gradually, over the course of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the system fell into disuse, and the meaning of the notational signs was forgotten. Unfortunately, no surviving Byzantine theoretical treatises explain the system; hence the only sources of information about it (apart from the lectionaries themselves) are lists of ekphonetic neumes found in some manuscripts. Of particular value in this regard is the manuscript Sinaiticus graecus 213. Not only is this one of the oldest datable Greek evangeliaries, but it contains the most ancient list of neumes heretofore discovered, having escaped the attention of musicologists probably because of its unusual location in the manuscript. The present study, proceeding from an analysis of the theoretical information contained in the Sinait. graec. 213 list, will seek to establish the practical application of the neumes within the body of the manuscript, thus contributing to a clarification of the structural characteristics of the earliest, so-called ‘preclassic’, phase of the notational system.
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Prokopakis, E. P., P. W. Hellings, G. A. Velegrakis i H. Kawauchi. "From ancient Greek medicine to EP³OS". Rhinology journal 48, nr 3 (1.09.2010): 265–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4193/rhino09.211.
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The manuscripts of eminent Byzantine physicians from the 4th to the 14th century contain extensive information on various otorhinolaryngological issues. In their work, the early knowledge of rhinological disease from definition and symptoms to conservative treatment and surgical intervention is intriguing. Most of this meticulous knowledge was developed through time, beginning mainly from Hippocrates and the Hellenistic period. Thereafter, medicine developed through Roman and Byzantium times to finally influence European medicine and later the rest of the Western world. History of medicine reflects the history of mankind itself, and otorhinolaryngology follows closely this path. Our goal is to slim down and illuminate the most challenging of the vast amount of information on rhinological issues contained in the original Greek text of Hippocrates, and mainly in the hagiographical texts of Byzantine medical writers. In particular, we focus on rhinological diseases from antiquity till the time being, following the journey of evolution of topical and nebulizer therapy for sinonasal inflammatory diseases in Greece, from "milothris" to modern nasal sprays, leading to an understanding of the philosophy of our predecessors and the roots of modern rhinology.
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Grimm-Stadelmann, Isabel. "Known and unknown facts about the xenon of the Kral in Constantinople". Zbornik radova Vizantoloskog instituta, nr 60-2 (2023): 1023–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zrvi2360023g.
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This paper examines the extent to which the Xenon of the Kral, founded by Stefan Uros II Milutin in Constantinople in the first part of the 14th century, reflected Byzantine hospital traditions. Milutin?s biography, written around 1332 by the Serbian Archbishop Danilo II, is of great value as a document of medical history, as it contains essential details on the Xenon?s infrastructure and medical staff and the purposes of this charitable foundation in comparison with Byzantine institutions. The regulations on patient admission allow the conclusion that the Xenon of the Kral was probably a hospital for emergency admission. Recent research has tended to focus on the hospital infrastructure at the Xenon of the Kral rather than its status as an international centre of education associated with the teaching activities of the Byzantine humanist John Argyropoulos in the period between 1444 and c. 1453. Furthermore, his teaching had an extremely interesting focus on the intensive study of Galen?s works. Special attention should be paid to the close connection between the Prodromos Monastery ??? ??????, its library and the Xenon, whereby some traces might also lead to Bessarion?s library and especially to his collection of medical manuscripts. The aim of this paper is thus to contextualise the already available research results on the Xenon of the Kral with some sources of Byzantine medical literature, opening up new aspects and research questions which might be of interest for elucidating the intellectual and cultural exchange between Byzantium and Serbia.
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Abrams, Daniel. "Compiling Kabbalistic Secrets after the Spanish Expulsion". Aschkenas 34, nr 2 (14.11.2024): 271–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asch-2024-2013.
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Abstract This study offers a bibliographic history of the manuscript evidence and printed editions of the compilation Shushan Sodot, arranged by Moshe of Kyiv (1449–c. 1520). Positioned within a larger inquiry of numbered compilations of short-form texts of Jewish esoteric literature, Shushan Sodot is one of the largest and most well-known compilations. Following a review of scholarship, the study describes the features of various manuscripts, including those in Byzantine and Spanish script and those produced in later Ashkenazi script. It then focuses on the circulation of a particular format of the text copied by a scribe, with these copies now housed in collections at YIVO and the Jewish Theological Seminary of America. The manuscripts produced in early modern Ashkenazi script were copied from the YIVO manuscript, which also served the printers in Koretz who edited and abbreviated its contents to their tastes. The article concludes with suggestions about how and why this compilation was so well-received in Ashkenazi reading communities and how it became a staple of Jewish esoteric literature in the early modern period.
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Peterson, Jacob W. "Gregory-Aland 424 (ÖNB Cod. Theol. Gr. 302) as Imperfect Exemplar". Novum Testamentum 66, nr 4 (9.09.2024): 515–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-bja10079.
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Abstract GA 424 is an important Byzantine manuscript of Acts and the Catholic Epistles, the Pauline Epistles, and Revelation featuring surrounding commentary and various apparatus bound together with numerous non-biblical texts. This article identifies GA 250 as a direct copy (Abschrift) of 424’s biblical text in both content and layout. While most of the other material was also copied, it was changed, reformatted, and edited in ways that point to a conscious effort at producing a revised edition. Beyond the evidence to support understanding GA 250 as a copy of GA 424, the ability to use GA 250 to reconstruct lost original text in GA 424 is explored, their dates are reconsidered, and desiderata are offered for further investigating the evolution between the manuscripts and their location within their family of manuscripts.
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Diggle, James. "On the Orestes of Euripides". Classical Quarterly 40, nr 1 (maj 1990): 100–123. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800026823.
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I cite manuscripts from my own collations. Information about most of these manuscripts, and explanation of the symbols by which I designate them, may be found in A. Turyn, The Byzantine Manuscript Tradition of the Tragedies of Euripides (Urbana, 1953), K. Matthiessen, Studien zur Textüberlieferung der Euripideischen Hekabe (Heidelberg, 1974), and D. J. Mastronarde and J. M. Bremer, The Textual Tradition of Euripides' Phoinissai (Berkeley, 1982). I shall discuss the affiliations and the relative value of these manuscripts on a later occasion. For the present no knowledge of these matters is needed. I refer to modern editions by the names of their editors: Wecklein = N. Wecklein (Leipzig, 1890), Wecklein (1906) = N. Wecklein (Leipzig and Berlin, 1906), Di Benedetto = V. Di Benedetto (Florence, 1965), Biehl = W. Biehl (Leipzig, Teubner, 1975), Willink = C. W. Willink (Oxford, 1986, 1989 [with Addendis Addenda]), West = M. L. West (Warminster, Aris and Phillips, 1987). Studies refers to my Studies on the Text of Euripides (Oxford, 1981).
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Aerts, Willem J. "The Byzantine Alexander Poem in MS Marcianus graecus 408*". Quaerendo 41, nr 1-2 (2011): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/001495211x572067.
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AbstractAmong the many versions of the Alexander Romance, originating from Alexandria, 3rd century AD, the long Byzantine Alexander Poem (BAP) takes a special place. It is by far the longest item in the miscellaneous manuscript, Marcianus 408, numbering 6130 ‘political’ (fifteen-syllable) verses. Smaller pieces deal with the capture of Constantinople by the Western Crusaders in 1204 and the recapture by the Byzantines in 1261 and genealogies of the Palaeologues; other items are e.g. on special plants, on verses of the poetess Kasia, on a snake bite, etc. The colophon in the last verses of BAP mentions the year 1388, which - as will be argued in this article - can hardly be the date of composition, both on textual and historical grounds. This argument is underpinned with a number of examples.
48
Varvaro, Mario. "Per la datazione del palinsesto veronese delle Institutiones di Gaio (Verona, B. Cap., Cod. XV)". Scriptorium 69, nr 1 (2015): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/scrip.2015.4325.
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Cet article aborde la question de la datation du palimpseste des Institutiones de Gaius (Vérone, B. Cap., Cod. XV). La comparaison avec d’autres manuscrits écrits de manière certaine au 6ème siècle en «onciale BR » montre que ce type d’écriture était une des caractéristiques de l’aire byzantine à l’époque de Justinien. L’auteur réexamine une possible objection à cette datation en notant que les abréviations dans les textes juridiques de la compilation de Justinien n’ont été officiellement interdites par cet empereur qu’à la fin de l’année 533 AD et que cette interdiction était en vigueur dans la partie occidentale de l’empire romain quelques années plus tard. On peut donc en conclure que le manuscrit de Gaius a probablement bien été écrit dans la période justinienne.
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Tranchina, Antonino. "The Early Manuscripts of San Salvatore de Lingua in Messina (Mid-12th Century): Surveying the Chief Decorator". Arts 12, nr 3 (9.05.2023): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts12030098.
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The monastery of Holy Savior has been the subject of much scholarship, but the liturgical reform requested by King Roger II of Sicily and carried out by the first archimandrite, Luke of Rossano, and the latter’s struggle to establish seemly equipment, has been largely neglected. Given its potential relevance for the material setting of the monastery’s early manuscript collection through the middle of the twelfth century, this seems an oversight. Art historians have repeatedly claimed that the monastery’s lofty status could have enabled the spread of Byzantine models to Norman Sicily, especially in relation to figurative arts and manuscript decoration. This paper discusses the same assumption from the opposite perspective. It explores the main tendencies of manuscript decoration at San Salvatore based on the extant evidence from the monastery’s early collection. Building on the paleographical and codicological observations provided in the past decades (mostly by philologists), I examine the manuscripts in terms of decorative practice and artistic culture.
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Delacroix-Besnier, Claudine. "À propos du code FX 28 de la Bibliothèque communale de Sienne". Mélanges de l École française de Rome Moyen Âge 113, nr 2 (2001): 735–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/mefr.2001.9156.
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Cet article met en lumière la communauté grecque uniate de Mytilène au XVe siècle. Il rétablit la véritable date de ce manuscrit, 1749, et son contenu : trois opuscules de Manuel Calécas O. P., dont deux sermons, et une lettre de Simon de Constantinople O. P. Replaçant le traducteur de ces textes dans son temps, il montre une tendance longue chez les Prêcheurs, leur intérêt pour la question de l’Église orthodoxe. Il répond à la question du lectorat auquel s’adressaient les frères de Péra, auteurs de traités en latin, qui eurent une tradition substantielle car ils servirent d’argumentaire lors des discussions avec l’Église byzantine. Les opuscules de Sienne, écrits en grec, eurent une tradition réduite, leur lectorat étant restreint aux Grecs uniates et témoignent de leur pratique du rite romain en grec. Cette note sur le manuscrit de Sienne met en relief la conservation de l’oeuvre théologique et liturgique des Grecs latinophrônes par leurs fidèles. Grâce à eux nous pouvons la connaître dans les manuscrits de la Bibliothèque vaticane.