Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Liturgical music reform”

THE REFORM OF JEWISH LITURGICAL MUSIC IN GALICIA AT THE TURN OF THE NINETEENTH AND TWENTIETH CENTURIES The article presents the issue of the reform of Jewish liturgical music in Galicia at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Its main question concerns the essence of the reform, the novelty of which relied rather on the introduction of a modern way of performance of traditional music than replacing it with a new repertoire. The text discusses the role of new music performers such as cantors, choirs and organists in Galician Temples. It draws attention to the aesthetic changes of synagogue music and its ideological foundations. It also presents the attitude of progressive Galician Jews toward the repertoire of West European synagogues as well as to the music composed by local orthodox cantors, such as Baruch Schorr, Baruch Kinstler or Eliezer Goldberg. As the analysis of the historical material shows, their musical tastes and strong attachment to tradition tied them more closely to the Galician orthodoxy than to the German reform.

Deals with the regional aspects in the musical organisation of Mass related to the reforms of the Second Vatican Council. The author concretises the features of liturgical music reform and notes the specificity of its realisation in the practice of Catholic commons of the Asian part of Russia, from the Urals to the Far East. It is argued that a combination of musical material integrated in a holistic canonical invariant gives original features to worship in each parish.

The 78th General Convention of the Episcopal Church generated a significant number of resolutions related to the church's liturgy, most of which passed both Houses, including resolutions authorizing preparation of the revision of the 1979 Book of Common Prayer and The Hymnal 1982. A review of the resolutions related to liturgy and music, however, raises fundamental questions about the kind of liturgical reform the church may undertake and how it may integrate growing appreciation for linguistic and cultural diversity in the church, including the insights of feminist, postcolonial, and LGBTQ theological reflection and those produced by theologians of color. This essay argues that serious engagement with these questions suggests a completely reimagined liturgical “center of gravity” that integrates the insights of liturgical scholarship and practice since the authorization of the 1979 Book of Common Prayer and The Hymnal 1982, while providing the flexibility to respond to the church's current diverse contexts.

The first Book of Common Prayer, published in 1549, contains no music. This is not to say that many of the liturgical texts it contains were not intended to be sung or intoned, as they had been for centuries before the Reformation. That singing as well as speaking was permissible is made clear by the rubrics,1 but notation was not supplied, an omission that can only have perplexed English priests and choirs at a time of radical and inadequately prescribed liturgical reform. As E. H. Fellowes commented in 1941, ‘very little attention has been drawn to the problems that must have confronted precentors, organists, choirmasters and composers, when the Latin liturgy was replaced by the Book of Common Prayer issued in the vernacular tongue’.2 To that list he might have added celebrants; and however great these problems may have appeared at choral foundations which maintained close contact with the principal reformers, they must have seemed almost insuperable to the priests at remote parish churches throughout the country.

AbstractThis article seeks to demonstrate Martin Luther's often-overlooked credentials as a musician. Luther was convinced that music was the viva voce evangelii (living voice of the gospel), and unlike other more radical Reformation movements, he encouraged the use of choral and congregational singing in worship. Some of his familiar hymns – Nun freut euch, Ein’ feste Burg and Aus tiefer Not – offer insights into his ambitions to embed congregational singing into his vision of reformed worship, which went hand in hand with liturgical reform. Luther's Formula Missae and the vernacular Deutsche Messe lay the groundwork for Lutheran worship, which restructured the service around the centrality of the gospel proclamation. Luther's musical tradition reached its zenith in the work of J. S. Bach, which continues to echo in the Western musical canon, leaving Luther with a lasting musical legacy.

Under the influence of Calvinism, the musical situation in the Protestant churches in the Netherlands was for a long time marked by sobriety, with attention focused on congregational singing. In the 20th century, church music gained importance through a dominant flow of Lutheran influence. Generally, the liturgical movement highlighted the role of music in worship. The Lutheran church musician Willem Mudde successfully called attention to the German church music reform movement. Inspired by the writings of the German theologian Oskar Söhngen, he strived to apply the ideals and practices of this German movement to the Dutch Protestant churches. He succeeded through his zeal and organisational skills, not only in the Lutheran church but also in other Protestant churches. The idealistic character and educational aims of the movement, however, could not offset the growing individualism and the ongoing crisis in the churches.

AbstractIn 1409 Ludovico Barbo arrived at the monastery of Santa Giustina in Padua, intent on its reformation. Since the late fourteenth century, the scriptorium at Santa Giustina had produced some of the most significant collections of polyphonic music to survive from the period, specialising in copying the avant-garde repertories of the Ars nova. Yet the reforms Barbo sought to introduce – reforms based on ideals he and a cohort of Venetians had been living out on the island of S. Giorgio in Alga – eschewed outward ostentation, and centred on prayerful engagement with the scene of Christ's Passion. Barbo's initiatives would seem at odds with the tradition of secular polyphony cultivated at the monastery in the years before his arrival. Official documents from the reform prohibit the practice of cantus figuratus and paint a picture of a uniformly spare music aesthetic.Manuscript and material evidence from Santa Giustina and dependent houses tells a different story, and suggests that communities found use for the monastery's musical past within the reformed practice of prayer and meditation. Vestiges of this past appear in the most unlikely of places: the Good Friday rituals that Barbo himself worked to strip of polyphonic accoutrement. The efforts of individual monks, musicians and scribes – here Rolando da Casale, whose musical expertise Barbo enlisted in the copying of new liturgical manuscripts, and Johannes Preottonus – emerge as telling examples of the ways in which institutional histories come under the pressure of their individual actors.

Socio-political transformations caused by the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1921, made not only political issues relevant but also cultural and even ideological. In the struggle for statehood could not be ignored church problems that became very popular in society not in 1917, but only in 1918. It is this year that the autocephalous movement in the Ukrainian church space of the centre-region, whose members declared their desire to create a Ukrainian Orthodox Church independent of the Russian Orthodox Church, is appearing and actualized. The article reflects the process of Ukrainianization of liturgical life as an integral part of the autocephalous movement. An example of the activities of Ukrainian composers at the beginning of the 20th century shows their place in the creation of church works in Ukrainian, which became part of the spiritual heritage of Ukraine and the world. In addition, the authors point to the educational movement, which was caused by Ukrainianization of church life and its scale. The Ukrainian church tradition is the heritage of the Ukrainian people. It has been formed for centuries and belongs today to the national cultural heritage of the state. It is based on the spiritual experience of generations, which at the genetic level affects the formation of the mentality of the nation. This metaphysical process goes beyond the limits of human rationality and empiricity and is practically not always guided. Domestic cultural space of Ukraine was formed under the influence of various factors. One of them was the church. The place of the church in the life of the Ukrainian people, of course, should not be underestimated. Soviet historiography attempted to deny this fact, to interpret it in its own, ideologically atheistic dogmas, and order. However, from a historic retrospective, today we have a great opportunity to see that, to a large extent, it was in the church environment that we managed to preserve the original traditions of the Ukrainian people, its sacred legacy, language. The authors aim is to show the phenomenon of Ukrainianization of liturgical life in Ukraine in one of the most dramatic periods in the national history of the twentieth century. 1917 became the frontier in the modern history of Ukraine. Revolutionary events intensified the initiatives of the Ukrainian intelligentsia that long settled on the margins of social consciousness. Competitions for statehood brought to the general churchreligious issues. The All-Ukrainian Orthodox Church Council in 1918, which gave rise to political battles of the time, frankly testified to the presence in the Ukrainian society of the population who sought ecclesiastical autocephaly for the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. In this regard, the national idea was closely intertwined with the Christian tradition of the people, since the latter was firmly rooted in national culture. Despite all the difficulties that arose during discussions about the theme of the independence of the domestic church space from the Russian Orthodox Church, the Third, the last and the key, the session of the Council became the most significant for the Ukrainian church in the search for its own national identity. She was tried to show through the prism of various factors, in particular – spiritual music and liturgical ritual. Thus, a special Commission on Ukrainianization of the Liturgy was created, which considered the reform of church chants, which included both leading musicians and priests. An urgent issue that was discussed during the meetings of the commission on the Ukrainianization of liturgical life in the Ukrainian church was the introduction of universal church singing in Ukrainian churches. Ultimately, one of the key consequences of the church debate during the First All-Ukrainian Church Council was the question of Ukrainianization of the Ukrainian church in general and its clear separation from the Russian cultural space. Thus, analyzing the entire spectrum of socio-political processes at the end of 1917 – early 1919, we can state the fact that for the first time in many decades Ukrainians have had a real chance to declare themselves on the geographical and political map of Europe.

The IInd Eucharistic Congress in Yugoslavia (Ljubljana 1935) can be observed as the culmination of endeavours to revive Eucharistic life as well as to promote the organizers (themselves). Those in charge of the musical programme availed themselves of the event with the aim of carrying into effect practical reforms in church music. In spite of their determination to eliminate secular tendencies from the music performed within and during the religious congressional festivities, the congress programme could not evade the influences of the profane music idiom to the full.

Abstract This paper is a fraction of an ampler project aimed at classifying and studying the entire collection of musical manuscripts from the “Dumitru Stăniloae” Ecumenical Library of the Metropolitan Church of Moldavia and Bukovina of Iasi. This documentary collection consists of a number of 32 musical manuscripts, in Chrysantine notation mainly originating from the 19th century. Manuscript 27 was created in 1846 by Cyril the Monk from the Bisericani Monastery (Neamt county) – he was a psalter, composer and copyist of great talent. He wrote other two manuscripts, ms. inventory numbers 23 and 31/49, which are in the “Dumitru Stăniloae” Ecumenical Library of the Metropolitan Church of Moldavia and Bukovina of Iasi. His own creation (with the mention “by the writer”) in Ms. 27 contains the first psalm, Blessed is the man in the plagal of the 4th mode, the troparia God is with us in the plagal of the 4th mode, the polyeleos Good word in the 4th mode legetos, the doxastikon of the Easter, The day of Ressurection, the plagal of the 1st mode and two heirmoi of the Holy Week. These are chants that are remarkable through their fluidity and expressiveness, as they retain the specific psaltic melodic formulas and reveal a balanced analytical musical writing. The liturgical music in Manuscript 27 consists of various chants, from those performed during the Vespers to the Matin and the Liturgy. Following analysis of the manuscript’s repertoire, I discovered that the main source of Ms. 27 is the first three volumes of the Anthology by Nektarios Frimu, published in Neamț (3rd volume, 1840) and Iași (1st and 2nd volume, 1846). Cyril the Monk, the copyist of Ms. 27, selected works from these sources, and introduced along the self-authored chants mentioned earlier, chants by other lesser-known authors, such as Nechifor (The Blessings of the Ressurection, the plagal of 1st mode in Greek) and Calinic (troparia from the chant Lord is with us, the plagal of the 4th mode in Romanian and the polyeleos The Lord’s servants, the plagal of the 2nd mode, in Greek). Besides, among the chants in Romanian, the manuscript records chants in Greek (by established Greek authors), which are proof of the continuous practice of the Greek chanting in Moldavia, long with that in Romanian, in the period before the Reforms (1863-1864) introduced by Alexandru Ioan Cuza, the ruler of the Romanian Principalities.

The functionality of the late twentieth-century church song In contemporary hymnbooks used by Protestant churches in South Africa, church songs display a variety in style and kind. This article is an attempt to investigate the general function and meaning of the church song. Regarding the nature of the worship service characteristic of the church of today, the following contradictory observation can be made: the contemporary church experiences an apparent liturgical decline yet at the same time a vigorous reform of the church song is taking place. The general modes of the New Testament church, i.e. kerygma, koinonia and leitourgia (see Acts 2:42) can also be applied to the communicative functions of the church song. These modes are also mentioned in the writings of the Reformers, Calvin and Luther, thus providing a Biblical foundation for the role and function of the church song. Several songs included in the new Liedboek van die kerk are used to demonstrate how the modes of kerygma, koinonia and leitourgia influence and determine the function and use of the church song. The conclusion arrived at in this article is that the variety of musical styles present in contemporary church music can only be understood and implemented meaningfully, if liturgicians and members of congregations are aware of the functionality of church music as revealed in the Scriptures.

The curtain rose. The howling of desert wind filled the performance hall in the Shanghai Grand Theatre. Into the center stage, where a scenic construction of a mountain cliff and a desert landscape was dimly lit, entered the character of the Daoist priest Wang Yuanlu (1849–1931), performed by Chen Yizong. Dressed in a worn and dusty outfit of dark blue cotton, characteristic of Daoist priests, Wang began to sweep the floor. After a few moments, he discovered a hidden chambre sealed inside one of the rock sanctuaries carved into the cliff.Signaled by the quick, crystalline, stirring wave of sound from the chimes, a melodious Chinese ocarina solo joined in slowly from the background. Astonished by thousands of Buddhist sūtra scrolls, wall paintings, and sculptures he had just accidentally discovered in the caves, Priest Wang set his broom aside and began to examine these treasures. Dawn had not yet arrived, and the desert sky was pitch-black. Priest Wang held his oil lamp high, strode rhythmically in excitement, sat crossed-legged in a meditative pose, and unfolded a scroll. The sound of the ocarina became fuller and richer and the texture of the music more complex, as several other instruments joined in.Below is the opening scene of the award-winning, theatrical dance-drama Dunhuang, My Dreamland, created by China’s state-sponsored Lanzhou Song and Dance Theatre in 2000. Figure 1a: Poster Side A of Dunhuang, My Dreamland Figure 1b: Poster Side B of Dunhuang, My DreamlandThe scene locates the dance-drama in the rock sanctuaries that today are known as the Dunhuang Mogao Caves, housing Buddhist art accumulated over a period of a thousand years, one of the best well-known UNESCO heritages on the Silk Road. Historically a frontier metropolis, Dunhuang was a strategic site along the Silk Road in northwestern China, a crossroads of trade, and a locus for religious, cultural, and intellectual influences since the Han dynasty (206 B.C.E.–220 C.E.). Travellers, especially Buddhist monks from India and central Asia, passing through Dunhuang on their way to Chang’an (present day Xi’an), China’s ancient capital, would stop to meditate in the Mogao Caves and consult manuscripts in the monastery's library. At the same time, Chinese pilgrims would travel by foot from China through central Asia to Pakistan, India, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, playing a key role in the exchanges between ancient China and the outside world. Travellers from China would stop to acquire provisions at Dunhuang before crossing the Gobi Desert to continue on their long journey abroad. Figure 2: Dunhuang Mogao CavesThis article approaches the idea of “abroad” by examining the present-day imagination of journeys along the Silk Road—specifically, staged performances of the various Silk Road journey-themed dance-dramas sponsored by the Chinese state for enhancing its cultural and foreign policies since the 1970s (Kuang).As ethnomusicologists have demonstrated, musicians, choreographers, and playwrights often utilise historical materials in their performances to construct connections between the past and the present (Bohlman; Herzfeld; Lam; Rees; Shelemay; Tuohy; Wade; Yung: Rawski; Watson). The ancient Silk Road, which linked the Mediterranean coast with central China and beyond, via oasis towns such as Samarkand, has long been associated with the concept of “journeying abroad.” Journeys to distant, foreign lands and encounters of unknown, mysterious cultures along the Silk Road have been documented in historical records, such as A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms (Faxian) and The Great Tang Records on the Western Regions (Xuanzang), and illustrated in classical literature, such as The Travels of Marco Polo (Polo) and the 16th century Chinese novel Journey to the West (Wu). These journeys—coming and going from multiple directions and to different destinations—have inspired contemporary staged performance for audiences around the globe.Home and Abroad: Dunhuang and the Silk RoadDunhuang, My Dreamland (2000), the contemporary dance-drama, staged the journey of a young pilgrim painter travelling from Chang’an to a land of the unfamiliar and beyond borders, in search for the arts that have inspired him. Figure 3: A scene from Dunhuang, My Dreamland showing the young pilgrim painter in the Gobi Desert on the ancient Silk RoadFar from his home, he ended his journey in Dunhuang, historically considered the northwestern periphery of China, well beyond Yangguan and Yumenguan, the bordering passes that separate China and foreign lands. Later scenes in Dunhuang, My Dreamland, portrayed through multiethnic music and dances, the dynamic interactions among merchants, cultural and religious envoys, warriors, and politicians that were making their own journey from abroad to China. The theatrical dance-drama presents a historically inspired, re-imagined vision of both “home” and “abroad” to its audiences as they watch the young painter travel along the Silk Road, across the Gobi Desert, arriving at his own ideal, artistic “homeland”, the Dunhuang Mogao Caves. Since his journey is ultimately a spiritual one, the conceptualisation of travelling “abroad” could also be perceived as “a journey home.”Staged more than four hundred times since it premiered in Beijing in April 2000, Dunhuang, My Dreamland is one of the top ten titles in China’s National Stage Project and one of the most successful theatrical dance-dramas ever produced in China. With revenue of more than thirty million renminbi (RMB), it ranks as the most profitable theatrical dance-drama ever produced in China, with a preproduction cost of six million RMB. The production team receives financial support from China’s Ministry of Culture for its “distinctive ethnic features,” and its “aim to promote traditional Chinese culture,” according to Xu Rong, an official in the Cultural Industry Department of the Ministry. Labeled an outstanding dance-drama of the Chinese nation, it aims to present domestic and international audiences with a vision of China as a historically multifaceted and cosmopolitan nation that has been in close contact with the outside world through the ancient Silk Road. Its production company has been on tour in selected cities throughout China and in countries abroad, including Austria, Spain, and France, literarily making the young pilgrim painter’s “journey along the Silk Road” a new journey abroad, off stage and in reality.Dunhuang, My Dreamland was not the first, nor is it the last, staged performances that portrays the Chinese re-imagination of “journeying abroad” along the ancient Silk Road. It was created as one of many versions of Dunhuang bihua yuewu, a genre of music, dance, and dramatic performances created in the early twentieth century and based primarily on artifacts excavated from the Mogao Caves (Kuang). “The Mogao Caves are the greatest repository of early Chinese art,” states Mimi Gates, who works to increase public awareness of the UNESCO site and raise funds toward its conservation. “Located on the Chinese end of the Silk Road, it also is the place where many cultures of the world intersected with one another, so you have Greek and Roman, Persian and Middle Eastern, Indian and Chinese cultures, all interacting. Given the nature of our world today, it is all very relevant” (Pollack). As an expressive art form, this genre has been thriving since the late 1970s contributing to the global imagination of China’s “Silk Road journeys abroad” long before Dunhuang, My Dreamland achieved its domestic and international fame. For instance, in 2004, The Thousand-Handed and Thousand-Eyed Avalokiteśvara—one of the most representative (and well-known) Dunhuang bihua yuewu programs—was staged as a part of the cultural program during the Paralympic Games in Athens, Greece. This performance, as well as other Dunhuang bihua yuewu dance programs was the perfect embodiment of a foreign religion that arrived in China from abroad and became Sinicized (Kuang). Figure 4: Mural from Dunhuang Mogao Cave No. 45A Brief History of Staging the Silk Road JourneysThe staging of the Silk Road journeys abroad began in the late 1970s. Historically, the Silk Road signifies a multiethnic, cosmopolitan frontier, which underwent incessant conflicts between Chinese sovereigns and nomadic peoples (as well as between other groups), but was strongly imbued with the customs and institutions of central China (Duan, Mair, Shi, Sima). In the twentieth century, when China was no longer an empire, but had become what the early 20th-century reformer Liang Qichao (1873–1929) called “a nation among nations,” the long history of the Silk Road and the colourful, legendary journeys abroad became instrumental in the formation of a modern Chinese nation of unified diversity rooted in an ancient cosmopolitan past. The staged Silk Road theme dance-dramas thus participate in this formation of the Chinese imagination of “nation” and “abroad,” as they aestheticise Chinese history and geography. History and geography—aspects commonly considered constituents of a nation as well as our conceptualisations of “abroad”—are “invariably aestheticized to a certain degree” (Bakhtin 208). Diverse historical and cultural elements from along the Silk Road come together in this performance genre, which can be considered the most representative of various possible stagings of the history and culture of the Silk Road journeys.In 1979, the Chinese state officials in Gansu Province commissioned the benchmark dance-drama Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road, a spectacular theatrical dance-drama praising the pure and noble friendship which existed between the peoples of China and other countries in the Tang dynasty (618-907 C.E.). While its plot also revolves around the Dunhuang Caves and the life of a painter, staged at one of the most critical turning points in modern Chinese history, the work as a whole aims to present the state’s intention of re-establishing diplomatic ties with the outside world after the Cultural Revolution. Unlike Dunhuang, My Dreamland, it presents a nation’s journey abroad and home. To accomplish this goal, Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road introduces the fictional character Yunus, a wealthy Persian merchant who provides the audiences a vision of the historical figure of Peroz III, the last Sassanian prince, who after the Arab conquest of Iran in 651 C.E., found refuge in China. By incorporating scenes of ethnic and folk dances, the drama then stages the journey of painter Zhang’s daughter Yingniang to Persia (present-day Iran) and later, Yunus’s journey abroad to the Tang dynasty imperial court as the Persian Empire’s envoy.Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road, since its debut at Beijing’s Great Hall of the People on the first of October 1979 and shortly after at the Theatre La Scala in Milan, has been staged in more than twenty countries and districts, including France, Italy, Japan, Thailand, Russia, Latvia, Hong Kong, Macao, Taiwan, and recently, in 2013, at the Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts in New York.“The Road”: Staging the Journey TodayWithin the contemporary context of global interdependencies, performing arts have been used as strategic devices for social mobilisation and as a means to represent and perform modern national histories and foreign policies (Davis, Rees, Tian, Tuohy, Wong, David Y. H. Wu). The Silk Road has been chosen as the basis for these state-sponsored, extravagantly produced, and internationally staged contemporary dance programs. In 2008, the welcoming ceremony and artistic presentation at the Olympic Games in Beijing featured twenty apsara dancers and a Dunhuang bihua yuewu dancer with long ribbons, whose body was suspended in mid-air on a rectangular LED extension held by hundreds of performers; on the giant LED screen was a depiction of the ancient Silk Road.In March 2013, Chinese president Xi Jinping introduced the initiatives “Silk Road Economic Belt” and “21st Century Maritime Silk Road” during his journeys abroad in Kazakhstan and Indonesia. These initiatives are now referred to as “One Belt, One Road.” The State Council lists in details the policies and implementation plans for this initiative on its official web page, www.gov.cn. In April 2013, the China Institute in New York launched a yearlong celebration, starting with "Dunhuang: Buddhist Art and the Gateway of the Silk Road" with a re-creation of one of the caves and a selection of artifacts from the site. In March 2015, the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), China’s top economic planning agency, released a new action plan outlining key details of the “One Belt, One Road” initiative. Xi Jinping has made the program a centrepiece of both his foreign and domestic economic policies. One of the central economic strategies is to promote cultural industry that could enhance trades along the Silk Road.Encouraged by the “One Belt, One Road” policies, in March 2016, The Silk Princess premiered in Xi’an and was staged at the National Centre for the Performing Arts in Beijing the following July. While Dunhuang, My Dreamland and Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road were inspired by the Buddhist art found in Dunhuang, The Silk Princess, based on a story about a princess bringing silk and silkworm-breeding skills to the western regions of China in the Tang Dynasty (618-907) has a different historical origin. The princess's story was portrayed in a woodblock from the Tang Dynasty discovered by Sir Marc Aurel Stein, a British archaeologist during his expedition to Xinjiang (now Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region) in the early 19th century, and in a temple mural discovered during a 2002 Chinese-Japanese expedition in the Dandanwulike region. Figure 5: Poster of The Silk PrincessIn January 2016, the Shannxi Provincial Song and Dance Troupe staged The Silk Road, a new theatrical dance-drama. Unlike Dunhuang, My Dreamland, the newly staged dance-drama “centers around the ‘road’ and the deepening relationship merchants and travellers developed with it as they traveled along its course,” said Director Yang Wei during an interview with the author. According to her, the show uses seven archetypes—a traveler, a guard, a messenger, and so on—to present the stories that took place along this historic route. Unbounded by specific space or time, each of these archetypes embodies the foreign-travel experience of a different group of individuals, in a manner that may well be related to the social actors of globalised culture and of transnationalism today. Figure 6: Poster of The Silk RoadConclusionAs seen in Rain of Flowers along the Silk Road and Dunhuang, My Dreamland, staging the processes of Silk Road journeys has become a way of connecting the Chinese imagination of “home” with the Chinese imagination of “abroad.” Staging a nation’s heritage abroad on contemporary stages invites a new imagination of homeland, borders, and transnationalism. Once aestheticised through staged performances, such as that of the Dunhuang bihua yuewu, the historical and topological landscape of Dunhuang becomes a performed narrative, embodying the national heritage.The staging of Silk Road journeys continues, and is being developed into various forms, from theatrical dance-drama to digital exhibitions such as the Smithsonian’s Pure Land: Inside the Mogao Grottes at Dunhuang (Stromberg) and the Getty’s Cave Temples of Dunhuang: Buddhist Art on China's Silk Road (Sivak and Hood). 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