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Maloa, Tomé Miranda. "História da economia socialista moçambicana." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-10112016-142148/.
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A presente Dissertação de Mestrado tem por objetivo resgatar através da História os aspectos que mais marcaram a organização econômica moçambicana, principalmente, entre os anos 1975 a 1986. Período este em que a FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique) adotou o Marxismo-Leninismo como o modelo de organização econômica, política e social. Porém, faz também um rescaldo dos aspetos relacionados com a organização econômica colonial portuguesa, depois herdada pelo primeiro governo independente do país. Especificamente, este estudo faz uma abordagem das opções estruturais do modelo de desenvolvimento socialista de Moçambique pós-colonial até os finais dos anos oitenta. Dentro deste processo, assinalo que o meu objetivo não consistia na apresentação de uma organização geral da História da economia socialista moçambicano, mas em inscrever o meu contributo na continuidade de uma reflexão multifacetada, iniciada há largos anos pelas gerações anteriores.<br>This Master Dissertation objective rescues the aspects that marked the Mozambican economic organization, especially between the years between 1975 and 1986, when FRELIMO (Mozambique Liberation Front) adopted Marxism-Leninism as the model of economic, political and social organization. However, it also makes an aftermath of the aspects related to the Portuguese colonial economic organization, which was later inherited by the first independent government in the country. Specifically, this study is an approach to structural options of the socialist model of development of post-colonial Mozambique until the end of the eighties. Within this process it has developed a centrally planned economy to overcome the inherited colonial capitalism in order to ensure compliance of the State leftist politics with the people\'s interests.
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Nercessian, Andy Hagop. "Marxism-Leninism, national identity, and the perception of Armenian music." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.619554.
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Bruley, Sue. "Leninism, Stalinism, and the women's movement in Britain, 1920-1939." New York : Garland Pub, 1986. http://books.google.com/books?id=Pa7aAAAAMAAJ.
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Walker, R. "Soviet Marxism-Leninism and the question of ideology : A critical analysis." Thesis, University of Essex, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.380564.
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Filho, Celso Ramos Figueiredo. "Partido Operário Comunista (POC): história e memória de uma organização marxista-leninista (1968-1971)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-13092016-135537/.
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Esta tese tem por objeto o Partido Operário Comunista (POC). Trata-se de uma organização da esquerda radical brasileira, atuante durante os chamados anos de chumbo da ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1968-1971) sobre a qual não há nenhum estudo acadêmico mais pormenorizado. O POC foi oficialmente fundado em um Congresso realizado em abril de 1968, na cidade de São Paulo, com a fusão de duas organizações anteriormente existentes, a Organização Revolucionária Marxista-Política Operária (POLOP) e a Dissidência Leninista do Partido Comunista Brasileiro do Rio Grande do Sul (DI-RS). A linha política adotada pelo novo partido foi estabelecida pelo Programa Socialista para o Brasil, para o qual a revolução brasileira deveria ser socialista, e conduzida por um partido de vanguarda da classe operária, que estaria à frente de uma aliança operário-camponesa, engrossada por elementos revolucionários da pequena-burguesia. Inicialmente resistente ao engajamento nas ações de guerrilha urbana, o POC procurou canalizar seus esforços para os movimentos de massa que estavam ascensão quando da sua fundação. Neste sentido, dirigiu a militância para o movimento operário de Contagem (MG) e Osasco (SP), onde ocorreram importantes mobilizações nesse período. A organização também procurou influenciar o movimento estudantil e, para isso criou o Movimento Universidade Crítica, MUC, também em 1968. No início de 1969, com o descenso desses movimentos devido também ao AI-5, o POC reconheceu ter colhido poucos frutos desses esforços, sobretudo no movimento operário, onde sua presença continuou esparsa. Neste ínterim, várias organizações da esquerda já estavam francamente engajadas em ações armadas, o que motivava uma dupla crítica no interior do POC: ineficácia nas ações de massa, e inexistência de ações de guerrilha. Ácidos debates internos passaram a ocorrer no seu interior, corroendo sua coesão. Este processo de luta política interna se prolongou por todo o ano de 1969, polarizando os militaristas contra os massistas. Trocas mútuas de acusações levaram este grupo a romper com o POC em março de 1970 e a recriar a antiga POLOP. Dentre os militantes remanescentes do POC ainda se manteve um caloroso debate em torno das duas idéias-força: militarismo versus massismo. Há de se dizer que, de forma esparsa, e sempre em associação a outras organizações, o POC já havia praticado algumas ações armadas, dirigidas para a obtenção de recursos financeiros. a partir de meados de 1970, na sequência de prisões de militantes das organizações militaristas, a polícia política atingiria em cheio o POC, levando ao seu desmantelamento no Brasil em junho de 1971. Nesta tese procurei compreender os pormenores internos de uma organização leninista, bem como a rotina da militância em meio a um contexto repressivo, apoiando na noção de cultura política de Serge Bernstein. Por essa razão busquei os relatos de ex-membros do partido, através dos quais pude conhecer suas memórias sobre esse período.<br>This thesis is engaged in the Communist Workers Party (POC). It is an organization of the Brazilian radical left active during the so-called \"years of lead\" the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship (1968-1971) on which there is no more detailed academic study. The POC was officially founded at a congress held in April 1968 in São Paulo, with the merger of two previously existing organizations, the Organization Revolutionary Workers Marxist-Policy (POLOP) and the Brazilian Communist Party\'s Leninist Dissent Rio Grande South (DI-RS). The political line adopted by the new party was established by the \"Socialist Program for Brazil\", for which the Brazilian revolution should be socialist, and led by a vanguard party of the working class, who would be the head of a worker-peasant alliance, thickened by revolutionary elements of the petty bourgeoisie. Initially resistant engagement in urban guerrilla actions, the POC sought to channel their efforts to the mass movements that were rising at the time of its foundation. In this sense, he directed militancy to the labor movement of Contagem (MG) and Osasco (SP), where there were important mobilizations that period. The organization also sought to influence the student movement and to this end has created the \"Movement University Critical,\" MUC, also in 1968. In early 1969, with the decline of these movements also due to AI-5, POC acknowledged harvested little fruit of these efforts, especially in the labor movement, where his presence remained sparse. Meanwhile, several organizations of the left were already openly engaged in armed actions, which motivated a double criticism within the POC: ineffectiveness in mass actions, and lack of guerrilla actions. Acids internal discussions began to take place inside, eroding its cohesion. This political infighting process lasted throughout the year 1969, polarizing the \"militarists\" against \"massistas\". mutual exchange of accusations led this group to break with the POC in March 1970 and re-create the old POLOP. Among the remaining militants POC still remained a heated debate around the two key ideas: militarism \"versus\" massismo. One has to say that, sparsely, and always in association with other organizations, the POC had practiced some armed actions aimed at obtaining financial resources. from the mid-1970s, following arrests of militants from militarist organizations, the political police would reach full POC, leading to their being dismantled in Brazil in June 1971. This thesis tried to understand the internal details of a Leninist organization, as well as the routine of militancy amid a repressive environment, supporting the political culture\'s notion of Serge Bernstein. Therefore sought the reports of former party members, through which I got to know his memories of that period.
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Johansson, Alexander. "Kommunismens himmelska mandat : Juche som en symbios av marxism-leninism, nationalism och konfucianism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-374102.
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This essay is a hermeneutic reading and analysis of the swedish translation of a selection of Kim il Sungs political writings (jucheidén och dess lysande segrar, 1975). The book consists primarily of impairments of speeches and interviews that Kim participated in or held between 1965-1972. By analyzing his political statements, I intend to show the potential that the concept of Juche is a constructed symbiosis consisted of Confucianism, Marxism-Leninism and nationalism, and to describe how they function together to legitimize Kim il Sung’s political agenda. Furthermore, I intend to present the internal and external complexities which can have contributed to the creation of Juche and the historical effects that can be expected from this symbiosis. Primarily I will focus on the concept of family, androcentric view of history and the important of culture politics as a mean to unite and control the population of the Peoples Republic of Korea. The purpose of this essay is not simply to point out what is Confucianism respectively Communism, but simply to suggest the possibility to read in a Confucian context in some statements made by Kim il Sung. The interpretation is theoretically based on Timothy Fitzgerald’s concept of critical religion, which points out religion as an irrelevant and disable concept, combined with Anna Suns argumentation of Confucianism as a non-essential teaching and western invented concept.
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Fonseca, Thiago Silva Augusto da. "Hardt, Negri e a organização do desejo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-11112015-133853/.
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Esta pesquisa vai às obras filosóficas de Michael Hardt e Antonio Negri a fim de investigar possibilidades de organização de lutas contra o presente estado de coisas, ou seja, de lutas revolucionárias. Hardt e Negri desenvolvem o tema a partir de uma apreensão do leninismo, entendido não como fórmula de organização de um partido de vanguarda, mas como adequa-ção da composição política dos trabalhadores (forma da organização) à sua composição técni-ca (forma hegemônica da produção). Nesta chave, acompanhamos a investigação que fazem das novas formas de produção, chamadas por alguns de pós-fordistas e, por eles, recorrendo à terminologia foucaultiana, de produção biopolítica, que consiste num trabalho socializado que produz o que chamam de comum. Esse novo paradigma da produção tem por sujeito e objeto a vida, cuja principal força é o desejo. Posto isso, a questão que eles nos oferecem e que tomamos como central para nossa pesquisa é: como organizar o desejo? Seguimos sua trilha em busca dessa renovação do leninismo, a fim de compreender o que entendem por de-sejo tal que possa ser organizado, e o resultado disso, que vem a ser o conceito de multidão. A multidão, como desejo organizado, luta contra o presente estado de coisas, isto é, dentro de e contra um mercado mundial totalizante que Hardt e Negri chamam de império.<br>This dissertation goes to Michael Hardts and Antonio Negris philosophical works in search of possibilities for the organization of struggles against the present state of things, or for the organization of revolutionary struggles. Hardt and Negri develop this subject from a unique approach of Leninism, understood not as some party of vanguard formula but as an adequacy between workers technical and political compositions (or between the way people work and the way they struggle). In this sense, we follow the inquiry Hardt and Negri make on the new forms of production, post-fordist produc-tion to some and biopolitical production to them, resorting to Foucaults terminology. Such production consists on a socialized work that produces that which they call the common. This new paradigm of production takes life itself both as its subject and ob-ject, and its main strength is desire. From this point, the questioning they offer us and that we take as central in this research is: how to organize desire? We follow their tracks on this renewal of Leninism, trying to understand what desire is in order to be organized, and its outcome, i.e., the concept of multitude. Multitude, as organized de-sire, struggles against the present state of things, inside and against a totalizing world market that Hardt and Negri call empire.
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Kornreich, Yoel. "Zhang Wentian and the academy of Marxism and Leninism during the pre-rectification period, 1938-1941." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7556.
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This thesis on Zhang Wentian (1900-1976) and the Academy of Marxism and Leninism
(1938-1941) in pre-Rectification Yan’an has two primary objectives. First, contrary to
previous studies of Yan’an, which engaged in Mao’s rise to power, this study examines
the period from the perspective of another senior Party leader Zhang Wentian. This study
seeks to explore Zhang’s background, his political position at the Party, his relationship
with Mao, and the ideological differences and compatibilities between him and Mao. It
argues that Zhang was among Mao’s supporters and that he shared with him many ideas.
In spite of their collaboration, Zhang and Mao had some major ideological disagreements
regarding the sinification of Marxism and Party history. Through the analysis of Zhang
Wentian, this thesis is intended to help “rescue” CCP history from the Maoist narrative.
Second, this thesis explores diversity in pre-Rectification Yan’ an through the study of the
Academy of Marxism and Leninism where Zhang Wentian served as the principal. The
examination of the Academy shows that the lecturers there held contending positions
regarding the sinification of Marxim and the periodization of Chinese history, and that
Party leaders of different political factions were able to lecture at the Academy. Before
Mao’s rise to supreme power in late 1941, Zhang, as the principal of the Academy, had
the authority to shape the curriculum according to his approach to Marxism. In late 1941,
however, with political power centralized in the hands of Mao, the Academy was
transformed into the Central Research Institute, and its members were expected to
conducted research according to Mao’s approach. Consequently, diversity at the
Academy disappeared with Zhang’s diminished status.
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Nevitt, Christopher Earle. "Markets without democracy, democracy without markets : transformations from Leninism in China and the former-Soviet Union /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9804521.
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Ploetz, Michael. "Troy besieged : Marxism-Leninism in the Second Cold War (1978-1985) - a reconstruction from East German sources." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287579.
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Sundström, Olle. ""Vildrenen är själv detsamma som en gud" : "gudar" och "andar" i sovjetiska etnografers beskrivningar av samojediska världsåskådningar." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-1951.
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This thesis examines strategies and practices, in Soviet ethnographic research, concerning terminologies for and classifications of what in research texts are conventionally called “supernatural beings” in the world views of the Samoyedic peoples. The question is put whether there are any general rules for the terminology used by scholars for these kinds of beings. The thesis also explores claims that a conventional ethnographic terminology, consisting of technical terms such as gods, goddesses, spirits, owners etc., leads to misinterpretations of the indigenous conceptions under study. By presenting, analysing and discussing Soviet scholars’ strategies and practices in this regard, the thesis is a contribution to the ongoing debate among historians of religions on the use of scientific terminology for beings in different world views. It is also, to a limited extent, a source critical investigation of Soviet research on the religions of the Samoyedic peoples. In chapter 2 the international scholarly debate on terminology for so called supernatural beings is summarized and discussed. The principles for constructing concepts in general are also delineated, using prototype theory and a model for polythetic definition. In chapter 3 a survey over the purposes, main fields of interest, and theoretical and methodological development of Soviet ethnography is presented as an essential background to the investigation of individual ethnographic texts. Chapter 4 and 5 constitute the empirical part of the thesis, with a presentation and analysis of Soviet ethnographic descriptions of beings in the world views of the Samoyedic speaking Nenets, Enets, Sel’kup and Nganasan. Since findings on Nganasan world view in Soviet ethnography was seen as particularly viable for reconstructions of proposed primitive communist thought, matriarchal society, the origin of religion, and mankind’s development of beliefs in “spirits” and “gods”, chapter 5 is solely dedicated to the research on the Nganasan. In chapter 6 the result of the empirical part of the study is confronted with the questions put in chapter 1, as well as the theoretical and methodological conclusions of chapter 2. It is concluded that there is no typical Marxist-Leninist terminology for “supernatural beings”, but that certain developments regarding terminology and classifications in Soviet ethnography on the Samoyeds can be detected. These developments consists of (1) a growing awareness among ethnographers of the distinction between indigenous, emic and etic terminology – an awareness which makes their descriptions become more detailed and closer to the Samoyedic sources. (2) From the 1960s one can trace an ever deepening reliance on Marxist-Leninist theory in Soviet Samoyedology. In accordance with Marxist ideas about primeval society as matriarchal and non-religious, ethnographers focused more and more on (and discovered more) female beings in Samoyedic world views. They also interpreted the “beings” under study as remnants of a primeval materialistic world view and proposed explanations of their development from “natural” to “supernatural beings”. It is also concluded that there are no general rules for scientific terminology. Technical terms are chosen in accordance with the varying aims and theoretical standpoints of different scholars. Whether the terms are appropriate or not, depends on their transparency.
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Halíková, Petra. "Ekonomické vzdělávání v padesátých letech 20. století na příkladu Vysoké školy ekonomické v Praze." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165489.
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The diploma thesis focuses on the topic of the economic education in the 50s of the 20th century. The issue is analyzed on the example of the University of Economics in Prague. The establishment of the University of Economics became an important milestone for the economic education in Czechoslovakia. The University of Economics was established in 1953 on the basis of the governmental regulation from 19th August 1952 No. 40/1952 Coll. regarding another changes in the organization of universities. It was stated that the studies would be for four years and the students would be able to choose from five faculties. This school was set up after the previous difficult development on the ground of the universities. The establishment of the University of Economics forewent cancelation, renaming and the establishment of different universities. These universities also concentrated on schooling in the area of economics. The legacy of the University of Economics can be seen in the continuity to the venerable University of Commerce, which belonged among the successful universities in our state. Furthermore, it undoubtedly helped to develop the origins of economics as a branch of science. The schooling on the universities in the 50s was influenced by Marxist-Leninist ideology, which was perceived as general truth at the time. The aim of the thesis is to clarify whether the University of Economics contributed to the development of the economic education in the 50s. The theoretical part of the thesis is focused on the analysis of the applied methodology. The applied methodology is a collection of knowledge - a social history. Moreover, there are discussed institutions and legislations foregoing the establishment of the University of Economics. In the practical part of the thesis is described the state of economics as a science in the 50s in Czechoslovakia and the importance of Marxism-Leninism and political economics for economy. In addition, there is outlined the development of economics as science during a certain period of time.
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D'Alonzo, Jacopo. "Trần Đức Thảo’s Theory of Language Origins". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCA096/document.
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Depuis des siècles, plusieurs penseurs et scientifiques ont abordé la relation entre la coopération, le langage et la cognition sociale. Parmi eux, Trần Đức Thảo (1917-1993) mérite une mention spéciale. Le but de la recherche qui suit est de présenter au lecteur la réflexion philosophique de Thảo sur le langage humain et son évolution. Nous essaierons de tracer les grandes lignes de la théorie de Thảo sur les origines du langage dans ses Recherches sur l'origine du langage et de la conscience (1973) dans lesquelles il a essayé de trouver une synthèse entre philosophie, linguistique, psychologie et anthropologie physique. La découverte du marxisme-léninisme a conduit Thảo à proposer une approche matérialiste et dialectique au problème de la relation entre corps esprit. De cette façon, Thảo a proposé une sorte de tournant matérialiste et historique de la philosophie de la conscience de Husserl qui était au cœur de ses premiers intérêts philosophiques. La théorie de Thảo met en relief la nature sociale du langage et de la cognition, de sorte que l’évolution du langage est inextricablement liée aux relations sociales. Une telle conclusion reposait sur l’hypothèse que le travail est une caractéristique exclusivement humaine qui distingue les humains des animaux. Pour lui, la genèse du langage est dans le travail humain et donc le langage se développe parmi nos ancêtres pré-humains ainsi que chez les humains en réponse aux problèmes posés par la vie matérielle. En gardant à l’esprit que le langage découle des exigences sociales et des besoins du monde matériel, selon Thảo le langage se transforme lui-même au fur et à mesure que la société humaine change. Et compte tenu des racines sociales de la pensée et du langage, la conscience évolue continuellement avec le temps. Dans ce cadre, Thảo a voulu déterminer la nature du langage et son rôle dans les sociétés préhistoriques et son évolution à travers les relations sociales<br>Several thinkers and scientists throughout the philosophical and scientific tradition took up the relationship between cooperation, language, and social cognition. Among them, Trần Đức Thảoʼs (1917–1993) deserves a special mention. The purpose of the following research is to introduce the reader to Thảoʼs philosophical reflection on human language and its evolution. We shall attempt to map out the main lines of Thảoʼs theory of language origins set out in his Recherches sur l’origine du langage et de la conscience (1973) that combines philosophy, linguistics, psychology, and anthropology. The discovery of Marxism-Leninism led Thảo to suggest a materialistic and dialectic approach to the mind-body problem. In this way, Thảo tried to suggest a materialist and historical turn of Husserl’s philosophy of consciousness which was at the very heart of his own first philosophical interests. Thảo’s account threw into sharp relief the social nature of both language and cognition, so that language evolution is linked inextricably to social relations. Such a view depended upon the assumption that labour is an exclusively human characteristic which sets humans apart from animals. And the genesis of language is in human labour. In this way of thinking, language develops among both our pre-human ancestors and present humans in response to problems posed by the material life. Bearing in mind that language arises from the social demands and needs of the material world, language is transformed itself as human society changes. And given the social roots of thought and language, consciousness evolves continuously over time. Within this framework, Thảo wanted to determine the nature of language and its role in pre-historical societies and its making through social relations
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Sefrioui, Kenza. "La revue Souffles (1966-1973), espoirs de révolution culturelle au Maroc." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040079.
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La revue Souffles, créée en 1966 par de jeunes poètes et artistes-peintres, a été la tribune de l’avant-garde littéraire et culturelle au Maroc, et a eu un rayonnement dans tout le Maghreb et le Tiers-Monde. Elle prônait la décolonisation de la culture à une époque où l’indépendance était jugée inachevée et menacée par le néocolonialisme. Produite par des intellectuels de gauche, elle était aussi une tribune d’opposition indirecte qui, par le biais de la culture et des valeurs symboliques, constituait une réaction à la dictature traditionnaliste que la monarchie imposait. Marquée par les idéologies de son époque (tiers-mondisme et marxisme-léninisme), elle est devenue de plus en plus ouvertement politique. Souffles, et surtout son doublet en arabe Anfâs, a été la revue commune des deux organisations du mouvement marxiste-léniniste marocain, Ilal Amam (En Avant) et 23 Mars. Après l’arrestation de ses animateurs en 1972, de nouvelles séries ont été publiées par les militants à Paris jusqu’en 1973. Souffles est restée dans la mémoire collective comme une date importante dans l’histoire littéraire et politique du Maroc<br>The review Souffles (Breaths), created in 1966 by young poets and artists-painters, was the forum of the literary and cultural avant-garde in Morocco, and had an influence throughout the Maghreb and the Third World. It advocated decolonization of culture in a time when the Moroccan independence was considered unfinished and threatened by neocolonialism. Produced by left-wing intellectuals, it was also a forum of indirect opposition which, by means of culture and symbolic values, constituted a reaction to the traditionalist dictatorship imposed by monarchy. Influenced by the ideologies of its time (Third-World tendency and Marxism-Leninism), it became more and more openly political. Souffles, and especially its version in Arabic, Anfâs, was the review of both organizations of the Moroccan Marxist-Leninist movement : Ilal Amam (Forward) and 23 March. After the arrest of its most active editors in 1972, new series were published by the militants in Paris until 1973. Souffles remained in the collective memory as an important date in the literary and political history of Morocco
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Dickson, Bruce J. "Democratization in China and Taiwan : the adaptability of Leninist parties /." Oxford : Oxford university press, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37319384x.
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Du, Plessis Louis Philippus. "Die skenkingsbelasting- en kapitaalwinsbelastingimplikasies van rentevrye lenings." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/1010.
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Ndipnchot, Robert E. "Marxist-Leninist revolutionary development in Benin (1975-1985): an evaluation of philosophical adaptation." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1987. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3765.
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The capitalist-imperialist system dominates the world and promotes exploitation, inequality and conflicts. This situation is aggravated in poor colonial countries where there is desire for social change and development. The dominated and exploited peoples are forced by necessity of self-determination to challenge the status quo. The solution to the problems of capitalism-imperialism lies in the Marxist-Leninist (socialist) revolution. In 1975, some Beninese revolutionary leaders launched a "revolution" in Benin. The purpose of this research was to determine whether the Beninese revolution is Marxist-Leninist. The methodology of this research is historical materialism; the hypothesis is that the Beninese revolution is Marxist-Leninist. The research concludes that the Beninese revolution is theoretically Marxist-Leninist but not yet socialist in practice. The social revolution in Berlin is striving for socialism through social reorganization and development. But so far, it has only made Benin a mixed economy with private and public property as well as capitalist-imperialist involvement. The Beninese effort has, however, confirmed Marxism-Leninism and further contributed to revolutionary theory by proving that a coup d'etat/military regime can be transformed into a revolutionary vanguard to lead a social revolution. The major limitations of the Beninese revolution are the lack of "will," capital and technological capacities to undertake economic development. These handicaps reduce the effectiveness of the revolution and leave Benin vulnerable to the control of international finance-industrial capital that may jeopardize the country's revolutionary effort. But with commitment to the revolution and immediate action taken to develop capital and technological capacities, the revolution may become socialist. There is, thus, a need for further research on how the revolutionary government of Benin is trying to overcome the handicaps of the revolution.
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Westdorp, Michelle. "The wrong path : Lenin's disaffection from the revolution /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arw524.pdf.
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Saskiewicz, Paul E. "The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army (FARC-EP) : Marxist-Leninist insurgency or criminal Enterprise? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Dec%5FSaskiewicz.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2005.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Jeanne Giraldo, Douglas Porch. Includes bibliographical references (p. 119-130). Also available online.
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Lundgren, Silje. "You're a useless person : The understanding ofprostitution within a Cuban context of gender equality and machismo-leninismo." Thesis, Dept. of Cultural Anthropology and Ethnology. Uppsala university, Sweden, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-87035.
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This thesis examines the understanding of prostitution in Cuba. It presents a contrast between the explanation of prostitution before 1959 as caused by structural economic conditions, and the discussion on contemporary prostitution, which is characterized by individualizing definitions. Within the individualizing understanding of contemporary prostitution, ‘jineteras’, Cuban women having sexual relationships with foreign tourist men for economical purposes, are seen to lack morals due to a deficient upbringing. They are also said to represent capitalist values incompatible with the Cuban socialist system. An individualizing definition of prostitution is also reflected in suggestions of ‘reeducation’ of individual jineteras as a solution to decrease prostitution. The understanding of prostitution is analyzed as reflecting a worldview of politically normative categories, within which individuals are defined according to their contribution to society. This worldview is analyzed as a symbolic frame, within which certain categories of thought are shaped. The Cuban ideology of gender equality is analyzed as part of this worldview. It is suggested that gender equality has become normative and that gender has been removed as a category of explanation. The definition of the ideology of gender equality is analyzed as conserving present power relations. The view on prostitution of former times related prostitution to women’s situation in general, which is contrasted with the individualizing understanding of prostitution today. The latter is suggested to ‘degender’ prostitution, and remove an earlier aspect of women’s rights. This is related to the symbolic frame where gender is not available as a category of explanation. Within such a frame, ‘machismo’ can constitute part of the doxic field without being subjected to discussion. It is suggested that an analysis of the understanding of prostitution must disclose the underlying premises of its individualizing definitions.
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Freeman, Thomas Elliot. "Lenin's conception of the party : organisational expression of an interventionist Marxism /." Connect to thesis, 1999. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00000223.
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Lundgren, Silje. "You're a useless person : The understanding of prostitution within a Cuban context of gender equality and machismo-leninismo." Thesis, Uppsala University, Cultural Anthropology, 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-3621.
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Olsen, Kelly. "Paving the path for success Lenin's political theory in practice, 1902-1917 /." Tallahassee, Florida : Florida State University, 2009. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-11092009-134927/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Florida State University, 2009.<br>Advisor: Jonathan Grant, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Program in Russian and East European Studies. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed on May 26, 2010). Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 58 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
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Dreeze, Jonathon Randall. "On the Creation of Gods: Lenin’s Image in Stalin’s Cult of Personality." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1366129547.
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Ploenus, Michael. "" ... so wichtig wie das tägliche Brot" : das Jenaer Institut für Marxismus-Leninismus : 1945-1990 /." Köln u.a. : Böhlau, 2007. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2958215&prov=M&dokv̲ar=1&doke̲xt=htm.
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Gottlieb, Christian. "Dilemmas of reaction in Leninist Russia : the Christian response to the Revolution in the works of N.A. Berdyaev, 1917-1924 /." Odense : Portland, OR : University Press of Southern Denmark ; Distributed by International Specialized book Services, 2003. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/fy045/2004272580.html.
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Akulli, Ksenafo. "Education and the Individual: An Exploration of Enver Hoxha’s Philosophy of Education." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1542907739330665.
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Larsen, Eric. "Marxism-Leninism's loss of revolutionary momentum : conflict and routinization in the East German State, 1961-1971 /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/8863.
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Sgarbi, Diógenes Pereira. "Uma sinuosa trajetória : O PCB de “Agrarismo e Industrialismo” à “Democracia como valor universal”." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2015. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/7659.
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Previous issue date: 2015-09-08<br>Não recebi financiamento<br>This article debates the main theoretical presumptions which guided the actions of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) along over six decades of existence. The objective of the research is to comprehend the historical conceptual elements which affected PCB‘s guidelines throughout the decades. "Agrarismo e Industrialismo", first analytical article written by Octávio Brandão in 1924, marks the beginning of such complex relation between theory and practice at PCB (Brazilian Communist Party), also working as starting point for this thesis. The essay "A Democracia Como Valor Universal", by Carlos Nelson Coutinho, 1979, became the finishing line, for having become an overview of the Marxism interpretative diversification which framed the left-wing‘s way of thought at the time. Therefore, "A Democracia Como Valor Universal" represented a more qualified attempt to justify a country that became compound and the need for the Brazilian Communist Party of dealing with the "democratic matter". Contradictorily, it was one of the symbols of the death of the historical PCB, when the 1980 organic crisis would lead to the foundation of PPS (Popular Socialist Party).<br>Esta obra discute os principais pressupostos teóricos que nortearam as ações do Partido Comunista Brasileiro em mais de seis décadas de existência. O objetivo da pesquisa é compreender os elementos histórico-conceituais que influíram na construção das linhas orientadoras do PCB ao longo das décadas. Agrarismo e Industrialismo, primeiro texto analítico escrito por Octávio Brandão em 1924, marca o início desta complexa relação entre teoria e prática no PCB, servindo também como ponto de partida desta dissertação. Como ponto de chegada, tomou-se o ensaio A democracia como valor universal, de Carlos Nelson Coutinho, de 1979, por ter se tornado um texto síntese da diversificação interpretativa do marxismo, que marcou o pensamento da esquerda daquele período. Por esse motivo, A democracia representou uma tentativa mais qualificada de explicar um país que se complexificava e a necessidade do PC brasileiro em lidar com a "questão democrática". Contraditoriamente, foi um dos símbolos do início do ocaso do PCB histórico, quando a crise orgânica dos anos 1980 resultaria na fundação do PPS (Partido Popular Socialista).
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Marais, Suzanne. "Die beoefening van ‘n bedryf met spesifieke verwysing na die toestaan van lenings deur houermaatskappye aan filiale of geassosieerdes." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/19877.
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Thesis (MAcc) -- Stellenbosch University, 2004.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In order for a taxpayer to be entitled to a deduction for expenditure actually incurred, the taxpayer must meet the requirements of section 11(a), read with the provisions of sections 23(f) and 23(g).
The preamble of section 11 requires that the taxpayer should incur the expenditure in the carrying on of a trade, before it will be deductible. Therefore, taxpayers who do not carry on a trade will not be allowed any deductions for expenditure actually incurred in terms of section 11(a).
In the case of a holding company that grants loans to its subsidiaries or associates, there is a general prevailing view that the holding company does not carry on a trade in respect of the loans granted. Therefore it is argued that the holding company is not entitled to any deductions in terms of section 11(a).
This study questions the above-mentioned general view by considering case law and the opinions of various tax experts. The question is raised whether the holding company could be regarded as carrying on a trade, and if so, under what circumstances that will be the case.
A secondary issue that will be considered is whether the holding company is entitled to deductions in respect of interest expenditure actually incurred. In this regard a distinction is made between moneylenders and non-moneylenders.
The writer reaches the conclusion that the definition of “trade” is not all-inclusive, and that the Legislator intended that the term should be interpreted as widely as possible. Therefore, the writer is of the opinion that taxpayers who are not moneylenders could, under certain circumstances, be carrying on a trade in respect of the granting of loans and should thus be entitled to income tax deductions for expenditure incurred.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Vir ‘n belastingpligtige om op ‘n aftrekking vir uitgawes werklik aangegaan, geregtig te wees, moet aan die bepalings van artikel 11(a), saamgelees met dié van artikels 23(f) en 23(g) voldoen word. Die aanhef tot artikel 11 vereis dat ‘n belastingpligtige die uitgawes in die beoefening van ‘n bedryf moet aangaan voordat ‘n aftrekking gëeis kan word. Belastingpligtiges wat dus nie ‘n bedryf beoefen nie, sal op geen aftrekkings vir uitgawes werklik aangegaan ingevolge artikel 11(a) geregtig wees nie. Met betrekking tot ‘n houermaatskappy wat lenings aan sy filiale of geassosieerdes toestaan, heers daar ‘n algemene siening dat die houermaatskappy nie ‘n bedryf beoefen met betrekking tot die toestaan van lenings nie. Daarom word geargumenteer dat die houermaatskappy nie ingevolge artikel 11(a) op enige aftrekkings geregtig is nie. In hierdie studie word bogenoemde algemene siening krities aan die hand van regspraak en menings van belastingkenners oorweeg. Die vraag word gevra of die houermaatskappy nie wel beskou kan word om ‘n bedryf te beoefen nie, en indien wel, onder watter omstandighede dit so sal wees. ‘n Sekondêre aspek wat oorweeg word, is of die houermaatskappy op ‘n aftrekking vir rente uitgawes werklik aangegaan by die toestaan van die lenings geregtig is. In hierdie verband word ‘n onderskeid tussen geldskieters en nie-geldskieters getref. Die skrywer kom tot die gevolgtrekking dat die omskrywing van “bedryf” nie allesomvattend is nie, en dat dit blyk of dit die Wetgewer se bedoeling was om die begrip so wyd as moontlik te stel. Dit is die skrywer se mening dat belastingpligtiges wat nie geldskieters is nie, wel onder bepaalde omstandighede beskou kan word om ‘n bedryf te beoefen met betrekking tot die toestaan van lenings. Daarom behoort sulke belastingpligtiges wel op inkomstebelastingaftrekkings vir uitgawes werklik aangegaan, geregtig te wees.
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Orrego, Rodríguez Mae Liz. "Politica Educacional Cubana : Repercusiones de sus Métodos y Contenido." Thesis, Stockholm University, Stockholm University, Department of Spanish, Portuguese and Latin American Studies, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-26945.
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<p>El trabajo a continuación constituye un estudio investigativo de la política que caracteriza al sistema educacional cubano, en el cual abordaremos temas como los principios fundamentales que lo rigen, los valores ideológicos políticos que lo sustentan y la estructura que lo conforma. Ello dentro del contexto teórico que sostiene el estudio y se limita a las siguientes variables: derechos humanos, democracia y educación. Como la arena en que se desarrolla dicho sistema educacional, se vio afectada por un proceso sociopolítico de medio siglo que ha atravesado por diferentes etapas, influyendo a su vez en los métodos pedagógicos y el contenido de la educación en Cuba, hemos hecho referencia a momentos históricos significativos para la sociedad cubana y para su sistema educacional. La investigación se ha realizado con un enfoque crítico, ya que consideramos que principios universalmente reconocidos como son los derechos humanos, las libertades individuales y la democracia resultan elementos esenciales en el ámbito de la educación. Para ello hemos recurrido a autores reconocidos de la filosofía y las ciencias políticas como Robert Dahl, Jack Donnelly y NorbertoBobbio, quienes constituyen referencias fundamentales a la hora de abordar teóricamente y analizar cómo en una sociedad se violan o se respetan estos conceptos. Asimismo, al analizar la democracia y a otros defensores de ella, hacemos referencia a los trabajos de John Locke, Immanuel Kant y Carlos Alberto Montaner, cuya literatura en relación con la educación es valorada internacionalmente, aunque cada uno ha vivido en épocas y ambientes sociales y políticos diferentes. Hemos utilizado además documentos conocidos y normativos internacionalmente en temas de derechos políticos, económicos y sociales. De ahí las varias referencias a la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos. La posibilidad de compartir o rebatir las ideas expuestas en este trabajo, nos acercará indiscutiblemente a un conocimiento más cabal del objeto de estudio que constituye el sistema educacional de la República de Cuba.</p>
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Zonozy, Nassrullah Y. (Nassrullah Yeganeh). "A Comparative Study of Terrorism in Southwest Asia 1968-1982." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1990. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331211/.
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This study assumes that political terrorism results from conscious decision-making by groups opposing a governing system, policy or process. The kinds of terrorist activity employed depend upon such factors as the philosophy, goals, objectives, and needs of the terrorist group. This presents a comparative analysis of three types of terrorists in southwest Asia: Palestinians, Marxist-Leninists, and Muslims. The first section summarizes and compares the three groups' motivational causes, philosophies, histories and sources of inspiration. The second section compares their behavior from four perspectives: trends and patterns, level of violence, tactical preferences, and lethality. The third section identifies and categorizes socioeconomic, political and military variables associated with tactic selection and acts of terrorism.
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Cook, Lara. ""Inside Lenin's Government : Party-State Relations, Practical Functionina and Political Culture in the Soviet Central Administrative Apparatus, October 1917-April 1923"." Thesis, University of Newcastle upon Tyne, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.525052.
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Chládek, Pavel. "Vznik Komunistické strany Československa a její fungování ve 20. letech 20. století." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-3700.
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Tato práce pojednává o vzniku a vývoji Komunistické strany Československa ve dvacátých letech 20. století. Zaměřuje se na historické kořeny této strany a mapuje její zrod z levého křídla Československé sociální demokracie. Podrobně je sledován samotný rozkol uvnitř sociální demokracie, zkoumána jeho podstata, stejně jako okolnosti, za kterých k němu došlo. Poté se práce věnuje vnitřnímu vývoji v KSČ ve dvacátých letech a její profilaci na československé politické scéně. Zvláštní pozornost je věnována vztahu KSČ a Komunistické internacionály, charakteristice tohoto vztahu a metodám mocenského působení Kominterny na KSČ. Práce se rovněž zabývá otázkou atraktivity KSČ za první republiky, a to jak mezi obyčejnými dělníky, tak mezi intelektuály.
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Day, Stephen Robert. "The process of social-democratization : from Leninist to Social-Democratic parties in Central and Eastern Europe (a comparative based approach focusing specifically upon the Social Democracy of the Republic of Poland - SdRP)." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300210.
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Klötzing-Madest, Ulrike [Verfasser]. "Der Marxismus-Leninismus in der DDR - eine politische Religion? : Eine Analyse anhand der Konzeptionen von Eric Voegelin, Raymond Aron und Emilio Gentile / Ulrike Klötzing-Madest." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1160485550/34.
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Barkhuizen, Gerhard Thomas. "Die impak van die skrapping van artikel 11(bA) op die aftrekbaarheid van voorproduksie lenings kommissie aangegaan in die uitbreiding van 'n bestaande bedryf." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/95877.
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Thesis (MAcc) --Stellenbosch University, 2014.<br>ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The study explores the question as to whether income taxpayers are in a more disadvantaged position due to the deletion of section 11(bA) and the replacement thereof with section 11A of the Income Tax Act No.58 of 1962 specifically regarding pre-production raising fees incurred during the expansion of an existing industry.
It was found in CSARS v South African Custodial Services (Pty) Ltd that raising fees can be read in under the phrase interest and related finance cost as found in section 11 (bA) and therefore deductible under this provision. Section 11 (bA) was however recently deleted from the South African Income Tax Act and replaced with section 11A. In terms of judicial precedent, stare decisis, it was proved that raising fees will also be deductible in terms of section 24J (section 24J regulates and determines the amount of pre-production raising fees that may be deducted for income tax purposes in terms of section 11A).
It was found that pre-production raising fees incurred will be ring-fenced in terms of section 11A until such a time that sufficient taxable income is generated from that specific industry that is being expanded. Section 11 (bA) contains no such ring-fencing restrictions and thus an assessed loss may be created and used against other taxable income of the taxpayer. It was also found that the income tax position of raising fees incurred by the taxpayer is determined by the exact time that the entity starts with the carrying on of a trade in terms of section 11 (bA) and section 11A. To answer the question satisfactorily, four scenarios were examined all with different stages where pre-production raising fees will be deductible in terms of section 11 (bA) and section 11A. The present value of the pre-production raising fees deduction calculated in terms of section 11(bA) and section 11A are compared against each other to ascertain whether or not the income taxpayer is in a more disadvantaged position due to the deletion of section 11(bA) and the replacement thereof with section 11A. It was found that the deletion of section 11 (bA) and the replacement thereof with section 11A is in most cases more detrimental to the taxpayer.<br>AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van die studie is om die vraagstuk te ondersoek of belastingpligtiges in ʼn meer nadelige posisie is as gevolg van die skrapping van artikel 11(bA) en vervanging daarvan met artikel 11A van die Inkomstebelastingwet No.58 van 1962 spesifiek in verband met voorproduksie-leningskommissie aangegaan tydens die uitbreiding van ʼn bestaande bedryf.
Daar word in CSARS v South African Custodial Services (Pty) Ltd bevind dat leningskommissie ingelees kan word onder die frase rente en verwante finansieringskoste soos gevind in artikel 11(bA) en dus aftrekbaar is in terme van hierdie bepaling. Artikel 11(bA) is egter onlangs uit die Suid-Afrikaanse Inkomstebelastingwetgewing geskrap en met artikel 11A vervang. In terme van regspresedent, stare decisis, is daar bewys dat leningskommissie ook aftrekbaar is in terme van artikel 24J (wat die aftrekkingsbedrag in terme van artikel 11A reguleer en dus ook aftrekbaar in terme van artikel 11A is).
Daar is bevind dat voorproduksie-leningskommissie aangegaan omhein sal word in terme van artikel 11A tot en met die tydstip dat daar genoegsame belasbare inkomste is uit die spesifieke bedryf wat uitgebrei word waarteen hierdie uitgawes afgespeel kan word. Artikel 11(bA) bevat egter geen omheiningsbeperking nie en dus kan ʼn aangeslane verlies geskep en aangewend word teen die belasbare inkomste van die bedrywe wat deur die belastingpligtige verdien word. Daar is verder ook bevind dat die inkomstebelastingposisie van die leningskommissie deur die belastingpligtige aangegaan, bepaal word deur die tydstip waarop die bedryf in aanvang geneem word in terme van artikel 11(bA) en artikel 11A. Ten einde die vraagstuk bevredigend te beantwoord, word vier scenario’s ondersoek wat die aftrekking van voorproduksie-leningskommissie vir inkomstebelastingdoeleindes op verskillende tye ondersoek en vergelyk in terme van artikel 11(bA) en artikel 11A. Die huidige waarde van die voorproduksie-leningskommissie-aftrekking in terme van bogenoemde artikels word met mekaar vergelyk om tot ʼn slotsom te kom rakende of die belastingpligtige in ʼn meer nadelige posisie is as gevolg van die skrapping van artikel 11(bA) en vervanging daarvan met artikel 11A. Daar word bevind dat die skrapping van artikel 11(bA) en vervanging daarvan met artikel 11A in meeste gevalle meer nadelig vir die belastingpligtige is.
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Raymond, Alex. "La politique tibétaine du gouvernement de la République Populaire de Chine de 1949 à 1951." Thesis, Paris, EHESS, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017EHES0141.
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L’objet de ce travail est une réinterprétation de l’histoire des premiers contacts entre le nouveau gouvernement communiste chinois, le gouvernement tibétain et la population tibétaine, ainsi que de l’introduction progressive de l’idéologie léniniste sur le plateau tibétain, en exploitant pour cela des sources principalement officielles, parfois officieuses, publiées en RPC, et pour l’essentiel non encore utilisées à ce jour. Cette étude montre qu’il est souvent impossible de séparer tant la politique du nouveau gouvernement chinois dans le Tibet du Dalaï-lama et dans les autres régions de culture tibétaine, qu’également la réaction des populations locales dans les différents terrains du monde tibétain. Seront entre autre étudiés les motivations derrière la volonté des responsables de la RPC d’occuper le plus rapidement possible le Tibet, les innombrables difficultés liées à cette tentative, le fait qu’il sera matériellement impossible à l’APL, à la veille de la bataille de Chamdo, en octobre 1950, d’avancer plus avant en territoire tibétain, et comment Mao Zedong va réussir à transformer une déconvenue militaire en une victoire politique. Sera également analysé la politique en 1949-1951 du PCC dans les autres régions tibétaines, en quoi cette politique a pu être différente d’une région à l’autre, mais en quoi il pourrait quand même y avoir, dans cette diversité, une vision globale idéologique. Comment la victoire (incomplète) de l’APL à Chamdo aura été obtenue in extremis, l’état major de la 18e armée, comme les dirigeants de la RPC, ayant des doutes réels sur cette victoire jusqu’à la fin. Comment les responsables de la RPC, bien qu’à l’origine en position de faiblesse, vont réussir non seulement à empêcher le Dalaï-lama de partir à l’étranger, mais même à obtenir qu’une délégation soit envoyée à Pékin pour « négocier ». L’utilisation de documents chinois inédits va permettre également d’apporter des éléments nouveaux sur le déroulement des « négociations » aboutissant à l’ « Accord en 17 points ». Le dernier acte, se traduira par l’arrivée, extrêmement difficile, des premiers détachements des forces de l’APL à Lhassa et comment la capitulation du gouvernement tibétain a pu être obtenue<br>The object of this study is a reinterpretation of the history of the first contacts between the new Chinese Communist government, the Tibetan government and the Tibetan population, as well as the gradual introduction of Leninist ideology on the Tibetan plateau, using for that official or sometimes semi-official sources published in the PRC, most of them not used until now. This study shows that it is often impossible to separate the politics of the new Chinese government in Tibet of the Dalai Lama and the politics of the Chinese government in other regions of Tibetan culture, as well as the reaction of local populations in the different areas of the Tibetan world. This study for example analyses the motivations behind the willingness of the leaders of the PRC to occupy Tibet as quickly as possible, the countless difficulties associated with this attempt, the fact that it will be physically impossible for the PLA, on the eve of the Battle of Chamdo in October 1950, to advance further into Tibetan territory, and how Mao will succeed in transforming a military failure into a political victory. It will also analyze the policy of the CCP in 1949-1951 in the other Tibetan regions, how this policy may have been different from one region to another, but how could there be in this diversity a global ideological vision. How the (incomplete) victory of the PLA in Chamdo was obtained in extremis, the staff of the 18th Army, like the leaders of the PRC, having real doubts about this victory until the end. How the leaders of the PRC, although originally in a weak position, will succeed not only in preventing the Dalai Lama from going abroad, but even obtain that a delegation will be sent to Beijing to " to negotiate ". The use of unpublished Chinese documents will also bring new elements on course of the "negotiations" leading to the "17-point Agreement". The final act will result in the extremely difficult arrival of the first detachments of PLA forces in Lhasa and how the capitulation of the Tibetan government will be obtained
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Bauhs, James Anthony. "George Orwell As Social Conservative: Populism, Pessimism, and Nationalism in an Organic Community, 1934-43." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1995. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278361/.
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This thesis argues that a socially conservative tendency informed much of George Orwell's commentary between 1934 and 1943, and that the same tendency reflected a general European trend. The main sources of this thesis are a large selection of George Orwell's works and a smaller selection of works by Frantz Fanon, Jose Ortega y Gasset, and Antonio Gramsci. This thesis relies upon Orwell's involvement in the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1937 and his embrace of nationalism in 1940 as major organizational points of reference. This thesis concludes that Orwell's commentary was an example of a general European conservative reaction against Marxist-Leninist thought.
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Reichhelm, Nils. "Die marxistisch-leninistische Staats- und Rechtstheorie Karl Polaks /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/359426042.pdf.
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Musat, Jana. "République de Moldavie : Quel territoire pour quelle population ? : Origine, toponymie, frontières, peuplement." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30006.
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Le 27 août 1991, l’opinion publique internationale prenait acte de la naissance de la République de Moldavie, dont deux tiers du territoire ont constituées jusqu’en 1941 la province roumaine de Bessarabie. Depuis toujours, la Principauté de Moldavie se trouve dans une confluence de trois grandes cultures : slave, latine et orientale ; trois grandes religions : orthodoxe, catholique et musulmane ; trois grands peuples : slave, latin et turc et trois courants idéologiques : panslavisme, panturquisme et pan-latinisme. C’est pourquoi, à travers les siècles, la Principauté de Moldavie a manœuvré constamment entre ces Puissances et ces courants pour garder son identité nationale. Aujourd’hui, en principe, la Moldavie est toujours dans la situation de jongler entre la CEI et l’UE, entre Est et Ouest, sa situation géopolitique étant la même.Dans la Première partie de notre thèse nous avons étudié l’origine, la toponymie et les frontières de la Bessarabie, mais aussi l’engouement des Grandes Puissances pour ce territoire. Nous traiterons aussi les guerres et les négociations de paix qui la caractérisent, allant de la guerre russo-turque jusqu’au régime tsariste qui y régnait. Nous avons ensuite suivi les changements subis par la Bessarabie pendant la Première guerre mondiale, avec la création de la République Démocratique Moldave, tout en s’attardant sur le processus de la création de l’URSS avec ses répercussions sur l’évolution de la Moldavie soviétique poststalinienne. Nous avons finalement, étudié ici-même la question des nationalités, et les concepts de « nation », « nationalisme », « dénationalisation », « russification », « collectivisme », « moldovenisme » etc.La Deuxième partie démarre avec des questions sur l’identité nationale moldave, et l’éclatement des conflits régionaux. Nous décrivons les minorités séparatistes de Gagaouzie et de Transnistrie, qui n’acceptent pas la souveraineté de la Moldavie. Le régime de Tiraspol est un régime oppressif et totalitaire, qui doit être éloigné par l’action des facteurs externes. De plus, nous étudions la création de la CEI et GUAM, l’implication de l’OSCE, de l’UE, de la Russie, de l’Ukraine et de la Roumanie dans le processus de négociation pour la résolution du conflit transnistrien. Finalement, nous examinons la manière avec laquelle la « fédéralisation », et la « régionalisation » peuvent résoudre les conflits ethniques en Moldavie. En conclusion nous répondons aux questions centrales sur le territoire et la population moldave<br>On August 27 1991, the international public opinion acknowledges the birth of the Republic of Moldova, which has represented two-thirds of the Romanian province of Bessarabia until 1941. During the history, Principality of Moldova is parting of the ways of three cultures: Slavic, Latin and Eastern; three great religions: Orthodox, Catholic and Muslim; three populations: Slavic, Latin and Turkish; and three ideologies: Pan-Slavism, Pan-Turkism and pan-Latin. Therefore, over the centuries, the Principality of Moldova has continuously handled these Great Powers and ideologies to keep its national identity. Nowadays, Moldova is still able to pursue between CIS and EU policies and between East and West geopolitical situation.In the first part of the thesis, we study the origin, toponyms and borders of Bessarabia, and we characterize the interest of the Great Powers for this territory. For it we describe, the wars and peace negotiations, starting with the Russo-Turkish war until the period of Bessarabia under the tsarist rule. Moreover, we treated the period of Bessarabia during the First World War, but also the creation of the Moldavian Democratic Republic, describing the process of foundation the USSR and its impact on the evolution of the post-Stalin Soviet Moldova. Finally, we studied the nationality question and the concepts like the "nation", the "nationalism", the "denationalization", the "Russification", the collectivism", the "moldovenism" etc...The Second Part starts with questions about the Moldovan national identity and the outbreaks of regional conflicts. We raise the issue of the separatist minorities of Gagauzia and Transnistria, which do not accept the sovereignty of Moldova. The Tiraspol regime is a totalitarian and oppressive regime, which must be removed by the action of external factors. Moreover, we study the creation of the CIS and GUAM and the involvement of the OSCE, EU, Russia, Ukraine and Romania in the negotiation process for the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict. Finally, we discuss the possibilities of how cans the "federalization" and "regionalization" solves the ethnic conflicts in Moldova. In conclusion, we answer to the questions dealing about the territory and the Moldovan population
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Bergman, Leo. "Ukraїnas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-323861.
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This dissertation is a quantitative study with elements of qualitative analysis. The purpose of this quantitative study was to investigate WHAT was written about Ukraine's independence 1917 in Swedish press 1917–1918. The qualitative part of the survey was intended to answer the question if the newspaper's political attitude influenced the news reports during the chosen period. The exact periodization was determined to be between March 1, 1917 and June 30, 1918. This periodization was chosen because of the March Revolution in 1917, which triggered independence declarations in a number of countries oppressed by Moscow, who now saw their chance of freedom. June 1918 became the end of the investigation because it was just when the peace agreement between Ukraine and the Soviet Union was signed. The source material has been chosen to represent a multitude of ideological orientations. It was liberal, moderate, conservative, liberal and left-wing orientations. The source material consisted of newspaper articles from the following newspapers: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar Tidning and Norrskensflamman. Quantitative methodology was used on the source material. This method consisted of a reviewing of newspaper articles in searching of news reports from Ukraine or articles which had something to do with the events in Ukraine. Every newspaper was searched day after day. The crawled material was presented in two chapters representing different periods. The first chapter of the results presented the results from 1917, and more precisely from March to December 1917. The second chapter presented the results from 1918, but also from December 1917, that is, the result from December 1917 through June 1918. The whole result was then discussed in a separate chapter where the qualitative analysis was also discussed. The result of the quantitative analysis showed that it has been written relatively sparcely about Ukraine's independence although the volume of articles increased from December 1917 and even more in 1918. Sometimes there were articles on the first page. But for the most part, the articles with Ukraine issues were placed among other foreign articles. It was also found in the survey that it was the first World War that drew attention to the newspapers, even though the events in Petrograd and then in Ukraine took more space. This survey also showed that what was written about Ukraine's independence was also what appears in the reference literature. The news reports reported how Ukraine proclaimed independence in March 1917 and later on proclaimed an independent republic in November 1917 when the Bolsheviks conducted their coup d'état in Petrograd. The newspapers also wrote how the Russian Communists sent a declaration of war to Ukraine in December 1917 and about the war that followed. The articles also tell us how negotiations on Ukraine Peace went on in Brest-Litovsk, and how they ended up with alliance between Germany and Ukraine with the campaign against the communists. It was told how the German army marched into Ukraine to free it from the bolsheviks. Until May 1918 there were battles between the German-Ukrainian Army and the Communists. In June 1918 the peace agreement was signed and this survey’s investigation ended. The survey showed that it was written about Ukraine's independence in all newspapers. Dagens Nyheter had the most news articles linked to the survey. Although the number of articles was not subject for analysis in this survey. The qualitative analysis was based on using Höjelid's theoretical concepts "positive sound" and "negative sound" on the quantitative analysis material. The qualitative analysis’ result showed that it was almost impossible to see the differences between the newspapers because the articles were traded between the newspapers, i.e. the content was copied straight away. It should be noted that not all content was the subject of copying between the newspapers. Copying occurred to a greater extent, but there were still original articles derived from the respective newspaper. Most of the articles were also direct telegrams that were communicated abroad to the newspaper's editors. A lot of these telegrammic articles were sent with a purpose to mislead society. These angled articles were published without further examination in Swedish press. There were articles from, for example, Dagens Nyheter whose editors noted the "strange Petrograd reports" and informed about it for the purpose of enlightening the public. However, as most newspapers were occupied with World War I, as was shown in the source material, the newspaper editorial office was less interested in other foreign events. Therefore, such angled articles could be found in Swedish press on a larger scale.<br>Denna avhandling är en kvantitativ studie med inslag av kvalitativ analys. Syftet med denna kvantitativa studien var att undersöka VAD som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918. Den kvalitativa delen av undersökningen ämnade att besvara frågan om tidningens politiska hållningen påverkade nyhetsrapporteringen under den valda perioden. Den exakta periodiseringen fastställdes att vara mellan den 1 mars 1917 och den 30 juni 1918. Denna periodisering valdes på grund av marsrevolutionen 1917 som utlöste självständighets-förklaringar i en rad länder som var förtryckta av Moskovitien och som nu såg sin chans till frihet. Juni 1918 blev slutpunkten i undersökningen därför att det var just då som fredsavtalet mellan Ukrajina och Sovjet undertecknades. Källmaterialet har valts att representera en mångfald ideologiska inriktningar. Det var liberal, moderat, konservativ, frisinnad samt vänstersocial inriktningar. Källmaterialet bestod av tidningsartiklar från följande tidningar: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar tidning och Norrskensflamman. Det användes kvantitativ metod på källmaterialet som bestod i en genomsökning av tidningsartiklarna efter nyhetsrapporter från Ukrajina eller som hade något med händelserna i Ukrajina att göra. Varje tidning genomsöktes dag för dag. Det genomsökta materialet presenterades i två kapitel som representerade olika perioder. Det första resultatkapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1917, och mer exakt från mars till december 1917. Det andra kapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1918, men även från december 1917, det vill säga resultatet från och med december 1917 till och med juni 1918. Det hela resultatet diskuterades sedan i ett eget kapitel där även den kvalitativa analysen diskuterades. Resultatet från den kvantitativa analysen visade att det har skrivits relativt sparsmakat om Ukrajinas självständighet även om artikelmängden ökade från december 1917 och ännu mer under 1918. Ibland förekom det artiklar på första sidan. Men för det mesta placerades artiklarna med Ukrajina-frågor bland andra utlandsartiklar. Det framgick också i undersökningen att det var mest första världskriget som upptog tidningarnas uppmärksamhet, även om händelserna i Petrograd och sedan i Ukrajina tog allt mer plats allt eftersom. Denna undersökning visade också att det som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet var också det som förekommer i referenslitteraturen. Nyhetsrapporterna berättade hur Ukrajina utropat sin självständighet i mars 1917 tills landet proklamerat en oberoende republik i november 1917 när bolsjevikerna genomförde sin statskupp i Petrograd. Tidningarna skrev också hur de ryska kommunisterna skickade krigsförklaring till Ukrajina i december 1917 och om det kriget som följde efter det. Artiklarna berättar även om hur förhandlingarna för Ukrajinafreden gick till i Brest-Litovsk samt hur dessa avslutades med att Tyskland allierade sig med Ukrajina i kampen mot kommunisterna. Det berättades hur den tyska armén marscherade in i Ukrajina för att befria det från bolsjevikerna. Fram till maj 1918 pågick det strider mellan tysk-ukrajinska armén och kommunisterna. I juni 1918 undertecknades fredsavtalet och där slutade undersökningen. Undersökningen visade att det skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet i samtliga tidningar. Dagens Nyheter hade flest nyhetsartiklar kopplade till undersökningen. Även om antalet artiklar ej var i syfte att analysera i denna undersökning. Den kvalitativa analysen gick ut på att använda Höjelids teoretiska begrepp ”positiv klang” och ”negativ klang” på den kvantitativa analysens resultatmaterial. Det kvalitativa resultatet visade att det var nästintill omöjligt att se skillnad mellan de olika tidningarna eftersom artiklarna traderades mellan tidningarna, det vill säga innehållet kopierades rakt av. Det bör påpekas att inte allt innehåll var ämne för kopiering mellan tidningarna. Kopieringen förekom i större utsträckning men det fanns ändå originella artiklar som härstammade från respektive tidning. De flesta av artiklarna var dessutom direkta telegram som kommunicerades i utlandet till tidningens redaktioner. En hel del av dessa telegraferade artiklar skickades med ett givet syfte att vilseleda samhällsopinionen. Dessa vinklade artiklar publicerades utan vidare granskning i svensk press. Det förekom artiklar från exempelvis Dagens Nyheter vars redaktion uppmärksammat de ”märkliga Petrogradrapporter” och informerat om det i möjligt syfte att upplysa allmänheten. Men eftersom de flesta tidningarna var upptagna med första världskriget, som det visades i källmaterialet, var tidningsredaktionerna mindre intresserade av andra utländska händelser. Därför kunde sådana vinklade artiklar förekomma i svensk press i en större omfattning.
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Glomm, Anna Sandaker. "Graphic revolt! : Scandinavian artists' workshops, 1968-1975 : Røde Mor, Folkets Ateljé and GRAS." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3171.
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This thesis examines the relationship between the three artists' workshops Røde Mor (Red Mother), Folkets Ateljé (The People's Studio) and GRAS, who worked between 1968 and 1975 in Denmark, Sweden and Norway. Røde Mor was from the outset an articulated Communist graphic workshop loosely organised around collective exhibitions. It developed into a highly productive and professionalised group of artists that made posters by commission for political and social movements. Its artists developed a familiar and popular artistic language characterised by imaginative realism and socialist imagery. Folkets Ateljé, which has never been studied before, was a close knit underground group which created quick and immediate responses to concurrent political issues. This group was founded on the example of Atelier Populaire in France and is strongly related to its practices. Within this comparative study it is the group that comes closest to collective practises around 1968 outside Scandinavia, namely the democratic assembly. The silkscreen workshop GRAS stemmed from the idea of economic and artistic freedom, although socially motivated and politically involved, the group never implemented any doctrine for participation. The aim of this transnational study is to reveal common denominators to the three groups' poster art as it was produced in connection with a Scandinavian experience of 1968. By ‘1968' it is meant the period from the late 1960s till the end of the 1970s. It examines the socio-political conditions under which the groups flourished and shows how these groups operated in conjunction with the political environment of 1968. The thesis explores the relationship between political movements and the collective art making process as it appeared in Scandinavia. To present a comprehensible picture of the impact of 1968 on these groups, their artworks, manifestos, and activities outside of the collective space have been discussed. The argument has presented itself that even though these groups had very similar ideological stances, their posters and techniques differ. This has impacted the artists involved to different degrees, yet made it possible to express the same political goals. It is suggested to be linked with the Scandinavian social democracies and common experience of the radicalisation that took place mostly in the aftermath of 1968 proper. By comparing these three groups' it has been uncovered that even with the same socio-political circumstances and ideological stance divergent styles did develop to embrace these issue.
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Waugh-Benton, Monica. "Strike Fever: Labor Unrest, Civil Rights and the Left in Atlanta, 1972." unrestricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07282006-153554/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.<br>1 electronic text (136 p.) : digital, PDF file. Title from title screen. Clifford Kuhn, committee chair; Ian C. Fletcher, committee member. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 133-136).
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Francescangeli, Eros. "La sinistra rivoluzionaria in Italia. Politica e organizzazione (1943-1978)." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Padova, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11577/3425284.
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This dissertation analyzes that peculiar political front that in the 1970s called itself, and was generally called «revolutionary left», in alternative to the «official», «traditional», or «historical» left represented by the Italian Communist Party (Pci) and the Italian Socialist Party (Psi).
The research, however, embraces a longer time span of Italian socio-political history and the international labor movement, starting with the anarchist movement and the dissident organizations that in 1943-44 appeared within the socialist-communist traditions (Trotskyites, Bordigists, socialist left, etc.), and ending with the Marxist-Leninist and operaista (“workerist”) organizations of the sixties and seventies.
The cross-sectional analysis of the sources has revealed both continuities and discontinuities in the political activism of the revolutionary left before and after 1968. In any case, the former seem to outnumber the latter<br>Questa ricerca analizza quella peculiare area politica che negli anni settanta si rappresentò, e in genere venne rappresentata, come «sinistra rivoluzionaria», alternativa a quella definita «ufficiale», «tradizionale» o «storica» (Partito comunista italiano e Partito socialista italiano).
La ricerca, tuttavia, abbraccia un arco temporale relativamente ampio della storia politico-sociale italiana e del movimento operaio italiano e internazionale. Partendo dal dissidentismo anarchico e social-comunista (trockisti, bordighisti, sinistra socialista, ecc.), che si manifesta a partire dal 1943-1944, si arriva alle organizzazioni rivoluzionarie degli anni sessanta e settanta: marxisti-leninisti e operaisti.
Dallo studio incrociato delle fonti è emerso come il rapporto tra il Sessantotto e la militanza politica nei gruppi della sinistra rivoluzionaria pre e post-sessantottina fosse caratterizzato sia da elementi di continuità-omogeneità sia da elementi di rottura-eterogeneità. In ogni caso, i primi sembrano sopravanzare i secondi
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Tsao, Yang, and 曹陽. "Property Law in Mainland China on the Significance of Marxism-Leninism in China." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/18058294252091129445.
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博士<br>中國文化大學<br>中山與中國大陸研究所博士班<br>102<br>As well to answer the core part of this thesis, the main issue revolves around how the CPC on the development of the productive forces of socialism, the CCP ideology study how to make the transformation from the elimination of private ownership through the completion of the legislative protection of private ownership of property law in the Chinese mainland. The specific results of the performance of private ownership in 2004 And in 2007 the Constitution of property law legislation on the protection of property rights.
The political foundation of China's mainland property law that recognizes the legitimacy of the right of private property, and for private property rights are fully protected. Recognition of individual pursuit of wealth, on behalf of the Chinese Communist ideology is changing that recognizes the legitimacy of the individual pursuit of wealth. Chinese mainland in 2004 and 2007 constitutional property law to complete the legislative requirements are reflected in the legitimacy of the protection of private property rights in China.
In addition, property law and constitutional amendment in 2004, and also closely connected with nature. On the one hand, the Chinese mainland in 2004, the constitutional amendment into the constitution of private ownership of property law in 2007 to complete the legislation provides the basis for a constitutional property law in 2007 to complete the legislative is in mainland China in 2004 for the protection of private property rights constitutional amendment specific bar culture, and further on behalf of the protection of private property in mainland China from the constitutional level to implement legal level of protection.
Finally, the CPC through the completion of property law legislation, the significance of Marxism-Leninism in China shows, in addition to representatives of the communist planned economy outside the country in addition, they can implement a market economy, and the market economy on the road, so you can also have private their property rights. This can be said to be completely overturned Marxism "elimination of private ownership," the spirit out of a genuine socialist road with Chinese characteristics, the Chinese Communists to fully grasp the initiative in the display and interpretation of the right to Marxist ideology.
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Kung, Chi-keung. "Intellectuals and the masses Chʼü Chʼiu-pai's road to Marxism-Leninism and beyond /". 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/15023756.html.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1986.<br>Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-141).
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Nogueira-Budny, Daniel. "From Marxist-Leninism to market liberalism? : the varied adaptation of Latin America's leftist parties." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/21812.
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There has been tremendous variation in the development trajectories of Latin America's leftist parties. Whereas some have successfully entrenched roots in society, built their party organization, and become relevant national parties, other leftist parties have languished organizationally, suffered debilitating internecine rivalries, and witnessed a mass defection of followers, at times despite substantial initial electoral success. For instance, Brazil's Workers' Party (PT) abandoned socialism, moderated its program, and built itself up into one of Brazil's two main parties. Venezuela's Radical Cause (LCR) and Peru's United Left (IU), however, did not. While they had similar origins to the PT, both failed to adapt: LCR and IU fractured and became electorally irrelevant, having been unable to adapt to external challenges. What accounts for this puzzling empirical variation in otherwise similar parties in relatively similar contexts? More broadly, this dissertation seeks to answer under what conditions do leftist parties in Latin American democracies transform from undemocratic, radical, weakly institutionalized parties into democratic, moderate, professional parties? Conversely, under what conditions do they fail to adapt, experience organizational stagnation, and succumb to irrelevance? It argues that the political context in which each of these leftist parties emerged had an indelible effect on the parties' later ability to adapt institutionally and ideologically to future endogenous and exogenous shocks. First, where authoritarian repression dismantled preexisting leftist parties, a political vacuum on the left emerged that created the incentive for the rise of a new type of leftist party that intrinsically valued democracy. Second, the implementation of legal requirements by outgoing authoritarian regimes during a party's formative years encouraged parties to institutionalize, ensuring the development of a disciplined, majoritarian party organization. Finally, obstinance on the part of the military's move to extricate itself from politics encouraged leftist parties to participate in democratization and, thus, widen their electoral appeals. Those leftist parties that were formed under such regimes were induced to take certain actions and adopt certain institutions that made them adaptable in the long run. Those that formed afterwards or never experienced life under authoritarian rule had little incentive to change and, thus, proved unable to respond to external challenges down the line that demanded institutional professionalization and ideological moderation.<br>text
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Che-Hung, Liu, and 劉哲宏. "An Analysis of Mao's Opinion on Marxism-Leninism-on Class, Party, and Nation-State." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ak2497.
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碩士<br>國立臺灣師範大學<br>政治學研究所<br>96<br>For a long time, the western scholars have different perspectives on the topic-“Is Mao Tse-tung a follower of Marxism or not ?”All these studies could be classified to four sects: Liberalism, Utopianism, Left and Conservatism. These theories have different viewpoints, and result different conclusions. Therefore, in this research, it especially analyses these theories and compares Marx’s, Lenin’s and Mao’s opinions on class, party, and nation state. And the researcher tries to raise a comprehensive version.
After analyzing these viewpoints and comparing their doctrines, the author finds that Mao is a Marxist. The reasons are as follows:
Both Marx and Mao emphasize the importance of class and consider that class struggle could promote the development of history. Both of them believe that the communist party could push the coming of communistic society. They also assert that nation state is the tool for class oppression, and wish that the nation state will wither one day. And they also consider that there should be a transition, dictatorship of the proletariat, between socialist society and communistic society to strengthen fruit of revolution.
Besides, as above mentioned, there are some differences between Marx and Mao, such as class consciousness and dictatorship. But the writer thinks that these differences are still under the framework of Marxism, these are not the alteration of Mao’s arbitrariness.
In the meantime, we can more firmly believe that Lenin is the bridge between Marx and Mao. In researching the relationship between Marxism and Maoism, there would be a logical leap without analyzing Leninism. In this way, we can’t explain why Mao altered Marxism. Mao’s some conception came from Lenin, such as mass line and nationalism. Therefore, the author also analyzes Leninism at the same time, and jointly calls Marxism and Leninism as Marxism-Leninism.
Finally, the author feels that there are some aspects in this research to much deeper study: in totality analyzing Marxism, Leninism and Maoism; in depth analyzing their opinion on class, party, or nation state; using historic approach to find out why they could create their doctrines; using psychological approach to find out what they think; using system theory to explain why Mao altered Marxism-Leninism.
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Ambrozek, Jakub. "Etika socialistického novináře v Československu po roce 1970." Master's thesis, 2021. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-448502.
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If there is a general precondition for "good" journalism in contemporary journalistic studies, it would be for the political environment to be a pluralist democracy. However, media and journalists were operating in non-democratic Czechoslovakia before the Velvet Revolution as well. This thesis explores the presence of "journalism ethics" in journalistic circles in 1967-1977. The most important one of such circles was the Czechoslovakian Union of Journalists, a voluntary- based social organization which united thousands of press, TV, radio and agency journalists. Based on heuristic research in the Union's archives, this thesis primarily describes two separate stages of formulation of the journalism ethics' principles that were done by the Union's committees. Their way of thinking about these principles is put into context of Marxism-Leninism with emphasis on the Czechoslovakian interpretation of Marxist-Leninist media theories. The Czechoslovakian regime's systemic control of media proved to be an affiliated topic to the one of journalism ethics, and from the described process we are also able to draw some conclusions considering the seeming autonomy and the degree of professionalism of the communist era journalists.