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1

Koryl, Jakub. "Beasts at School: Luther, Language and Education for the Advancement of Germanness". Journal of Early Modern Christianity 6, nr 1 (26.04.2019): 111–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jemc-2019-2006.

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Abstract The article aims at answering three complementary questions – why the implementation of the Lutheran idea of Christian renewal was possible by means of the German tongue alone; how the language can get beyond its merely communicative and descriptive purposes; and finally when can the performative analogy between speaking and being become essential for the language itself? Consequently, it discusses Luther’s concept of language as the primary vehicle for cultural change in terms of religion and confession, the socio-political agenda and national aspirations. Such a concept involved a great deal of theoretical considerations regarding pragmatic and most of all performative effectiveness of language, that altogether enabled Luther to provide his fellow-countrymen with a language which was culturally self-assertive, founded upon usage rather that abstract rules, and therefore understandable to common men, measurably affecting their way of being. For that reason Luther’s educational aims and his reform of divine worship, being the direct beneficiaries of that discovery, were taken into consideration, together with their social impact on the new cultural modes of comprehending the qualities that distinguish one community from another. Accordingly, the article discusses the language discovered by Luther (Hochdeutsch) as a cultural understructure having an effect on every feature that defines Lutheranism (and the Lutheran collective identity in particular) in respect of politics, religion, values and knowledge. For such a language, more than anything else, was able to take all the German peculiarities into account, and to make Germans finally capable of overcoming the spiritual and corporeal supremacy of the Roman Latin (lingua Romana). A closer insight given here into a pre-Lutheran period of that Roman-German cultural encounter leaves no doubt that Luther himself was often following the footsteps of fifteenth-century German humanists like Jakob Wimpfeling, Rudolph Agricola and Conrad Celtis. Although Germans “are and must remain beasts and stupid brutes,” as Luther declared, nonetheless language, by means of education, and divine worship could finally liberate those beasts from Roman-Latin standards, that is from a foreign way of speaking and being.
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Thurfjell, David, i Erika Willander. "Muslims by Ascription: On Post-Lutheran Secularity and Muslim Immigrants". Numen 68, nr 4 (1.06.2021): 307–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341626.

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Abstract This article empirically explores the interplay between the secular, post-Lutheran majority culture and Muslim immigrants in Sweden. It presents the ambiguous role of religion in the country’s mainstream discourse, the othering of religion that is characteristic to this, and the expectations of Muslims to be strongly religious that follows as its consequence. Four results of a web-panel survey with Swedes of Muslim and Christian family background are then presented: (1) Both groups largely distance themselves from their own religious heritage – the Muslims do this in a more definite way; (2) the Muslim respondents have more secular values and identities than the Christians; (3) contrary expectations, Christian respondents show more affinity to their religious heritage than the Muslims do to theirs; and (4) the fusion between the groups is prominent. The article concludes that equating religious family heritage with religious identity is precipitous in the case of Swedish Muslims.
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Dangor, Suleman. "An Interfaith Perspective on Globalization for the Common Good". American Journal of Islam and Society 21, nr 3 (1.07.2004): 185–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i3.1790.

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The third Annual International Conference on Globalization for theCommon Good was held on 27-31 March 2004 at the Bustan Rotana hotel, Dubai, the United Arab Emirates. More than thirty participants, representingacademics, peace activists, theologians, environmentalists, and businessmenfrom the United States, Europe, Japan, the Gulf region, Australia,and South Africa attended the eleven plenary sessions. These were dividedunder the following headings: Muslim-Christian Dialogue for the CommonGood; Religions and Social Justice; Profit and the Common Good: Conflictor Convergence?; Religions and the Common Good; Urbanization andCities in a Global Age; Globalization and Civilizations; EthicalPerspectives on Globalization; Interfaith Dialogue and Peace-building;Natural Resources, Ecology and Development; Youth in a Global Age; andScience and Technology in a Global Age. The conference was officiallyopened by the founder and chief convenor of the Interfaith Perspective onGlobalization for the Common Good, Dr Kamran Mofid of the UnitedKingdom.Dr William Lesher (Lutheran School of Theology, Chicago) in his“Pathways to Peace” identified the major factors supporting globalizationand showed how global trends become indigenized through the process ofglocalization. Sister Beatrice Mariotti’s (St. Mary’s Catholic HighSchool, Dubai) “Globalization and Christian-Muslim Spiritual Dialoguein Dubai” dealt with three challenges to cultural identity: consumerism,the Internet, and isolationism. Markus Glatz-Schmallegger (CatholicSocial Academy of Austria) argued in his “Religions Acting for ‘Bridgingand Linking Social Capital’ in the Context of Globalization,” that religion,as an organ of civil society, can contribute significantly to socialcapital.In the session on “Profit and the Common Good: Conflict or Convergence?”Kamran Mofid outlined both the negative and positive aspects ofglobalization. This was followed by a lively discussion on how globalization’sbenefits could be extended to all and not confined to a minority ofindividuals, multinationals, and states. Suleman Dangor (University ofKwazulu-Natal, South Africa) outlined the positive and negative featuresof globalization, and then elaborated on the role that religions could playin ensuring that its benefits are spread equitably while developing nationsare protected from its negative impact.Jakob von Uexkull (The Right Livelihood Awards, London, UK), in his“Global Values and Global Stability,” made a case for equitable access tothe world’s natural resources. The possibility of this happening is greaternow that we are moving to a post-secular world. Keyvan Tabari emphasizedthe importance of national sovereignty. Since the demise of the USSR ...
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Kurabtsev, Vasiliy. "Paradoxes of G.W.F. Hegel’s Biography and Philosophical Ideology". Ideas and Ideals 13, nr 3-1 (30.09.2021): 69–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2021-13.3.1-69-83.

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The article examines the paradoxical nature of G.W.F. Hegel’s biography and philosophical ideology. The essence of paradoxicality is substantiated by several factors – biographical, historical-philosophical, hermeneutical, and concrete-historical. The purpose of the work is to identify insufficiently known aspects of the personality and philosophical ideology of the thinker. Methodologically, the study is constructed using dialectical and historical-logical methods. The results of the study are to reveal the voluminous inconsistency of Hegel’s biography and thought; to clarify both the positive and negative aspects of his philosophical ideology. The author shows a number of paradoxes of Hegel’s philosophy: first, the understanding of development as a ‘hard’ war against itself and inattention to the multifactorial and non-linear nature of many processes; secondly, focusing on a logical idea belittles or denies the value of everything else, including living and human beings; thirdly, the desire to raise a person to ‘the highest’ position and at the same time enslave him as a universal creature and a state citizen; fourth, Hegel’s essentialism is frankly anti-existential and merciless to everything private and subjective; fifth, Hegel’s seemingly flawless scientific system suffers from inattention to the complexity and unpredictability of reality; sixth, the Lutheran religiosity of the philosopher turns out to be almost anti-Christian – with the non-recognition of the Most Holy Trinity, without the desire to become a ‘servant’ of another, etc.; seventh, Hegel’s decency and philistine ‘kindness’ are radically different from his pejorative attitude towards the female sex, other peoples, races, and civilizations. Colonialism is justified. Hence, it was quite natural for the German Nazis to turn to Hegel’s ideas. Eighth, the great dialectic has too much belittled the reality of static things, unambiguity and invariance. The novelty of the research lies in the recognition of the true causes and tasks of the thinker’s life and work; in the explanation of his main values, including his understanding of Christianity; in the clarification of the Hegel-German and Hegel-citizen positions. The conclusions of the study are related to the antithetical comparison of the ideology and philosophy of Hegel and Hesse, Hegel and Shestov. The author highlights anti-existential and racial-nationalist motives of the philosopher’s work.
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Lunkin, R., i S. Filatov. "Christian Churches and the Antiidentist Revolution". World Economy and International Relations 65, nr 8 (2021): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-8-97-108.

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The article analyzes the ideological contradictions of liberal democracy, or neoliberalism (antiidentism), and traditionalism (identism) on the example of Christian churches. Antiindentism considers traditional religiosity to be hostile: it should be reformed to conform to neoliberal values, and it should be banished from public space. At the same time, antiidentism does not want to eliminate religion, because it is one of the identities that have to be redone like other human identites. The article examines anti-Christian movements (like the “Black Lives Matter”) as well as conservative and liberal movements within various confessions. The authors emphasize that the antiidentist demands are based on the Christian values of respect for any person, for women and men, regardless of anything, for humane methods of raising children, mercy for any categories of people, regardless of their sexual orientation, etc. On the other hand, the demands of antiidentists go far beyond Christian principles and even common sense (not to quote inconvenient passages of the Bible, to change the rules of church life and the appointment of clergy). The article proposes a classification of confessions by direction and by territorial feature, depending on specifics of divisions based on the attitude to antiidentism (American Churches, the Catholic Church, Lutherans and Anglicans as well as diversity of Orthodox churches that are also touched by the antiidentist wave). The authors conclude that the Christian churches, despite the existence of liberal factions, are primarily a traditionalist force in modern politics. Because of fundamental ideological differences, the consolidation of diverse Christian forces is a difficult task. However, there is some progress in this direction. Evangelicals, traditional Catholics, who make up the majority of the Catholic Church, as well as the majority of Orthodox Christians, are a serious political and, what perhaps more important, ideological force.
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Rukmana, Lisa, i Yoan Mareta. "Sejarah Pemikiran Gerakan Reformasi". Jurnal EduSosial 2, nr 2 (20.12.2022): 67–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.22437/jeso.v2i2.22405.

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Abstrak: Reformasi mengubah wajah politik di Eropa kemudian perubahan itu terjadi di bagian-bagian dunia. Reformasi digagas oleh Martin Luther, seorang pastur di Jerman yang merasa prihatin dengan kondisi umat Kristen. Selain kepapaan masyarakat Kristen yang bertolak belakang dengan kondisi kehidupan mewah para penguasa dan para pastur Gereja, pemberlakuan praktek penjualan Surat Penghapusan Dosa atau yang disebut Surat Aflat menjadi penyebab munculnya dorongan untuk menyusun ulang pola kehidupan masyarakat Kristen. Luther memprotes penyelewengan pihak gereja dengan mencetuskan 95 Dalil dan memakunya di pintu gereja, usaha itu mendapat sambutan dari cendikiawan-cendikiawan Barat yang terbuka pikirannya. Buah dari penerimaan itu reformasi gereja bertransformasi menjadi gerakan pembaharuan pada kesadaran teokrasi yang lebih kuat, perubahan dan pembaharuan bentuk-bentuk hidup gereja, sikap aktif terhadap politik, hingga cara pandang reformasi bertransformasi memuat nilai-nilai utama yang menjadi landasan dan harapan berproses, bernegara dan bermasyarakat. Kata kunci: reformasi, gereja, Katolik Roma, Martin Luther, Calvinisme Abstract: The reforms changed the face of politics in Europe then those changes took place in those parts of the world. The Reformation was initiated by Martin Luther, a priest in Germany who was concerned about the condition of Christians. In addition to the poverty of the Christian community which is contrary to the luxurious living conditions of the rulers and priests of the Church, the imposition of the practice of selling penance letters or the so-called Aflat letter is the cause of the urge to rearrange the pattern of Christian community life. Luther protested against the irregularities of the church by inventing the 95 Theses and nailed them to the door of the church, the effort received a response from Western scholars who were open-minded. The result of the acceptance of church reform is transformed into a movement of renewal in the consciousness of a stronger theocracy, change and renewal of the forms of church life, an active attitude towards politics until the perspective of reform is transformed to contain the main values that are the foundation and expectations of the process, state, and society. Keywords : reformasi, gereja, Katolik Roma, Martin Luther, Calvinisme
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Lj. Мinic, Vesna, i Marija M. Jovanovic. "RELIGIOUS EDUCATION DURING THE FIRST CYCLE OF PRIMARY EDUCATION IN SERBIA". KNOWLEDGE INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL 30, nr 2 (20.03.2019): 373–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij3002373m.

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Religious education as part of the modern society in Serbia is a subject of numerous interdisciplinary scientific studies. Modern education systems in countries where major socio-economic and political changes take place are undergoing major transformations and reforms. Their goal is to make changes to the education process and integrate it into the developmental trends of society, as well as to succeed in the affirmation of cultural and national values. Therefore, the relationship between religion and education, as a form of human consciousness and the need for a successful and fulfilled life in a given society, is very important. Transition processes in Europe have actualized the issue of religion and religious education as an integral part of the teaching process, and have contributed to a more intensive study of these topics. Christianity is the predominant religion in Serbia, or Orthodoxy, to be more accurate. However, there are other religious communities as well, such as: Islamic, Roman Catholic, Jewish, Protestant, etc. In primary and secondary schools in Serbia, religious education is being taught as an optional subject (students are given a choice between civic education and religious education), which is assessed descriptively and not included in the final grade. During the first cycle of primary education, subjects that teach about a particular religion are the following: Orthodox catechism (religious education), Islamic religious education, Catholic religious education, Evangelical Lutheran religious education of the Slovak Evangelical Church, Religious Education of the Christian Reformed Church, Jewish religious education. In addition to religious education, subjects containing religious topics are also: Serbian language, Nature and Society, Music Education, Visual Arts, Folk Tradition. The correlation and the link among the above-mentioned objects will make religious education more meaningful and more interesting for children. The main goal of teaching religion as an integral part of school subjects during the first cycle of primary education in Serbia is the preservation of religion. Religion is a very old social phenomenon which has not lost its significance and topicality to this day; on the contrary, it is becoming more and more present in people’s lives, and it represents a system of ideas, beliefs and practices, a specific type of behavior towards the world, society, man, nature. As such, it is equally significant as art, science, philosophy, etc. Besides the preservation of religion, another goal of religious education is to familiarize children with a certain religion, to teach them the basic characteristics of that religion, to teach them prayers, the significance of liturgy, and the customs of the religion children are learning about. It is important to emphasize that religious teaching should be in a form of an open and tolerant dialogue, while respecting other people’s religious beliefs, in order for it to be meaningful and worthwhile.
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Klauck, H.-J. "Religion without fear. Plutarch on superstition and Early Christian Literature". Verbum et Ecclesia 18, nr 1 (19.07.1997): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v18i1.1128.

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After some introductory remarks on the role of fear in religious discourse. Plutarch’s treatise On Superstition is analysed according to its rhetorical outline. Questions of authenticity are discussed and answered by locating the essay in Plutarch’s early career. Then we ask for the place of “fear of God” in biblical teaching and theology, compare it to Plutarch and show some limits in Plutarch’s youthful thinking, which doesn't yet pay due respect to the life values of myth. We conclude with two New Testament passages, Romans 8:15, masterfully interpreted by Martin Luther, and 1 John 4:17f excellently explained by 20th century’s Swiss theologian and psychologian Oskar Pfister, and we show that these texts are propagating “belief without fear”.
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Tewkesbury, Paul. "Keeping the Dream Alive: Meridian as Alice Walker’s Homage to Martin Luther King and the Beloved Community". Religion and the Arts 15, nr 5 (2011): 603–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852911x596255.

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Abstract This essay examines the ways in which Alice Walker’s 1976 novel Meridian is shaped by Martin Luther King Jr.’s notion of the Beloved Community, a religious and social ideal that epitomized the goals of the 1960s civil rights movement. Previous studies of Meridian focus on connections between the novel and the movement, but they do not explore the connections between the novel’s spiritual dimensions and King’s religious philosophy. As Walker pays tribute to King and his religious philosophy throughout Meridian, she also fleshes out her own womanist philosophy. Indeed, Walker’s womanist philosophy as revealed in Meridian is more congruent with King’s Christian theology than one might expect, for the values of redemptive suffering, nonviolence, love, and community are as central to the novel as they are to King’s thought.
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Cook, Vaneesa. "Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Long Social Gospel Movement". Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 26, nr 1 (2016): 74–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2016.26.1.74.

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AbstractHistorians have posited several theories in an attempt to explain what many regard as Martin Luther King, Jr.'s radical departure, in the late 1960's, from his earlier, liberal framing of civil rights reform. Rather than view his increasingly critical statements against the Vietnam War and the liberal establishment as evidence of a fundamental change in his thinking, a number of scholars have braided the continuity of King's thought within frameworks of democratic socialism and the long civil rights movement, respectively. King's lifelong struggle for racial justice in America, they argue, was rife with broader and more radical implications than that of a national campaign for political inclusion. His message was global, and it was revolutionary. However, when depicting him exclusively in the context of black radicals during “the long civil rights movement,“ or the labor movement, these scholars have a tendency to downplay the most fundamental component of King's activism - his religion. More so than he referenced the brave black leaders of previous civil rights campaigns, King drew upon the writings and ideas of social gospel thinkers, such as Walter Rauschenbusch and Reinhold Niebuhr. By analyzing King within the context of “the long social gospel movement” in addition to “the long civil rights movement,” we can explain his radical social mission in terms of race and class, but without marginalizing the Christian values at the core of his calling.
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Vallikivi, Laur. "Soome-ugri misjon: Eesti kristlaste hõimutöö Venemaal". Eesti Rahva Muuseumi aastaraamat, nr 61 (11.10.2018): 154–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33302/ermar-2018-007.

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Faith-Based Finno-Ugric Outreach: Estonian Christian Missionaries among Kindred Peoples in Russia This article provides an initial overview of the role of Christianity in the Finno-Ugric movement and the instrumentalisation of Finno-Ugric identity. It analyses the mission activity conducted by Estonians (and Finns to some extent) among speakers of Finno-Ugric (Uralic) languages in Russia. Above all, the writings of missionaries are used as the source – primarily mission publications published in Estonia. The background is the author’s fieldwork conducted among Nenets reindeer herders, who have been influenced by Russian and Ukrainian Protestant missionaries, and the Udmurt people living on the far side of the Kama, the latter being untouched by mission work. In both communities, religion and language inherited from forebears have a noteworthy role, even though the younger generation is becoming equally bilingual (the Russian language often dominates) and fewer and fewer young people take part in the non-Christian rituals passed down by their ancestors. The first half of the article gives an overview of how the church’s outreach directed at peoples who speak Finno-Ugric languages (hõimumisjon and hõimutöö are Estonian terms used) developed and the ideology behind it. The second half focuses on the activities of Estonian and Finnish missionaries in Russia. The author looks at the reception that the Erzya and Moksha Mordvins, Mari, Udmurts and Zyrian Komis have given the missionaries and also examines Protestant relations with the Russian Orthodox Church and representatives of local native religions. Whereas the collapse of the Soviet Union saw extensive missionary activity in Russia, Protestants from Estonia and Finland (mainly Lutherans, Methodists, Baptists and Pentecostals) set out to actively spread the gospel among Finno-Ugric peoples living in Russia. As Estonians and Finns are often accepted as ‘kin’, missionaries see this as a ‘niche provided by God’, which should be utilised. The goal for the missionaries is to create a Christian community where the kindred brothers and sisters become religious brethren. In spite of accusations to the contrary, they consider their endeavour something that will save Finno-Ugric cultures and languages, proceeding from the attempt to bring eastern ‘kindred peoples’ closer to the Protestant world and the world of the Estonians and Finns and the possibility of redemption. Protestant Estonian and Finnish missionaries portray themselves as preservers of the local languages. In practice, however, their activities are quite conflicting. On one hand, the need to make religious texts available in native languages is stressed, and they participate in organising translation of Christian texts and promote the local mission in the indigenous languages. On the other hand, the primary language used for outreach is not the local language but Russian, as Russian proficiency is predominant among Finno-Ugrians (although not always on a par with that of Russians). As the primary objective is to convert as many people as possible to Christianity, it is not of primary importance for missionaries to learn the local language. Due to conflicting values and practical choices, few native-language congregations are created. Estonian and Finnish Protestants style themselves as preservers of local cultures. The role model is that of Estonian and Finnish Christian popular cultures where the role of ‘paganism’ is under control and the elements of national culture tend to be integrated into a cultural whole. Missionaries cultivate an image of culture as something that can be dressed, sung, eaten, but not as something that relates to the house guardian spirits or the souls of ancestors, communicating with whom is a factor underlying the creation of a major part of the visible culture. To sum up, the author asserts that Christianisation as a culture-changing force has all the more powerful an effect if cultural changes are resisted.
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Holm, Jette. "Vær velkommen Herrens Aar og velkommen herhid!" Grundtvig-Studier 64, nr 1 (29.05.2015): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v64i1.20908.

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Vær velkommen Herrens Aar og velkommen herhid![Be welcomed Year of the Lord and be welcomed hither!]By Jette HolmGrundtvig’s two hymns entitled Vær velkommen Herrens Aar og velkommen herhid!, for Advent and the New Year, respectively, were written for the First Sunday of Advent 1849 and New Year’s Day 1850 and sung at Vartov. Grundtvig’s son Svend Grundtvig, a scholar and a collector of folksongs, had published an old manuscript in Dansk Kirketidende on 2 December 1849: Wer welkommen, Herrens Aar, och wellkommen herre! An old text for the New Year, with the same beginning, was mentioned as well.N. F. S. Grundtvig was so delighted with the expression “Vær velkommen Herrens Aar og velkommen herhid” that in his sermon on the First Sunday of Advent 1849 he called it “ret et ægte Dansk Hosianna, hvor Munden taler af Hjertets Overflødighed” (“indeed a true Danish Hosianna in which the mouth speaks from the heart’s plenty”). (Fasc. 41).The sermons on the First Sunday of Advent 1849 and on New Year’s Day1850, in which Grundtvig preaches on his two new hymns, have never beenpublished and therefore have been transcribed for Grundtvig-Studier from hismanuscript in Fasc. 41.In his sermon on the Twenty-fifth Sunday after Trinity 1849, Grundtvighad realized for the first time that the old texts, i.e. the old lectionary authorized for use in the Sunday services of the Danish Lutheran Church, form a unity, created by the Holy Spirit. It is this “Herrens Aar” (Year of the Lord) with“Herrens Dag” (the Day of the Lord), with texts and sacraments that Grundtvigwelcomes in his hymns. At Advent just like the crowd in Jerusalem shoutingHosianna!In his sermon on the First Sunday of Advent, 1849, Grundtvig remindsthe congregation that the Year of the Lord brings Mercy, Peace and Joy forChristians. His hymn for Advent has four stanzas, one for Christmas, one forEaster and one for Pentecost, while the fourth sums up the whole Year of theLord with the Days of the Lord.In his sermon on New Year’s Day 1850, Grundtvig quotes the four newstanzas of his second hymn Vær velkommen Herrens Aar and clarifies thedifferences between the New Year of the Church and the civil New Year. Howcan Christians pray for the civil community and their home country? Denmarkwas at war 1848-51.For Christians the Kingdom of God is Justice, Peace and Joy in the HolySpirit. But God is also the Father and Creator of all men, the Lord of Truth,Mercy and Peace. Consequently, He delights in truthfulness, mildness and love of peace; and the Danish people in spite of its worldly poverty and weakness, embodies these values.
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Weis, Monique. "Le mariage protestant au 16e siècle: desacralisation du lien conjugal et nouvelle “sacralisation” de la famille". Vínculos de Historia. Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, nr 8 (20.06.2019): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2019.08.07.

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RÉSUMÉLe principal objectif de cet article est d’encourager une approche plus large, supraconfessionnelle, du mariage et de la famille à l’époque moderne. La conjugalité a été “désacralisée” par les réformateurs protestants du 16e siècle. Martin Luther, parmi d’autres, a refusé le statut de sacrement au mariage, tout en valorisant celui-ci comme une arme contre le péché. En réaction, le concile de Trente a réaffirmé avec force que le mariage est bien un des sept sacrements chrétiens. Mais, promouvant la supériorité du célibat, l’Église catholique n’a jamais beaucoup insisté sur les vertus de la vie et de la piété familiales avant le 19e siècle. En parallèle, les historiens décèlent des signes de “sacralisation” de la famille protestante à partir du 16e siècle. Leurs conclusions doivent être relativisées à la lumière de recherches plus récentes et plus critiques, centrées sur les rapports et les représentations de genre. Elles peuvent néanmoins inspirer une étude élargie et comparative, inexistante dans l’historiographie traditionnelle, des réalités et des perceptions de la famille chrétienne au-delà des frontières confessionnelles.MOTS-CLÉ: Époque Moderne, mariage, famille, protestantisme, Concile de TrenteABSTRACTThe main purpose of this paper is to encourage a broader supra-confessional approach to the history of marriage and the family in the Early Modern era. Wedlock was “desacralized” by the Protestant reformers of the 16th century. Martin Luther, among others, denied the sacramental status of marriage but valued it as a weapon against sin. In reaction, the Council of Trent reinforced marriage as one of the seven sacraments. But the Catholic Church, which promoted the superiority of celibacy, did little to defend the virtues of family life and piety before the 19th century. In parallel, historians have identified signs of a “sacralization” of the Protestant family since the 16th century. These findings must be relativized in the light of newer and more critical studies on gender relations and representations. But they can still inspire a broader comparative study, non-existent in traditional confessional historiography, of the realities and perceptions of the Christian family beyond denominational borders.KEY WORDS: Early Modern Christianity, marriage, family, Protestantism, Council of Trent BIBLIOGRAPHIEAdair, R., Courtship, Illegitimacy and Marriage in Early Modern England, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1996.Beaulande-Barraud, V., “Sexualité, mariage et procréation. Discours et pratiques dans l’Église médiévale (XIIIe-XVe siècles)”, dans Vanderpelen-Diagre, C., & Sägesser, C., (coords.), La Sainte Famille. Sexualité, filiation et parentalité dans l’Église catholique, Problèmes d’Histoire des Religions, 24, Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2017, pp. 19-29.Bels, P., Le mariage des protestants français jusqu’en 1685. Fondements doctrinaux et pratique juridique, Paris, Librairie générale de droit et de jurisprudence, 1968.Benedict, P., Christ’s Churches Purely Reformed. A Social History of Calvinism, New Haven/London, Yale University Press, 2002.Bernos, M., “Le concile de Trente et la sexualité. La doctrine et sa postérité”, dansBernos, M., (coord.), Sexualité et religions, Paris, Cerf, 1988, pp. 217-239.Bernos, M., Femmes et gens d’Église dans la France classique (XVIIe-XVIIIe siècle), Paris, Éditions du Cerf, Histoire religieuse de la France, 2003.Bernos, M., “L’Église et l’amour humain à l’époque moderne”, dans Bernos, M., Les sacrements dans la France des XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles. Pastorale et vécu des fidèles, Aix-en-Provence, Publications de l’Université de Provence, 2007, pp. 245-264.Bologne, J.-C., Histoire du mariage en Occident, Paris, Lattès/Hachette Littératures, 1995.Burghartz, S., Zeiten der Reinheit – Orte der Unzucht. Ehe und Sexualität in Basel während der Frühen Neuzeit, Paderborn, Schöningh, 1999.Calvin, J., Institution de la Religion chrétienne (1541), édition critique en deux vols., Millet, O., (ed.), Genève, Librairie Droz, 2008, vol. 2, pp. 1471-1479.Carillo, F., “Famille”, dans Gisel, P., (coord.), Encyclopédie du protestantisme, Paris, PUF/Quadrige, 2006, p. 489.Christin, O., & Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017.Corbin, A., Courtine, J.-J., et Vigarello, G., (coords.), Histoire du corps, vol. 1: De la Renaissance aux Lumières, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 2005.Corbin, A., Courtine, J.-J., et Vigarello, G., (coords.), Histoire des émotions, vol. 1: De l’Antiquité aux Lumières, Paris, Éditions du Seuil, 2016.Cristellon, C., “Mixed Marriages in Early Modern Europe“, in Seidel Menchi, S., (coord.), Marriage in Europe 1400-1800, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2016, chapter 10.Demos, J., A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony, New York, 1970.Flandrin, J.-L., Familles. Parenté, maison, sexualité dans l’ancienne société, Paris, Seuil, 1976/1984.Forclaz, B., “Le foyer de la discorde? Les mariages mixtes à Utrecht au XVIIe siècle”, Annales. Histoire, Sciences sociales (2008/5), pp. 1101-1123.Forster, M. R., Kaplan, B. J., (coords.), Piety and Family in Early Modern Europe. Essays in Honour of Steven Ozment, St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2005.Forster, M. R., “Domestic Devotions and Family Piety in German Catholicism”, inForster, M. R., Kaplan, B. J., (coords.), Piety and Family in Early Modern Europe. Essays in Honour of Steven Ozment, St. Andrews Studies in Reformation History, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2005, pp. 97-114.François W., & Soen, V. (coords.), The Council of Trent: Reform and Controversy in Europe and Beyond, 1545-1700, Göttingen, Vandenhoek & Ruprecht, 2018.Gautier, S., “Mariages de pasteurs dans le Saint-Empire luthérien: de la question de l’union des corps à la formation d’un corps pastoral ‘exemplaire et plaisant à Dieu’”, dans Christin, O., & Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017, pp. 505-517.Gautier, S., “Identité, éloge et image de soi dans les sermons funéraires des foyers pastoraux luthériens aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles”, Europa moderna. Revue d’histoire et d’iconologie, n. 3 (2012), pp. 54-71.Goody, J., The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe, Cambridge, 1983; L’évolution de la famille et du mariage en Europe, Paris, Armand Colin, 1985/2012.Hacker, P., Faith in Luther. Martin Luther and the Origin of Anthropocentric Religion, Emmaus Academic, 2017.Harrington, J. F., Reordering Marriage and Society in Reformation Germany, Cambridge, 1995.Hendrix, S. H., & Karant-Nunn, S. C., (coords.), Masculinity in the Reformation Era, Kirksville, Truman State University Press, 2008.Hendrix, S. H., “Christianizing Domestic Relations: Women and Marriage in Johann Freder’s Dialogus dem Ehestand zu ehren”, Sixteenth Century Journal, 23 (1992), pp. 251-266.Ingram, M., Church Courts. Sex and Marriage in England 1570-1640, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1987.Jacobsen, G., “Women, Marriage and magisterial Reformation: the case of Malmø”, in Sessions, K. C., & Bebb, P. N., (coords.), Pietas et Societas: New Trends in Reformation Social History, Kirksville, Sixteenth Century Journal Press, 1985, pp. 57-78.Jedin, H., Crise et dénouement du concile de Trente, Paris, Desclée, 1965.Jelsma, A., “‘What Men and Women are meant for’: on marriage and family at the time of the Reformation”, in Jelsma, A., Frontiers of the Reformation. Dissidence and Orthodoxy in Sixteenth Century Europe, Ashgate, 1998, Routledge, 2016, EPUB, chapter 8.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Une oeuvre de chair: l’acte sexuel en tant que liberté chrétienne dans la vie et la pensée de Martin Luther”, dans Christin, O., &Krumenacker, Y., (coords.), Les protestants à l’époque moderne. Une approche anthropologique, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2017, pp. 467-485.Karant-Nunn, S. C., The Reformation of Feeling: Shaping the Religious Emotions in Early Modern Germany, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2010.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “The emergence of the pastoral family in the German Reformation: the parsonage as a site of socio-religious change”, in Dixon, C. S., & Schorn-Schütte, L., (coords.), The Protestant Clergy of Early Modern Europe, Basingstoke, Palgrave/Macmillan, 2003, pp. 79-99.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Reformation Society, Women and the Family”, in Pettegree, A., (coord.), The Reformation World, London/New York, Routledge, 2000, pp. 433-460.Karant-Nunn, S. C., “Marriage, Defenses of”, in Hillerbrand, H. J., (coord.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996, vol. 2, p. 24.Kingdon, R., Adultery and Divorce in Calvin’s Geneva, Harvard University Press, 1995.Krumenacker, Y., “Protestantisme: le mariage n’est plus un sacrement”, dans Mariages, catalogue d’exposition, Archives municipales de Lyon, Lyon, Olivétan, 2017.Le concile de Trente, 2e partie (1551-1563), vol. XI de l’Histoire des conciles oecuméniques, Paris, (Éditions de l’Orante, 1981), Fayard, 2005, pp. 441-455.Les Decrets et Canons touchant le mariage, publiez en la huictiesme session du Concile de Trente, souz nostre sainct pere le Pape Pie quatriesme de ce nom, l’unziesme iour de novembre, 1563, Paris, 1564.Luther, M., “Sermon sur l’état conjugal”, dans OEuvres, I, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 231-240.Luther, M., “Du mariage”, dans Prélude sur la captivité babylonienne de l’Église (1520), dans OEuvres, vol. I, édition publiée sous la direction de M. Lienhard et M. Arnold, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 791-805.Luther, M., De la vie conjugale, dans OEuvres, I, Paris, Gallimard/La Pléiade, 1999, pp. 1147-1179.Mentzer, R., “La place et le rôle des femmes dans les Églises réformées”, Archives de sciences sociales des religions, 113 (2001), pp. 119-132.Morgan, E. S., The Puritan Family. Religion and Domestic Relations in Seventeenth-Century New England, (1944), New York, Harper, 1966.O’Reggio, T., “Martin Luther on Marriage and Family”, 2012, Faculty Publications, Paper 20, Andrews University, http://digitalcommons.andrews.edu/church-history-pubs/20. (consulté le 15 décembre 2018).Ozment, S., When Fathers Ruled. Family Life in Reformation Europe, Studies in Cultural History, Harvard University Press, 1983.Reynolds, P. L., How Marriage became One of the Sacrements. The Sacramental Theology of Marriage from the Medieval Origins to the Council of Trent, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2016/2018.Roper, L., Martin Luther. Renegade and Prophet, London, Vintage, 2016.Roper, L., The Holy Household: Women and Morals in Reformation Augsburg, Oxford Studies in Social History, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1989.Roper, L., “Going to Church and Street: Weddings in Reformation Augsburg”, Past & Present, 106 (1985), pp. 62-101.Safley, T. M., “Marriage”, in Hillerbrand, H. J., (coord.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996, vol. 3, pp. 18-23.Safley, T. M., “Family”, in Hillerbrand, H. J., (coord.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996, vol. 2, pp. 93-98.Safley, T. M., “Protestantism, divorce and the breaking of the modern family”, dans Sessions, K. C., & Bebb, P. N., (coords.), Pietas et Societas: New Trends inReformation Social History, Kirksville, Sixteenth Century Journal Press, 1985, pp. 35-56.Safley, T. M., Let No Man Put Asunder: The Control of Marriage in the German Southwest. A Comparative Study, 1550-1600, Kirksville, Sixteenth Century Journal Press, 1984.Seidel Menchi, S., (coord.), Marriage in Europe 1400-1800, Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 2016.Stone, L., The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500-1800, New York, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1977.Strauss, G., Luther’s House of Learning, Baltimore/London, 1978.Thomas, R., “Éduquer au mariage par l’image dans les Provinces-Unies du XVIIe siècle: les livres illustrés de Jacob Cats”, Les Cahiers du Larhra, dossier sur Images et Histoire, 2012, pp. 113-144.Vanderpelen-Diagre, C., & Sägesser, C., (coords.), La Sainte Famille. Sexualité, filiation et parentalité dans l’Église catholique, Problèmes d’Histoire des Religions, 24,Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université de Bruxelles, 2017.Walch, A., La spiritualité conjugale dans le catholicisme français, XVIe-XXe siècle, Paris, Le Cerf, 2002.Watt, J. R., The Making of Modern Marriage: Matrimonial Control and the Rise of Sentiment in Neuchâtel, Ithaca, 1992.Weis, M., “La ‘Sainte Famille’ inexistante? Le mariage selon le concile de Trente (1563) et à l’époque des Réformes”, dans Vanderpelen-Diagre, C., & Sägesser, C., (coords.), La Sainte Famille. Sexualité, filiation et parentalité dans l’Église catholique, Problèmes d’Histoire des Religions, 24, Bruxelles, Éditions de l’Université deBruxelles, 2017, pp. 31-40.Westphal, S., Schmidt-Voges, I., & Baumann, A., (coords.), Venus und Vulcanus. Ehe und ihre Konflikte in der Frühen Neuzeit, München, Oldenbourg Verlag, 2011.Wiesner, M. E., Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge, 1993.Wiesner, M. E., “Studies of Women, the Family and Gender”, in Maltby, W. S., (coord.), Reformation Europe: A Guide to Research, Saint Louis, 1992, pp. 181-196.Wiesner-Hanks, M. E., “Women”, in Hillerbrand, H. J., (coord.), The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1996, vol. 4, pp. 290-298.Williams, G. H., The Radical Reformation, (1962), 3e ed., Truman State University Press, 2000, pp. 755-798Wunder, H., “He is the Sun. She is the Moon”: Women in Early Modern Germany, Harvard University Press, 1998.Yates, W., “The Protestant View of Marriage”, Journal of Ecumenical Studies, 22 (1985), pp. 41-54.
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Mortensen, Viggo. "Et rodfæstet menneske og en hellig digter". Grundtvig-Studier 49, nr 1 (1.01.1998): 268–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v49i1.16282.

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A Rooted Man and a Sacred PoetBy Viggo MortensenA Review of A.M. Allchin: N.F.S. Grundtvig. An Introduction to his Life and Work. With an afterword by Nicholas Lossky. 338 pp. Writings published by the Grundtvig Society, Århus University Press, 1997.Canon Arthur Macdonald Allchin’s services to Grundtvig research are wellknown to the readers of Grundtvig Studier, so I shall not attempt to enumerate them. But he has now presented us and the world with a brilliant synthesis of his studies of Grundtvig, a comprehensive, thorough and fundamental introduction to Grundtvig, designed for the English-speaking world. Fortunately, the rest of us are free to read as well.It has always been a topic of discussion in Denmark whether Grundtvig can be translated, whether he can be understood by anyone except Danes who have imbibed him with their mother’s milk, so to speak. Allchin is an eloquent proof that it can be done. Grundtvig can be translated and he can be made comprehensible to people who do not belong in Danish culture only, and Allchin spells out a recipe for how it can be done. What is required is for one to enter Grundtvig’s universe, but to enter it as who one is, rooted in one’s own tradition. That is what makes Allchin’s book so exciting and innovative - that he poses questions to Grundtvig’s familiar work from the vantage point of the tradition he comes from, thus opening it up in new and surprising ways.The terms of the headline, »a rooted man« and »a sacred poet« are used about Grundtvig in the book, but they may in many ways be said to describe Allchin, too. He, too, is rooted in a tradition, the Anglican tradition, but also to a large extent the tradition taken over from the Church Fathers as it lives on in the Orthodox Church. Calling him a sacred poet may be going too far.Allchin does not write poetry, but he translates Grundtvig’s prose and poetry empathetically, even poetically, and writes a beautiful and easily understood English.Allchin combines the empathy with the distance necessary to make a renewed and renewing reading so rewarding: »Necessarily things are seen in a different perspective when they are seen from further away. It may be useful for those whose acquaintance with Grundtvig is much closer, to catch a glimpse of his figure as seen from a greater distance« (p. 5). Indeed, it is not only useful, it is inspiring and capable of opening our eyes to new aspects of Grundtvig.The book falls into three main sections. In the first section an overview of Grundtvig’s life and work is given. It does not claim to be complete which is why Allchin only speaks about »Glimpses of a Life«, the main emphasis being on the decisive moments of Grundtvig’s journey to himself. In five chapters, Grundtvig’s way from birth to death is depicted. The five chapters cover: Childhood to Ordination 1783-1811; Conflict and Vision 1811-29; New Directions, Inner and Outer 1829-39; Unexpected Fulfilment 1839-58; and Last Impressions 1858-72. As it will have appeared, Allchin does not follow the traditional division, centred around the familiar years. On the contrary, he is critical of the attempts to focus everything on such »matchless discoveries«; rather than that he tends to emphasize the continuity in the person’s life as well as in his writings. Thus, about Thaning’s attempt to make 1832 the absolute pivotal year it is said: »to see this change as an about turn is mistaken« (p. 61).In the second main section of the book Allchin identifies five main themes in Grundtvig’s work: Discovering the Church; The Historic Ministry; Trinity in Unity; The Earth made in God’s Image; A simple, cheerful, active Life on Earth. It does not quite do Allchin justice to say that he deals with such subjects as the Church, the Office, the Holy Trinity, and Creation theology.His own subtitles, mentioned above, are much more adequate indications of the content of the section, since they suggest the slight but significant differences of meaning that Allchin masters, and which are immensely enlightening.It also becomes clear that it is Grundtvig as a theologian that is the centre of interest, though this does not mean that his work as educator of the people, politician, (history) scholar, and poet is neglected. It adds a wholeness to the presentation which I find valuable.The third and longest section of the book, The Celebration of Faith, gives a comprehensive introduction to Grundtvig’s understanding of Christianity, as it finds expression in his sermons and hymns. The intention here is to let Grundtvig speak for himself. This is achieved through translations of many of his hymns and long extracts from his sermons. Allchin says himself that if there is anything original about his book, it depends on the extensive use of the sermons to illustrate Grundtvig’s understanding of Christianity. After an introduction, Eternity in Time, the exposition is arranged in the pattern of the church year: Advent, Christmas, Annunciation, Easter and Whitsun.In the section about the Annunciation there is a detailed description of the role played by the Virgin Mary and women as a whole in Grundtvig’s understanding of Christianity. He finishes the section by quoting exhaustively from the Catholic theologian Charles Moeller and his views on the Virgin Mary, bearing the impress of the Second Vatican Council, and he concludes that in all probability Grundtvig would not have found it necessary to disagree with such a Reformist Catholic view. Finally there are two sections about The Sign of the Cross and The Ministry of Angels. The book ends with an epilogue, where Allchin sums up in 7 points what modem features he sees in Gmndtvig.Against the fragmented individualism of modem times, he sets Gmndtvig’s sense of cooperation and interdependence. In a world plagued with nationalism, Gmndtvig is seen as an example of one who takes national identity seriously without lapsing into national chauvinism. As one who values differences, Grundtvig appeals to a time that cherishes special traditions.Furthermore Gmndtvig is one of the very greatest ecumenical prophets of the 19th century. In conclusion Allchin translates »Alle mine Kilder« (All my springs shall be in you), »Øjne I var lykkelige« (Eyes you were blessed indeed) and »Lyksaligt det Folk, som har Øre for Klang« (How blest are that people who have an ear for the sound). Thus, in a sense, these hymns become the conclusion of the Gmndtvig introduction. The point has been reached when they can be sung with understanding.While reading Allchin’s book it has been my experience that it is from his interpretation of the best known passages and poems that I have learned most. The familiar stanzas which one has sung hundreds of times are those which one is quite suddenly able to see new aspects in. When, for example, Allchin interprets »Langt højere Bjerge« (Far Higher Mountains), involving Biblical notions of the year of jubilee, it became a new and enlightening experience for me. But the Biblical reference is characteristic. A Biblical theologian is at work here.Or when he interprets »Et jævnt og muntert virksomt Liv paa Jord« (A Simple Cheerful Active Life on Earth), bringing Holger Kjær’s memorial article for Ingeborg Appel into the interpretation. In less than no time we are told indirectly that the most precise understanding of what a simple, cheerful, active life on earth is is to be found in Benedict of Nursia’s monastic mle.That, says Allchin, leads us to the question »where we are to place the Gmndtvigian movement in the whole spectmm of Christian movements of revival which are characteristic of Protestantism« (p. 172). Then - in a comparison with revival movements of a Pietistic and Evangelical nature – Allchin proceeds to give a description of a Grundtvigianism which is culturally open, but nevertheless has close affinities with a medieval, classical, Western monastic tradition: a theocentric humanism. »It is one particular way of knitting together the clashing archetypes of male and female, human and divine, in a renunciation of evil and an embracing of all which is good and on the side of life, a way of making real in the frailties and imperfections of flesh and blood a deeply theocentric humanism« (p. 173).Now, there is a magnificent English sentence. And there are many of them. Occasionally some of the English translations make the reader prick up his ears, such as when Danish »gudelige forsamlinger« becomes »meetings of the godly«. I learnt a few new words, too (»niggardliness« and »esemplastic«) the meaning of which I had to look up; but that is only to be expected from a man of learning like Allchin. But otherwise the book is written in an easily understood and beautiful English. This is also true of the large number of translations, about which Allchin himself says that he has been »tantalised and at times tormented« by the problems connected with translating Grundtvig, particularly, of course, his poetry. Naturally Allchin is fully aware that translation always involves interpretation. When for example he translates Danish »forklaret« into »transfigured«, that choice pulls Grundtvig theologically in the direction that Allchin himself inclines towards. This gives the reader occasion to reflect. It is Allchin’s hope that his work on translating Grundtvig will be followed up by others. »To translate Grundtvig in any adequate way would be the work of not one person but of many, not of one effort but of many. I hope that this preliminary study may set in train a process of Grundtvig assimilation and affirmation« (p. 310)Besides being an introduction to Grundtvig, the book also becomes an introduction to past and contemporary Danish theology and culture. But contemporary Danish art, golden age painting etc. are also brought in and interpreted.As a matter of course, Allchin draws on the whole of the great Anglo-Saxon tradition: Blake, Constable, Eliot, etc., indeed, there are even quite frequent references to Allchin’s own Welsh tradition. In his use of previous secondary literature, Allchin is very generous, quoting it frequently, often concurring with it, and sometimes bringing in half forgotten contributions to the literature on Grundtvig, such as Edvard Lehmann’s book from 1929. However, he may also be quite sharp at times. Martin Marty, for example, must endure being told that he has not understood Grundtvig’s use of the term folkelig.Towards the end of the book, Allchin discusses the reductionist tactics of the Reformers. Anything that is not absolutely necessary can be done away with. Thus, what remains is Faith alone, Grace alone, Christ alone. The result was a radical Christ monism, which ended up with undermining everything that it had originally been the intention to defend. But, says Allchin, Grundtvig goes the opposite way. He does not question justification by faith alone, but he interprets it inclusively. The world in all its plenitude is created in order that joy may grow. There is an extravagance and an exuberance in the divine activity. In a theology that wants to take this seriously, themes like wonder, growth and joy must be crucial.Thus, connections are also established back to the great church tradition. It is well-known how Grundtvig received decisive inspiration from the Fathers of the Eastern Church. Allchin’s contribution is to show that it grows out of a need by Grundtvig himself, and he demonstrates how it manifests itself concretely in Grundtvig’s writings. »Perhaps he had a deep personal need to draw on the wisdom and insight of earlier ages, on the qualities which he finds in the sacred poetry of the Anglo-Saxons, in the liturgical hymns of the Byzantine Church, in the monastic theology of the early medieval West. He needs these resources for his own life, and he is able to transpose them into his world of the nineteenth century, which if it is no longer our world is yet a world in which we can still feel at home. He can be for us a vital link, a point of connection with these older worlds whose riches he had deciphered and transcribed with such love and labour« (p. 60).Thus the book gives us a discussion - more detailed than seen before – of Grundtvig’s relationship to the Apostolic Succession, the sacramental character of the Church and Ordination, and the phenomenon transfiguration which is expounded, partly by bringing in Jakob Knudsen. On the background of the often observed emphasis laid by Grundtvig on the descent into Hell and the transfiguration, his closeness to the orthodox form of Christianity is established. Though Grundtvig does not directly use the word »theosis« or deification, the heart of the matter is there, the matter that has been given emphasis first and foremost in the bilateral talks between the Finnish Lutheran Church and the Russian Orthodox Church. But Grundtvig’s contribution is also seen in the context of other contemporaries and reforming efforts, Khomiakov in Russia, Johann Adam Möhler in Germany, and Keble, Pusey and Newman in England. It is one of Allchin’s major regrets that it did not come to an understanding between the leaders of the Oxford Movement and Grundtvig. If an actual meeting and a fruitful dialogue had materialized, it might have exerted some influence also on the ecumenical situation of today.Allchin shows how the question of the unity of the Church and its universality as God’s Church on earth acquired extreme importance to Grundtvig. »The question of rediscovering Christian unity became a matter of life and death« (p. 108). It is clear that in Allchin’s opinion there has been too little attention on this aspect of Grundtvig. Among other things he attributes it to a tendency in the Danish Church to cut itself off from the rest of the Christian world, because it thinks of itself as so special. And this in a sense is the case, says Allchin. »Where else, at the end of the twentieth century, is there a Church which is willing that a large part of its administration should be carried on by a government department? Where else is there a state which is still willing to take so much responsibility for the administration of the Church’s life?« (p. 68). As will be seen: Allchin is a highly sympathetic, but far from uncritical observer of Danish affairs.When Allchin sees Grundtvig as an ecumenical theologian, it is because he keeps crossing borders between Protestantism and Catholicism, between eastern and western Christianity. His view of Christianity is thus »highly unitive« (p. 310). Grundtvig did pioneer work to break through the stagnation brought on by the church schisms of the Reformation. »If we can see his efforts in that way, then the unfinished business of 1843 might still give rise to fruitful consequences one hundred and fifty years later. That would be a matter of some significance for the growth of the Christian faith into the twentyfirst century, and not only in England and Denmark« (p. 126).In Nicholas Lossky’s Afterword it is likewise Grundtvig’s effort as a bridge builder between the different church groupings that is emphasized. Grundtvig’s theology is seen as a »truly patristic approach to the Christian mystery« (p. 316). Thus Grundtvig becomes a true all-church, universal, »catholic« theologian, for »Catholicity is by definition unity in diversity or diversity in unity« (p. 317).With views like those presented here, Allchin has not only introduced Grundtvig and seen him in relation to present-day issues, but has also fruitfully challenged a Danish Grundtvig tradition and Grundtvigianism. It would be a pity if no one were to take up that challenge.
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Jeeves, Malcolm A. "Why Science and Faith Belong Together: Stories of Mutual Enrichment". Perspectives on Science and Christian Faith 74, nr 1 (marzec 2022): 58–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.56315/pscf3-22jeeves.

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WHY SCIENCE AND FAITH BELONG TOGETHER: Stories of Mutual Enrichment by Malcolm A. Jeeves. Eugene, OR: Cascade Books, 2021. 294 pages. Paperback; $35.00. ISBN: 9781725286191. *Many sense tension between modern science and Christian faith. Malcolm Jeeves, however, intends to show how the two are quite complementary. As Emeritus Professor (University of St. Andrews), past-President of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, Fellow of both the Academy of Medical Sciences and the British Psychological Society, and a prolific author in the arena of science and faith, he is supremely qualified to write this book. *The Preface reveals his motives: emails from distraught students despairing over a faith that seems incompatible with modern science, and polls showing the mass exodus of young people from faith for the same reason. The emails come from those appealing desperately to believing experts for help to hang on to faith, while the polls represent those making the opposite choice by voting with their feet. Scripture has much longer roots than modern science: the written texts go back two or three millennia, and the oral traditions underlying them another several millennia, whereas modern science is very new. So, when these two divinely inspired searches for truth seem to come into conflict, the tendency for some is to favor the tried-and-true, whereas others feel it necessary to favor what is seen as the "new-and-improved." Jeeves's goal is to show how these two books actually complement one another even when they appear to conflict. *The book is divided into three sections. The first looks at how science and cultural changes seem to keep shrinking and changing God, while introducing new alternative gods. God had long been the explanation for many previously unanswerable questions (the origin of the universe and of life, for example), but as modern science made more and more discoveries and filled in knowledge gaps, God grew smaller and smaller. At the same time, changes in societal values prompted some to re-define God to conform to more modern thinking. Essentially, we started making God in our own image using insights gleaned through science (psychology, psychoanalysis [pp. 35–38]) and theology (Augustine, Aquinas, Jonathan Edwards, Karl Rahner [pp. 38–41]). A plethora of substitute gods came into view, chief of which is technology. Social media and the internet seemed to facilitate the erosion of belief. However, Jeeves closes out this section looking at how science and technology can also expand our view of God. From studies of the very small (including DNA and the genetic code) to the very large (the known universe expanding from an estimated radius of 100,000 light years in 1917 to the present day estimate of 46 billion light years), there is now greater reason to be in awe of the Creator God. *The second section explores five major questions: (1) human origins; (2) human nature; (3) miracles of nature; (4) healing miracles; and (5) the nature of faith. For each, there is a pair of chapters: one subtitled "evidence from scripture," and a complementary chapter subtitled "evidence from science." Those subtitles might be misconstrued to imply that evidence would be proffered to explain or answer the question. Sometimes, that is the case. More often, distinct lines of evidence are cited to raise thought-provoking questions, provide divergent perspectives, add a bit of color or fill gaps, and call for more careful nuancing of the data. They serve more to stimulate questions and reflection than to provide an overview or explanation. I eventually came to see that the two sources of human evidence, when brought together within the mind of the reader, become a three-dimensional stereoscopic hologram. *In chapters 4 and 5, on human origins, Jeeves opens with the challenge, voiced by other secular scientists, that genetics does not explain everything about humanity, such as the emergence of personhood and consciousness, our moral values and ethical sense, and language. Therefore, standard evolutionary theory is too limited in scope and needs a "re-think." Equally true, however, theological explanations of these also need a "re-think." The scientific data clearly shows that humans are not starkly different from other animals, and in fact that it is almost certain that we evolved from them. We humans are, though, much more than genes, tissues, and organs. *In chapters 6 and 7, on human nature, nonscholars (both believing and not) are in nearly unanimous agreement that Christianity is critically tied to substance dualism--the idea that humans comprise a material body and an immaterial soul/spirit. In contrast, many scholars, across the spectra of belief (belief/nonbelief) and knowledge (science/theology/philosophy), see major problems with such dualism. Can science explain the soul? Is the case of a child with nearly normal cognitive abilities but lacking a major proportion of brain mass, evidence for a nonmaterial soul (p. 101)? Does Libet's experiment say anything about free will (p. 102)? If humans do not exhibit categorical differences from animals, how are we created in the image of God? *In chapters 8 and 9 (on miracles of nature), Jeeves asks a number of questions. Do miracle claims constitute proof of God? Is God a divine upholder, or occasional gap filler? Do attempts to explain miracles "[explain] them away" (pp. 140–41)? What exactly do we mean by words such as "miracle" and "supernatural"? What does the Bible mean by "signs" and "wonders"? Is there merit in trying to normalize biblical phenomena that appear to be miraculous, using modern scientific explanations? Or do such attempts only raise other problems? *Chapter 10 addresses healing miracles. If someone claims an experience/event which can be shown to have a probability of one-in-a-million, is that a miracle ... given that those odds predict that roughly 7,500 such events will occur within the present global human population? Do religious people tend to live healthier or longer lives than their secular counterparts? Studies that look at cognitive variables (depression; optimism) might suggest "yes," while those that look at biological variables (cancers; cardiovascular events) say "no" (p. 171). Do prayers become cosmic-vending machines? Do miracle claims stand up to medical/scientific scrutiny? Do they need to? *Chapters 11 and 12 concern the multifaceted nature of faith. Jeeves describes faith as involving "credulity," "intellectual assent," and "the psychological processes involved in the act of believing" (p. 178), and then compares faith with belief, doubt, trust, certainty, action, and discipleship (pp. 178–82). Jeeves recounts fascinating evidence from patients suffering various forms of brain disease (Alzheimer's, Parkinson's), discussing how such biological injuries degrade their enjoyment of faith because they rob them of the ability to focus attention, feel emotion, or keep track of a sermon or a passage of scripture (which, Jeeves points out, is another argument against substance dualism). He also looks at how brain dysfunction affected many well-known people of faith, including Martin Luther, John Bunyan, John Wesley, William Cowper, Gerard Manley Hopkins, Lord Shaftesbury, and Christina Rossetti. *The third section focusses on a central theme in this book: that of God interacting with creation in general, and humans in particular. God does this by creating all things, including humans, in his image (as the divine creator), by constantly upholding that creation through natural laws which he has set in place to maintain it (as the divine sustainer), and by putting off his divinity and embodying himself within creation (divine self-emptying or kenosis). Here, Jeeves unpacks divine kenosis, as well as the evolutionary origins and emergence of kenotic behavior in his creatures (otherwise commonly known as altruism, love, compassion, and empathy). *The book concludes with a valuable resource for self-reflection and group study. For each of the thirteen chapters, he provides a few relevant scripture passages, a variety of short paragraphs to review and reflect upon, a number of specific questions for discussion, and suggestions for further readings (books, articles, web-links). *The book is written at the level of a well-read and informed lay-person. No formal training in science or religion is needed, although a keen interest in both is essential. Overall, I found the book very useful, and I highly recommend it. But actions speak louder than words. My first thought upon reading it was to suggest it to my own church pastor for a small group book study; he read the book, then promptly and convincingly made the sales pitch to our church leaders. *Reviewed by Luke Janssen, Emeritus Professor in the Faculty of Health Sciences, McMaster University, Hamilton, ON.
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Sundkvist, Bernice. "Församlingsspiritualitet i ett liturgiskt perspektiv: The Spirituality of the Congregation from a Liturgical Perspective". Scandinavian Journal for Leadership & Theology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.53311/2014.1.3.

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In this article I have focused on three main types of worship in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland. The church has a long liturgical tradition and its liturgical services for Sunday worship and other divine services have been reformed, paying attention to both the tradition of the church and its changing context. The work of the Spirit is not excluded per definition by a fixed service. First, the formula allows scope for variation; but foremost, the Evangelical Lutheran theology interprets the work of the Spirit as an immediate inner work in and through external forms. Sunday worship engages the faithful members of the church. The service is ordered by the liturgical year and its spirituality emphasises the beliefs and values of the Christian tradition and the church. But worship cannot be interpreted as just a transmittal of information, the liturgy is structured as a dialogue between God and the congregation. One is in the presence of God, engaging all the thoughts and emotions in one’s life. At the other end of the spectrum, are special services, such as baptism, confirmation, wedding ceremonies and funerals. In these, the emphasis is on life circumstances and the dimension of spirituality as a way of life. These situations are the reason for the ritual. The challenge here in shaping spirituality is to keep both existential questions and questions of faith together as an integrated whole. Between Sunday worship and the special services, we see worship models emerging that have special topics, such as Gloria Dei-masses, metal music masses and rainbow masses and so on. These also focus on spirituality as a way of life, but not from the point of view of the individual or a family, but through specific topics. This form of worship can help the congregation in communicating and serving special needs. The three main types of worship all try to integrate different dimensions of spirituality in their dialogue with God. They are part of the worship in the local congregation as a whole, but since the specific services are often attended by different people, they can be perceived as separate parts. The challenge is to maintain unity through the different dimensions of beliefs, values and ways of life, with harmonious spirituality within the congregation and its worship as the goal.
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"John Osborne’s Luther: An Islamic Interpretation for Boosting Human Fraternity". International Journal of Arabic-English Studies 22, nr 1 (2.01.2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.33806/ijaes2000.22.1.3.

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The fictional world John Osborne builds up in Luther (1961) dramatizes Martin Luther’s spiritual journey from rooted Catholicism to emerging Protestantism. Throughout the journey, Martin’s religious tendency varies according to the belief he adheres to. This paper examines if the aspects of the Christian doctrine Martin is fed with at first and the initiatives he undertakes later on can be reinterpreted through the lens of Islam. The study tries to prove that drama can be used as a platform that enhances religious and multicultural proximity rather than distance between the western world and the Muslim community. It analyzes the Christian tenets in Luther to demonstrate how the religious values embedded in Osborne’s representation can be brought close to the principles of the Islamic doctrine. Hence, another endeavour for boosting human fraternity is presented based on picking up a modern English drama that was written sixty years ago and analyzing some of its aspects from an Islamic perspective.
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Wachholz, Wilhelm, i Wilhelm Sell. "Sacerdócio geral de todas as pessoas crentes: uma introdução a perspectiva de Martinho Lutero". Revista Encontros Teológicos 33, nr 1 (9.05.2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.46525/ret.v33i1.827.

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Martinho Lutero a partir da sua ênfase na justiça passiva tocou emdiversos temas caros à igreja de seu tempo. Um desses temas é o sacerdócio.Seu posicionamento ficou conhecido como a defesa do Sacerdócio Geral detodos os crentes. Foi um parecer um tanto quanto conflituoso em seu tempohaja vista a comum separação entre o clero e o laicato (povo). Essa separação,bem como a compreensão do sacerdócio, é oriunda de uma progressivacompreensão acerca das funções eclesiais e sua relação com a comunidadecristã. No entanto, Lutero, enquanto biblista, questiona esta posição progressivaresgatando aspectos que julga terem sido esquecidos pela sua igreja e quevieram somar à esta em prejuízo. Defende que todas as pessoas cristãs sãosacerdotes por estarem inseridas por meio do batismo no ministério de JesusCristo. Isso se desdobra no fato de que cada pessoa cristã é responsável echamada a servir neste e por este sacerdócio na igreja e, concomitante, porsua vocação, no mundo.Palavras-chave: Sacerdócio. Martinho Lutero. Vocação.Abstract: From his emphasis on passive righteousness, Martin Luther has approachedseveral valued themes to the church of his time. One of these themesis the priesthood. His positioning became known as the defense of the Priesthoodof all Believers. It was a conflicting view for his time due to the commonseparation between the clergy and the laity (people). This separation, as well asthe understanding of the priesthood, stems from a progressive understanding ofecclesial functions and its relationship with the Christian community. However,Luther, as a professor of Bible, questions this progressive position by rescuingaspects that he believes were forgotten by his church and ended up bringing lossto it. He argues that every Christian is a minister due to the fact that this personis inserted through baptism into the ministry of Jesus Christ. This emphasizesthe fact that every Christian is responsible and called to serve in the ministryand, ultimately, for his vocation in the world.Keywords: Priesthood. Martin Luther. Vocation.
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Van Niekerk, Brimadevi. "Martin Luther and Beyers Naudé: Driven by conscience". HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies 74, nr 3 (31.10.2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/hts.v74i3.4984.

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When Martin Luther tore the church asunder after he attacked ecclesiastical corruption, he unwittingly prompted alternative Reformations in other localities that would metastasize throughout the world. This new freedom begun by Luther – the separation of powers, toleration and freedom of conscience centred on the individual – spread also to our remote corner of the world, South Africa. Half a millennium later, Beyers Naudé, an Afrikaner of Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk parsonage, and a theologian, threatened Afrikaner civil religion through his stand against apartheid. While there are many differences between these men, there was one characteristic which they both shared in the use of their consciences, which was closely connected to their respective Christian faiths. The aim of this article therefore is to show firstly how Luther and Naudé followed the dictates of their consciences which caused them to act against the apparent flow of history in response to the moral values in the societies they found themselves in. Secondly, it will show that with their enlarged sense of responsibility came consequences for both the immediate people surrounding them as well as the community at large. Without over-simplifying the connection between these two individuals in history, the article concludes that both Luther and Naudé are human beings with highly developed consciences, and while both were morally obliged to follow a judgement of conscience formed in good faith and both attained their highest ideals, following one’s conscience is ambiguous because it may scandalise the consciences of those whose consciences are differently formed.
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Farshad Daneshvar, Nik, Mohammad Fazeli i Parvin Dokht Mashhor. "A Study of the Poetic Foundations of Three Prominent Contemporary Poets Mehdi Akhavan Sales, Ahmad Shamloo and Hamid Mossadegh with an Approach to European Literature". Propósitos y Representaciones 8, SPE3 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.20511/pyr2021.v9nspe3.1097.

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Literary schools in the West are influenced by the social and political conditions prevailing in those societies; This means that each school in line with the political and social developments of its time has undergone structural and content changes and gives way to a school with a different perspective. In the second half of the sixteenth century, medieval civilization collapsed and underwent many social, political, and religious changes. The group of many high-ranking landowners and feudal lords who had been forced to pay large sums of money as a result of the successive defeats of France in the Hundred Years' War were gradually forced to sell their lands and properties with all legal rights. The tribal kings belonged to it. This caused the landowners to lose their influence and power, and the government to change from a form of sectarian monarchy to an absolute monarchy. The king, like the ancient Romans, was considered to have absolute authority in the administration of the affairs of the country, and the lords of all lands served the king. By order of the Shah, ministries, the army, the Court of Accounts and the judiciary were formed; The bourgeoisie, meanwhile, entered government positions because of the prosperity of the commercial and industrial market, the wealthy and influential. Other important events, such as new inventions, new naval discoveries, as well as wars known as the Italian Wars, all went hand in hand and completely changed the way of life and the situation of French society. With the advent of Luther and Calvin and fundamental religious reforms, popular belief in the teachings of the clergy waned, and since then Christianity has been limited to a set of rites and ceremonies held by Catholic priests. In addition, Christian theologians gradually found themselves without the need for direct reference to Christian scriptures and recklessly discussed religious issues. On the other hand, in literary works, the desire for great ideas disappeared and literature, which was based on spiritual favors, became frozen. Religious plays lost their religious and heavenly appeal and took on the color of hypocrisy and trade; In this way, almost all the systems and laws that ruled France for centuries were questioned at the beginning of this century, and fundamental changes took place in Europe at that time; But it was not long before the great scientific and maritime discoveries showed him the power of human thought and greatness, and showed him that human endeavors must expand without borders, and that in a world full of contradictions and contradictions, he is free to go his own way. Choose. From then on, people liked what they thought was beautiful and charming; Therefore, not only the manifestations of the world of sensations and the world of nature were in the center of attention, but also the literary works of ancient writers and poets, especially ancient Greece, were doubly valued by them. This gradually led to the formation of a new attitude.
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