Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Literbug”

The pharmacokinetics of oral and intravenous ofloxacin (7.5 mg.kg of body weight-1 given over 30 min) were studied in an open crossover study of 17 Vietnamese children, aged between 5 and 14 years, with acute uncomplicated typhoid fever. Following oral administration, the median (95% confidence interval [CI]) time to peak concentration of ofloxacin in serum (Cmax) was 1.7 h (1.4 to 1.9 h) and the mean (95% CI) Cmax was 5.5 mg.liter-1 (4.7 to 6.3 mg.liter-1) compared with a Cmax of 8.7 mg.liter-1 (7.6 to 9.7 mg.liter-1) following the intravenous infusion. The median (95% CI) total apparent volume of distribution following the first intravenous dose, 1.35 liter.kg-1 (1.17 to 1.73 liter.kg-1), was significantly larger than that following the second dose, 0.99 liter.kg-1 (0.86 to 1.17 liter.kg-1; P < 0.0005), although the estimates for systemic clearance were similar: 0.255 liter.kg-1 h-1 (0.147 to 0.325 liter.kg-1 h-1) compared with 0.172 liter.kg-1 h-1 (0.127 to 0.292 liter.kg-1 h-1; P = 0.14). The mean residence times (95% CI) following intravenous and oral administration were similar: 5.24 h (4.84 to 6.58 h) and 6.24 h (5.32 to 7.85 h), respectively. The mean (95% CI) oral bioavailability was 91% (74 to 109%). The peak concentrations in serum were 10 to 100 times higher than the maximum MICs for ofloxacin against multidrug-resistant Salmonella typhi isolated in this area. Although the systemic clearance values were higher than those reported previously for adults, these data overall suggest that weight-or area-adjusted dose regimens for the treatment of typhoid in older children should be the same as those for adults.

‘As writes our Virgil, concerned more with what made the best poetry than with complete accuracy, since his object was to delight his readers rather than to instruct farmers.’Seneca passed this judgement on the Georgics after witnessing certain agricultural practices where he was staying (at Liternum on the north-west coast of Campania), which appeared to disagree with a statement of Virgil's (G. 2.58). He then proceeded to mention another Virgilian agricultural error (G. 1.215–16), selected from ‘all the others’ (alia omnia) that he says he could have discussed, in order to drive his point home.

Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mempelajari, menganalisa, dan menjelaskan independensi yang berlandaskan tauhid. Peneliti menggunakan metode penelitian kulitatif deskriptif berjenis studi kepustaan untuk mencari data. Data yang dipakai adalah dari penelitian sebelumnya dan literaur-litratur islam berupa al-quran, al-hadits dan buku-buku ulama. Hasil menunjukkan bahwa independensi berlandaskan tauhid akan melahirkan nilai-nilai keadilan, motivasi berbuat kebenaran, dan amanah. Seorang auditor harus memegang nilai-nilai tersebut didalam pekerjaannya. Penulis berharap dengan penelitian ini bisa menambah diskusi mengenai auditing syariah khususnya topik independensi yang mana masih jarang dilakukan oleh peneliti islam dan semakin memperkaya pemikiran untuk merumuskan konsep independensi yang benar-benar sesuai islam.

Tulisan ini dilatarbelakangi oleh beberapa penelitian mengenai perkembangan dan penerapan reksadana syariah di Indonesia, serta melihat kondisi yang terjadi di dunia pasar modal Indonesia yang saat ini sedang menjadi tren di kalangan ekonom muda. Tulisan ini memiliki tujuan untuk memberikan wawasan lebih dalam, mengenai penerapan dan perkembangan reksadana syariah yang telah terjadi di Indonesia di lihat dari berbagai sumber penelitian dan literatur yang ada. Penulis memakai metode penulisan studi literatur dengan menelaah beberapa jurnal dan litertur yang terkait dengan perkembangan dan penerapan reksadana syariah yang telah selama ini terjadi di Indonesia. Hasil telaah tesebut nantinya akan digunakan untuk menberikan dan memperjelas wawasan mengenai penerapan dan perkembangan reksadana syariah di Indonesia. Kata Kunci: Reksadana Syariah, Penerapan, Perkembangan, Studi Literatur.

Penelitian ini dilatar belakangi dengan kondisi pendidikan saat ini di Indonesia dengan rendahnya keilmuan siswa akan kearifan lokal yang berpengaruh terhadap karakter siswa. Penelitian ini ditulis dengan maksud untuk mengetahui Iimplemntasi pembelajaran berbasis kearifan lokal pada karakter siswa. Data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini menggunakan study litertur dengan cara mengkaji beberapa artikel dan buku tentang kearifan lokal serta karakter siswa. Teknik yang digunakan dengan cara membuat literatur riview pada sumber yang terdiri dari buku dan artikel ilmiah yang kemudian dianalisis dan dikembangkan. Hasil dalam penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa pembelajaran berbasis kearifan lokal sangat penting dibelajarkan di sekolah karena dapat meningkatkan nilai karakter siswa yang bersifat positif. Pembelajaran ini dapat dilakasanakan di sekolah dengan memperhatikan tahap perencanaan, pelaksanaan serta penilaian siswa.

<em>Penulisan artikel ini adalah untuk mengetahui fenomena game online dikalangan anak sekolah dasar mengenai dampak positif dan negatif game online. Artikel ini merupakan hasil analisis dengan mengkaji literature yang mempunyai kaitan dengan topik pembahasan. Model artikel ini adalah studi literature. Dari hasil analisis dan pengkajian literaur yang dilakukan menunjukkan bahwa, fenomena penggunaan game online dikalangan anak sekolah dasar memiliki dampak postifi dan negatif. Dampak positif game online adalah dapat melatih anak dalam kerjasama, konsentrasi, bahasa inggris, kecepatan, kreativitas, kesenangan, kesabaran, dan mengurangi stress. Sedangkan dampak negatif game online yaitu kecanduan, menimbulkan sikap buruk baik seperti tutur kata yang diucapkan saat bermain dan sikap buruk saat bermain seperti menepuk meja, merampas/mencuri hak orang lain, bermalas-malasan dengan kegiatan lain selain bermain game online.</em>

Le monde et les expériences qu’il permet ont été identifiés notamment par Comenius (1592-1670) comme un agent éducatif à part entière. René Descartes (1596-1650) faisait savoir que c’est dans le grand livre du monde qu’il étudiait et acquérait des expériences. La notion de ville éducatrice emprunte à cette réalité éducative inhérente à tous les environnements humains que nous analysons à l’épreuve des attentes d’écocivisme de gestion des déchets. En effet, depuis plusieurs décennies des attentes sur le tri, la valorisation ou la réduction des déchets font régulièrement l’objet de campagnes d’information, de communication et de sensibilisation auprès du public. Pourtant, nous observons la présence des déchets abandonnés par les citoyens qui s’en débarrassent principalement au cours de leurs consommations nomades dans les lieux de circulation, les espaces partagés et publics. L’intensification des opérations de ramassage et de nettoyage des lieux et espaces ainsi souillés tente de répondre aux préoccupations environnementales et à la norme d’une société qui valorise la propreté. Cette situation questionne sur les ressorts de la persistance de ce comportement de littering qui est l’abandon des déchets par petites unités dans l’espace public. Formellement identifié au États-Unis et spécifiquement combattu dans plusieurs pays (Suisse, Autriche, Japon, inde…), cette catégorie de déchets n’a pas été distinctement reconnue en France. Le littering nous interroge sur la capacité du corps social à induire l’amélioration de ces comportements inadéquats ainsi que sur la nature de la biopolitique - la manière dont les gouvernants conduisent la conduite des populations - qui est mise en œuvre pour amener les populations à l’adoption des comportements souhaités. Nous avons mis en œuvre une collecte et un traitement de données multi référentielles dans des allers retours entre le terrain et la recherche. Nous avons mené une enquête ethnographique sur les pratiques de gestion des déchets axée sur le litter - déchets sauvages diffus - en Corse et dans tous les lieux de l’itinérance de la chercheuse. Notre recherche nous a permis d’identifier cinq modes d’abandon des déchets et six formes de littering. Nous avons défini une biopolitique déléguée des collectivités locales axée sur la prescription, la surveillance, la répression et la prestation. Nous avons identifié une quarantaine de freins à l’acquisition des compétences de gestion des déchets. Parmi ces freins, nous avons identifié une quinzaine de connaissances admises en sciences de l’éducation qui sont définies comme nécessaires à l’acte éducatif mais qui ne sont pas prises en compte dans les actions menées en direction du public pour leur changement de comportements. Ces résultats indiquent la non prise en compte des perspectives véritablement éducatives dans les démarches visant l’acquisition des compétences de gestion des déchets des populations. Leurs prises en compte permettraient d’enclencher et d’articuler toutes les formes d’éducation – formelle, non formelle, informelle et l’autodidaxie- pour une amélioration des pratiques sociales. Le renforcement du renouvellement des pratiques sociales serait mieux affirmé auprès des jeunes générations dans le cadre d’une réflexion pédagogique menée avec les citoyens intéressés, les parents, le personnel éducatif et les Atsem -qui seront chargés de la validation des acquis- afin de s’assurer que tous les élèves qui quittent la maternelle aient effectivement intégré la compétence de binning que l’on pourrait traduire par réflexe poubelle
The world and the experiences it allows were identified by Comenuis (1592-1670) as an educational agent in its own right. René Descartes (1637/2019) said that it was in the great book of the world that he studied and acquired experiences. The notion of the educating city borrows from this educational reality inherent in all human environments, which we are analysing against the expectations of environmental citizenship in waste management. Indeed, for several decades now, expectations concerning waste sorting, recovery or reduction have been the subject of regular information, communication and awareness campaigns among the public. However, we observe the presence of waste abandoned by citizens who dispose of it mainly during their nomadic consumption in traffic areas, shared and public spaces. The intensification of collection and cleaning operations in these places and spaces is an attempt to respond to environmental concerns and the norm of a society that values cleanliness. This situation raises questions about the reasons for the persistence of littering, which is the abandonment of waste in small units in the public space. Formally identified in the United States and specifically fought in several countries (Switzerland, Austria, Japan, India, etc.), this category of waste has not been distinctly recognised in France. Littering raises questions about the capacity of the social body to induce the improvement of these inappropriate behaviours and about the nature of the biopolitics - the way in which governments conduct populations - that is implemented to bring populations to adopt the desired behaviours. We have implemented a multi-referential data collection and processing in a grounded theory approach. We conducted an ethnographic survey on waste management practices focused on litter - diffuse litter - in Corsica and in all the places where the researcher was travelling. Our research allowed us to identify five modes of waste abandonment and six forms of littering. We defined a delegated local authority biopolitics based on prescription, surveillance, repression and provision. We identified about 40 barriers to the acquisition of waste management skills. Among these obstacles, we have identified about fifteen pieces of knowledge accepted in the educational sciences which are defined as necessary for the educational act but which are not taken into account in the actions carried out towards the public to change their behaviour. These results indicate that truly educational perspectives are not taken into account in approaches aimed at acquiring people's waste management skills. Taking them into account would make it possible to initiate and articulate all forms of education - formal, non-formal, informal and self-education - to improve social practices. The reinforcement of the renewal of social practices would be better asserted among the younger generations within the framework of a pedagogical reflection carried out with interested citizens, parents, educational staff and nursery school teachers - who will be in charge of validating what has been learned - in order to ensure that all pupils who leave nursery school have effectively integrated the binning skill, which could be translated as the bin reflex
U mondu è e sperienze ch’ellu permette sò stati identificati in particulare da Comeniu (1592-1670) cum’è un agentu educativu à sè stessu. René Descartes (1596-1650) hà fattu sapè ch'ellu hà studiatu è ch’ellu hà acquistatu a sperienza in u grande libru di u mondu. A nuzione di cità educatrice piglia in contu sta realità educativa applicata à tutti l’ambienti umani analizzati per ciò chì tocca à l’attese di l’ecocivismu in a gestione di a rumenza. Infatti, dipoi parechji decenni, l'attese in quantu à a triturazione selettiva, a ricuperazione o a riduzzione di i scarti sò regularmente u sughjettu di e campagne d'infurmazione, di cumunicazione è di sensibilizazione versu u publicu. Tuttavia, si pò vede a presenza di i scarti abbandunati da i citadini chì si ne sbarazzanu soprattuttu dopu à l’usi nomadi in loghi di circulazione, spazii spartuti è publichi. L'intensificazione di l'operazioni di raccolta è di pulizia di i loghi è di i spazii cusì imbrutati prova à risponde à i prublemi ambientali è normativi di una sucietà in ricerca di a valutazione di a pulizia.Sta situazione ci porta à dumandassi quale sò i principali motivi di a persistenza di stu cumpurtamentu di littering chì hè l'abbandunamentu di i scarti in piccule unità di u spaziu publicu. Identificatu chjaramente in i Stati Uniti è scumbattutu specificamente in parechji paesi (Svizzera, Austria, Giappone, India, etc.), sta categuria di rumenza ùn hè micca stata chjaramente ricunnisciuta in Francia. U littering interruga nantu à a capacità di u corpu suciale per migliurà cumpurtamenti inadeguati è ancu nantu à a natura di a biopulitica - a manera scelta da i guvernanti per cunduce a ghente versu un cumpurtamentu vulsutu - chì pò esse imposta à e populazioni. Avemu riunitu e tratatu dati multi-referenziali à partesi di andate e ritorni trà u campu e a ricerca. Avemu sviluppatu un’inchiesta etnografica di e pratiche di gestione di a rumenza cuncentrata nantu à u litter - rifiuti salvatichi diffusi - in Corsica è in tutti i loghi induve u cercadore pò viaghjà.A nostra ricerca ci hà permessu di identificà cinque modi d'abbandunamentu di i scarti è sei forme di littering. Avemu definitu una biopulitica delegata à e cumunità lucali, è centrata in a prescrizione, a surviglianza, a ripressione è a prestazione. Avemu identificatu una quarantina d'ostaculi à l'acquistu di cumpetenze di gestione di i a rumenza. Frà quessi, avemu identificatu una quindecina di cunniscenze accettate in e scienze di l’educazione, definite cum’è necessarie per l’attu educativu, ma chì ùn sò micca state prese in contu per l’azzioni realizate versu u publicu, per un cambiamentu di cumpurtamentu. Questi risultati indicanu chì e prospettive veramente educative ùn sò micca cunsiderate, per ciò chi tocca à l’acquistu di cumpetenze di gestione di i scarti di a populazione. Pigliandule in contu, ci permetterebbe d’inizià è di sviluppà tutte e forme d’educazione – formale, non-formale, informale è autoapprendimentu – per un migliurazione di e pratiche suciali. U rinfurzamentu di u rinnovu di e pratiche suciali saria megliu affirmatu incù e ghjovane ghjinerazione in u quadru di una riflessione pedagogica realizata cù citadini, genitori, squadre educative è Atsem cuncernati - chì seranu rispunsevuli di a cunvalida di e cunniscenze acquistate - per assicurassi chì tutti i sculari chì compianu a prima scola avessinu acquistatu a cumpetenza di binning, chì puderia esse tradutta cum'è u riflessu rumenza

This chapter defines the geographical limits of Roman Campania before engaging with the poetic blend, symbolism, and prolepsis with which Silius constructs his fictional and mythological digressions and his conjunctions of people and places. The confrontation of his protagonists, Scipio and Hannibal, is anticipated first in Hannibal’s visit to the temple in Liternum, prominently adorned with images of Roman victory in the First Punic War, and secondly by Scipio’s charismatic leadership of Italian contingents from remote parts of Campania. The contrast of the epic’s protagonists continues against the backdrop of Campania to which Hannibal returns as the triumphant victor of Cannae in Book 11. The geography of Campania is again interwoven into Silius’ epic narrative, for Capua’s treacherous defection will receive stern retribution at the end of the Campanian sequence in Book 13.

This chapter posits a martial role for Campanian otium and socordia. Beginning with Silius’ description of Hannibal’s struggle through the marshes with Campania in the role of delayer (6.651–2), it suggests that, in blocking his progress, gentle, pastoral Campania joins forces with the old Cunctator, Fabius Maximus, in Punica 7, in retaliation for Hannibal’s devastation of her herds and vineyards. The balance, ingenuity, and proleptic force of Silius’ fictional ecphrases are a key facet of this chapter: whereas Hannibal threatens to obliterate the painted images of defeat on the temple walls at Liternum with scenes of Carthaginian triumph, Scipio is given indications of Roman victory by the Roman and Carthaginian heroes whom he encounters in his Nekyia in Punica 13. Finally, it will be Campanian otium and luxuria, dangerously excessive and grotesquely abused in Capua, that will extinguish Hannibal’s military ambition.

Architectural symbolism explains monumentality for only a small number of religious or imperial buildings, in their representations of the divine and the cosmic, or their insinuation of the semi-divine nature of the emperor. But for the majority of patrons of public buildings under the Roman Empire monumentality was not tied to such concepts, but was expressed on a more human level. Architecture contributed to the public image of individual patrons in the same way as did other ‘status symbols’. A Roman aristocrat’s house was a public monument; by contrast, the house of a disgraced man was destroyed. In what follows, I shall argue that the forms of architecture used in public as well as private buildings played an important role in promoting an owner’s social identity, and that they did so because of the ideas they embodied. For Seneca, the squared stone construction of the villa of Scipio Africanus at Liternum, with ‘towers raised on all sides to defend it’, was a physical embodiment of the idea that ‘a man’s home is his castle’. In the same way, the frequent mosaic pattern in private houses at Pompeii and other Roman colonies, especially in southern Gaul and northern Italy, of a labyrinth set within a walled circuit (Fig. 72), had a metaphoric purpose: it signalled that the house was both exclusive and impregnable, the work of a Daedalus-like master architect, and, as the aedificatio of the owner, a statement of his social rank. Because such a mosaic pattern could only be fully comprehended from the top of the building, preferably a high one, it had an inherent association with monumental architecture. Cicero chose a portico on his estates for its ‘dignity’ and a vault for its honour, while the younger Pliny in his villas at Laurentum and Tusci relished forms that he had ‘begun [himself ] or, if already begun, brought to completion and thoroughly adorned’; they included a white marble stibadium, a ‘tetrastyle’ arbour of cipollino columns, and a topiary of box which, like a monumental inscription, spelled his name and that of his architect.