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Data publikacji: 26 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 27 lipca 2024

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1

dell’Osso, Carlo. "La carità del papa. Gregorio Magno tra storia e agiografia". Augustinianum 62, nr 2 (2022): 463–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm202262227.

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This article discusses the charity towards the poor that characterized the so-called cura animarum of Pope Gregory the Great. It draws its information first from the Registrum Epistularum and then from the Vita Gregorii Magni of John the Deacon. From the Registrum the author gathers information on the honesty and competence of the administrators of the ecclesiastical patrimony, and on the use of goodness and rigour in the exercise of power. From the Vita, the author highlights some hagiographic aspects related to donations to the poor. This article presents the theme of Pope Gregory’s charity by drawing on both historical and hagiographic sources, highlighting how certain events and aspects of his life flourished in later hagiographical legend.

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Latham, Jacob A. "Inventing Gregory “the Great”: Memory, Authority, and the Afterlives of the Letania Septiformis". Church History 84, nr 1 (marzec 2015): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640714001693.

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In modern scholarship, Pope Gregory I “the Great” (590–604) is often simultaneously considered the final scion of classical Rome and the first medieval pope. The letania septiformis, a procession organized into seven groups that Gregory instituted in 590 in the face of plague and disease (and performed only once thereafter in 603), has similarly been construed as the very moment when Antiquity died and the Middle Ages were born. However, his Roman contemporaries in the papal curia largely ignored Gregory and his purportedly epochal procession. In fact, memory of the procession languished in Italy until the late-eighth century when Paul the Deacon made it the center of his Life of Gregory. At Rome, remembrance of the procession lay dormant in the papal archives until John the Deacon dug it out in the late-ninth century. How then did the letania septiformis come to be judged so pivotal? Over the course of centuries, the letania septiformis was inventively re-elaborated in literature, liturgy, and legend as part of the re-fashioning of the memory of Gregory. Shorn of its context, the letania septiformis gained greater imaginative power, becoming the emblem of Gregory's pontificate, if not also of an historical era.

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Tereshchuk, Andrey. "The Beginning of the Pontificate of Gregory XVI and the Military-Political Crisis in the Apennine Peninsula in 1831". Izvestia of Smolensk State University, nr 1(57) (3.07.2022): 200–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2022-57-1-200-212.

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The article outlines the prospects for the further study of Pope Gregory XVI (Bartolomeo Alberto Capellari) (1831–1846). The paper deals with some judgments about the personality and rule of the pontiff that fit into the framework of the «black legend» about Gregory XVI. The years of 1831–1846 in the history of the Holy See remain a poorly studied period in the scientific literature. The article marks seven further areas of study devoted to Pope Gregory XVI that relate to the foreign and domestic policy of the Papal State. The study presents a brief overview of the political history of the Holy See in the 1823–1831. The paper highlites circumstances of the election of Cardinal Capellari at the conclave in February 1831. The article examines the circumstances in which Gregory XVI took the chair of St. Peter: in February-March 1831 Italy found itself in a state of a military and political crisis that was resolved only after the intervention of French and Austrian troops. Under the pressure from foreign states (Austria, France, Russia, England, and Prussia), Gregory XVI agreed to carry out some reforms within the Papal State. First of all, the changes affected the system of administration of the Holy See. Nevertheless, despite the pressure from Austria, many planned reforms remained unfulfilled.

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Zhivlova, Nina. "Genealogies of Saints and Strategies of Representation of Clergy in Early Medieval Ireland". Odysseus. Man in History 28, nr 1 (28.10.2022): 10–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/1607-6184-2022-28-1-10-29.

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This article analyzes genealogies as a strategy of representation of clergy in Early Medieval Ireland. The Irish genealogies, especially the genealogies of saints were, as D. Ó Corráin put it, a product of “dynastically-minded clergy”: this hereditary clergy arose from the 7th century on, at latest. Trying to represent the founder saint in the most favourable light and to confirm their own privileges and rights to church property, the compilers of genealogies often used the following devices: (1) suppressing the saint’s foreign origin (St Ailbe and others); (2) portraying the saint as a member of the local ruler’s family or as a relative of an incumbent abbot or an abbatial dynasty (St Rúadán of Lothra); (3) constructing the saint’s maternal genealogy, thereby forging the necessary dynastic connections. All the three strategies were applied in the Irish legend of Saint Gregory the Great: Gregory is presented as a son of an Irishman, who was allegedly a relative of the previous Pope, and his mother was said to be a Pope’s daughter.

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CHAZELLE, CELIA. "THE POWER OF ORATORY: REREADING THE WHITBY LIBER BEATI GREGORII". Traditio 76 (2021): 29–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tdo.2021.3.

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This article offers a new perspective on the anonymous Liber beati et laudabilis viri Gregorii. The oldest extant life of Pope Gregory the Great, the Liber was composed at the double monastery of Strænæshalch, conventionally known as Whitby, under Abbess Ælfflæd probably between ca. 704 and 714. A principal concern of my article is the function, within the Liber, of its report of Gregory's encounter with a group of Deiran Angles in Rome, and that story's relation to the emphasis throughout the Liber on orality: the transmission of knowledge miraculously from heaven and through earthly channels by means of speech and other sounds. The Liber survives in an early ninth-century redaction, part of St. Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, Cod. 567 (pp. 75–110). After discussing some issues that pertain to the modern edition and translation made by Bertram Colgrave from this manuscript, I compare the legend of Gregory and the Deirans in the Liber with the version in Bede's Ecclesiastical History. I then review the larger hagiographical narrative in which the Whitby author frames this episode, and I examine the story and other distinctive thematic as well as stylistic aspects of the Liber in the light of the following circumstances: seventh- to eighth-century regional developments that affected Whitby; conditions of teaching at this monastery, a major early English educational center; the documented interest at Whitby under Ælfflæd, as under her predecessor Hild, in heaven-inspired or miraculous forms of oratory; and liturgy and commemoration of the dead. Of interest for analyzing all these topics, but especially the last two mentioned, is Whitby's status as a female-led institution.

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Devrikyan, Vardan, i Shoghakat Devrikyan. "History and iconography of Grigor Narekatsi’s vision". Shagi / Steps 9, nr 3 (2023): 174–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2412-9410-2023-9-3-174-189.

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The great Armenian poet Grigor Narekatsi (Gregory of Narek; venerated as a saint of the Armenian Apostolic and Catholic Churches and declared a Doctor of the Church by Pope Francis in 2015) was canonized and numbered among the saints of the Armenian Church thanks to his poem “Book of Lamentations”. His Vita, rich with tales about his miracles, arose within the framework of medieval Armenian literature. One of the most striking episodes of his Life is the legend which tells that one day during self-forgetful prayer, in a vision Narekatsi saw the Mother of God holding the Christ Child in her arms. As confirmation of the historical veracity of Narekatsi’s vision lines from his works are cited in the Vita. This episode from the Life was widely disseminated by means of oral retelling and was also presented as a separate wonder narrative. At the same time, among the images related to Narekatsi, his vision has also been illustrated more than any other, both in Armenian manuscripts and in the engravings in early printed books. The article traces the gradual development of this iconographic form, from the marginal and page miniatures of the manuscripts to the engravings of the two printed commentaries (1745, 1801) dedicated to the “Book of Lamentations”.

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7

Kent, Clement. "Pope Gregory on Mars". ACM SIGAPL APL Quote Quad 29, nr 1 (wrzesień 1998): 16–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/331494.331506.

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Robinson, I. S. "Pope Gregory VII (1073–1085)". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36, nr 3 (lipiec 1985): 439–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900041191.

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On 25 May 1085 Pope Gregory VII died in exile. The ninth centenary of the death of this great pope – ‘the greatest who has ever sat in St. Peter's chair’ Erich Caspar called him in 1924 – provides an obvious pretext for a bibliographical essay. What makes such. an essay a necessary exercise rather than a mere commemorative gesture is the fact that there is not available at present in any language a full-scale biography of Hildebrand–Gregory which reflects the current state of research. There is no doubt that Gregorian studies are flourishing: the colloquium in Salerno in May 1985 will offer an impressive account of research in progress. Over 200 books and articles on different aspects of the life and thought of Hildebrand-Gregory, written in the second half of this century, are listed below. Perhaps it is this sheer wealth of material and opinion which has disheartened potential biographers. The following survey concentrates on Gregorian literature since 1947, the year in which the Salesian and Scriptor of the Vatican Library, Father Giovanni Battista Borino (1881–1966) founded in Rome the journal Studi Gregoriani, which has certainly fulfilled its founder's purpose of stimulating research into the history of the papal reform movement.

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9

Hamilton, Bernard, i H. E. J. Cowdrey. "Pope Gregory VII: 1073-1085". American Historical Review 106, nr 2 (kwiecień 2001): 628. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651727.

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Migalnikov, Aleksei. "Pope Gregory the Great’s Arguments Against the Ecumenical Title of the Patriarch of Constantinople: Analysis of the Letters from 595". Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, nr 6 (28.12.2021): 290–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.6.21.

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Introduction. At the end of the sixth century a dispute broke out between the popes and the patriarchs of Constantinople – first of all, between pope Gregory I the Great (590–604) and patriarch John IV the Faster (582–595) – over the epithet “Ecumenical”, which appeared in the title of John of Constantinople. This dispute is quite widely represented in the scientific literature, but since researchers almost always pay attention to this topic in general, their papers often miss many nuances contained in the texts of the letters of pope Gregory. Methods. This article attempts a detailed analysis of the first series of letters of pope Gregory dedicated to the dispute and related to 595. These are letters to emperor Maurice (582–602), empress Constantina, the patriarch John IV of Constantinople, and the papal apocrisiary in Constantinople, deacon Sabinianus. The purpose of this study is to reconstruct pope Gregory’s argumentation system against the use of the Ecumenical title. Analysis. The author identifies several types of arguments that pope Gregory puts forward in his polemic against the title: canonical, biblical, dogmatic, ecclesiastical, political, pastoral and ascetic. Results. The article shows, on the one hand, what the letters have in common, and on the other, how the arguments of the pope vary depending on the recipient. Generally, pope Gregory expresses a sharply negative attitude to the title, and many researchers tend to see this fact as a contradiction to the concept of papal primacy, as it developed in a later period. Basing on the significant differences in argumentation between the letters to the emperor, the empress and the patriarch John – with the same purpose of all the messages – the article makes a conclusion about the care with which pope Gregory selects arguments. This can serve as one of the indirect indicators of the high importance of the dispute over the Ecumenical title for him, and also characterizes his perception of the idea of Church power in general.

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Serfass, Adam. "Slavery and Pope Gregory the Great". Journal of Early Christian Studies 14, nr 1 (2006): 77–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.2006.0027.

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Blumenthal, Uta-Renate. "Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085 (review)". Catholic Historical Review 87, nr 1 (2001): 89–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2001.0004.

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Doran, John. "Remembering Pope Gregory VII: Cardinal Boso and Alexander III". Studies in Church History 49 (2013): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400002047.

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In the conclusion to his masterly biography of Pope Gregory VII (1073–85), H. E. John Cowdrey notes the paradox that the pope so lionized by modern historians, to the extent that the age of reform bears his name, was largely forgotten in the twelfth century and made little impact on Christian thought, spirituality or canon law. Cowdrey is not alone in his observation that Gregory ‘receded from memory with remarkable speed and completeness’; when he was remembered, it was as a failure and as one who brought decline upon the church. For Cowdrey, the answer to this conundrum lay in the fact that Gregory VII was in fact far closer to the ideals of the sixth century than of the twelfth; he was a Benedictine monk and shared the worldview and oudook of Gregory the Great (590–604) rather than those of the so-called lawyer popes Alexander III (1159–81) and Innocent III (1198–1216). Yet within a century of Gregory’s death he was presented by Cardinal Boso as a model pope, who had overcome a schismatic emperor and the problems which his interference had precipitated in Rome. For Boso, writing for the instruction of the officials of the papal chamber, the very policies set out by Gregory VII were to be pursued and emulated. Far from being a peripheral and contradictory figure, with more in common with the distant past than the near future, Gregory was the perfect guide to the beleaguered Pope Alexander III, who was also struggling against a hostile emperor and his antipope.

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Watson, Elizabeth See. "Spenser’s Flying Dragon and Pope Gregory XIII". Spenser Studies 14, nr 1 (styczeń 1999): 293–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/spsv14p293.

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Roig Matoses, Joan Emili. "Itàlia i la configuració de la llegenda negra borgiana." SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 5, nr 5 (12.06.2015): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.5.6382.

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Resum: La llegenda negra dels Borja va començar a Itàlia i la van començar els italians en el segle XV. Començada a forjar per cronistes, informadors, cardenals… i contràriament al que es podria pensar, aquesta no va començar després de la mort del segon papa Borja Alexandre VI, sinó durant el seu cardenalat, el seu pontificat i com no, després de la seua mort i continuant els segles posteriors amb acusacions falses com la simonia, el incest, els assassinats… Paraules clau: Borja, Roderic de Borja, Alexandre VI, llegenda negra, Bichi, Tiara, papa, conclave, simonia, Ascanio Sforza. Abstract: The black legend of Borja began in Italy and Italians began in the fifteenth century. Created by reporters, cardinals ... and contrary to what you might think, not this black legend began after the death of the second Pope Alexander VI Borja but the cardinal time, and of his pontificate, after his death and continue over the following centuries with false accusations as simony, the incest, murder … Keywords: Borja, Roderic de Borja, Pope Alexander VI, black legend, Bichi, Tiara, Pope conclave, simony, Ascanio Sforza.

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Tubin, Slaviša. "Primacy of Church in the light of the appearance of Oicoymenicόs in the title of the Patriarch of Constantinople: Protests of Pope Gregory I Dialogos to Patriarch John IV Faster". Sabornost, nr 16 (2022): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/sabornost2216147t.

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The sixth century was a time of still-existing imperial unity and complete unity of Universal Church. Pope Gregory the Great was worried that this unity could be broken by adoption of title oicoymenicόs in the Constantinople by Patriarch John IV Faster. In the West this title is translated with the term of universalis and in language differences it is understood that Constantinople patriarch wants to be the head of the Whole (Universal) Church. Pope Gregory begins to strongly protest and to demand that the patriarch reject the title oicoymenicόs as a profane addition. Theological problematization of the title was created in dispute between Old and New Rome. Pope considered that addition of title brings canonical problem and danger of schism. But he saw greatest danger in the Ecclesiological and Christological consequences. They implied that oicoymenicόs makes patriarch as the Head of Universal Church instead of Christ and makes dilaceration Corpus of the Lord. Through the mediation of the Eastern Patriarchs and clarification of the etymologically key pope preserves Ecclesial Unity.

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Mircheva, Elka. "ЛОШИТЕ ПОМИСЛИ СА ПО-ЛОШИ ОТ БОЛЕСТ (КЪМ АНАЛИЗА НА СРЕДНОВЕКОВНИТЕ ТЕКСТОВЕ) / BAD THOUGHTS ARE WORSE THAN ILLNESS (TO THE ANALYSIS OF MEDIEVAL TEXTS)". Journal of Bulgarian Language 68, nr 68.04 (30.01.2021): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.47810/bl.68.21.04.04.

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The paper addresses some issues in the analysis of medieval Slavic texts which stem from its dependence on a multitude of factors. The subject of analysis are examples of illnesses in Pope Gregory the Great’s Dialogues, which have so far been interpreted as cases of psychological conditions. The analysis offered by the author and the illustrations from works by early theologians point to the fact that some of these occurrences are not evidence of disease but the impact of bad thoughts. Their influence results in unacceptable reprehensible behaviour, one that is worse than illness. Keywords: medieval Slavic texts, historical lexicology, medical terminology, Pope Gregory the Great’s Dialogues

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Lee, Hye-Min. "Images and Experiences of the Plague of Rome during the Time of Gregory I". Korea Association of World History and Culture 68 (30.09.2023): 189–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.32961/jwhc.2023.09.68.189.

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In the year 590, when a devastating plague swept through Rome, Pope Gregory I endeavored to uplift and support the Roman population. The most significant primary source that provides invaluable insights into this historical event is The Histories of Gregory of Tours. He vividly portrays the stunning disasters of inundation and plague that occurred in Rome in 590, overlaying them with apocalyptic imagery. This paper argues that it is necessary to understand Gregory of Tours’ writing from the perspective of disaster narratives specific to medieval historical writing. Furthermore, The Dialogues of Pope Gregory I is another source that allows us to glimpse the experiences of pestilence in Rome. It contains accounts of the victims who endured this catastrophic epidemic. Notably, it presents the figure of Death not only as dragon but also as Moors who appear to claim a dying person’s soul. This paper undertakes a re-examination of these primary sources in order to gain insight into how people perceived and experienced the plague and death during the end of the 6th century.

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Thibault, Paul. "Pope Gregory XI (1370-1378) and the Crusade". Canadian Journal of History 20, nr 3 (grudzień 1985): 313–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.20.3.313.

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Cowdrey, H. E. J. "Pope Gregory VII (1073-85) and the liturgy". Journal of Theological Studies 55, nr 1 (1.04.2004): 55–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/55.1.55.

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Lewandowicz, Janusz. "Wybory biskupów w świetle korespondencji Grzegorza Wielkiego". Vox Patrum 55 (15.07.2010): 395–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4345.

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Having presented briefly the context in which the Church found herself, as well as the criteria required of candidates to episcopacy, the author discusses problems related to the promotion of bishops, based on selected examples extracted from the correspondences of Pope Gregory the Great. It shows that His Holiness was aware of the significant role played by episcopal elections in the Church’s life. His interventions in this matter were to ensure that local sees were assigned to appropriate candidates, i.e. those of good reputation, outstanding in good morals and possessing the expertise required in Sacred Scriptures and Catholic doctrines. Procedures implemented by Pope Gregory the Great with the aim of achieving this goal involved, amongst other things gathering information about the candidates to the episcopacy as well as the inclusion of the entire local clergy and all the lay faithful in the electoral process. Such a policy undertaken by His Holiness in promoting episcopates was aimed at strengthening their ties with the Holy See. This proved to be influential, especially during the institutional and structural destruction in Western Italia and threats from the Lombards, who wanted to destroy the well-established traditional Roman order. To avoid all forms of manipulation by lay persons in ecclesiastical matters, this policy excluded the possibility of promoting a layman to the episcopacy. Where there were difficulties in solving electoral issues, Gregory the Great often personally appointed candidates from the local clergy or from the Roman clergy. Pope Gregory the Great also reserved the right of preconisation of the elected bishops.

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Mohammed Fushoosh, Fadhl Mohammed. "The Hijri and Gregorian Calendars: Comparison and Conversion". ICR Journal 6, nr 3 (15.07.2015): 413–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v6i3.320.

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Two calendars are in regular use in the Muslim world: the Gregorian and the Hijri. The Gregorian calendar is named after the Roman Catholic pope, Pope Gregory XIII, while the Hijri is named after the migration (hijrah) of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) from his homeplace, Makkah to the town of Madinah in 622 CE. Islamic rituals are directly based on the hijrah as the greatest historical landmark marking the beginning of the era for the spread of Islam and establishment of the new Muslim polity. Thus, for a Muslim the Hijri calendar is not merely a calendar but a matter of identity of which s/he should be proud. However, the Muslim experience of colonisation and the subsequent imposition of the Gregorian calendar have led to the marginalisation of the Hijri calendar. Consequently many events are not known by the Muslims by their Hijri date. Many do not know how to determine the equivalent Hijri date. The Gregorian calendar was introduced by Pope Gregory in 1582, and underwent many modifications whereas the Hijri calendar remained as it started.

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Scott, Karen. "St. Catherine of Siena, “Apostola”". Church History 61, nr 1 (marzec 1992): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168001.

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In the spring of 1376, Catherine, the uneducated daughter of a Sienese dyer, a simple lay Tertiary, traveled to Avignon in southern France. She wanted to speak directly with Pope Gregory XI about organizing a crusade, reforming the Catholic church, ending his war with Florence, and moving his court back to Rome. Her reputation for holiness and her orthodoxy gave her a hearing with the pope, and so her words had a measure of influence on him. Gregory did move to Rome in the fall of 1376, and he paid for her trip back to Italy. In 1377 he allowed her to lead a mission in the Sienese countryside: he wanted her presence there to help save souls and perhaps stimulate interest in a crusade. In 1378 he sent her to Florence as a peacemaker for the war between the Tuscan cities and the papacy. In late 1378 Gregory's successor Urban VI asked her to come to Rome to support his claim to the papacy against the schismatic Pope Clement VII. Finally in 1380, Catherine died in Rome, exhausted by all these endeavors.

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KORTEN, CHRISTOPHER. "The Prodigal Son: Pope Gregory XVI and a Wayward Priest". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, nr 3 (26.06.2015): 562–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204691400061x.

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This article deals with the evolving attitude of Mauro Cappellari (later Pope Gregory XVI) towards the extraordinary case of a capricious priest, Calogerá Biondi, caught up in an illicit marital affair in Constantinople. Given the fragile state of the Armenian Catholic Church in the Ottoman Empire in the 1820s, and the potential firestorm that could be set off if the couple's story came to light, Cappellari lobbied the Curia to release Biondi from his spiritual obligations and countenance the marriage. Once elected pope in 1831, he would overrule his predecessor's decision that denied them this union. Cappellari's pragmatic approach to this case stands in stark contrast to the overwhelming perception of him within the historiography as sternly doctrinaire.

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Stroll, Mary. "Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085. H. E. J. Cowdrey". Speculum 75, nr 4 (październik 2000): 907–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2903557.

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Mayr-Harting, Henry. "Pope Gregory VII, 1073–1085. H. E. J. Cowdrey". English Historical Review 116, nr 465 (luty 2001): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/116.465.139.

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Hodgson, Natasha. "Pope Gregory X and the Crusades (by Philip Baldwin)". Nottingham Medieval Studies 60 (styczeń 2016): 237–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.nms.5.111285.

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Housley, Norman. "Pope Gregory X and the Crusades, by Philip Baldwin". English Historical Review 130, nr 547 (grudzień 2015): 1528–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cev263.

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Mayr-Harting, H. "Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085. H. E. J. Cowdrey". English Historical Review 116, nr 465 (1.02.2001): 139–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/116.465.139.

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North, William. "Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085. H. E. J. Cowdrey". Journal of Religion 81, nr 1 (styczeń 2001): 116–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/490774.

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Reinerman, Alan J. "Metternich, Pope Gregory XVI, and Revolutionary Poland, 1831-1842". Catholic Historical Review 86, nr 4 (2000): 603–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2000.0089.

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Bolton, Brenda. "‘A Faithful and Wise Servant’? Innocent III (1198–1216) Looks at his Household". Studies in Church History 50 (2014): 59–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001649.

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Arriving at the Lateran on 8 January 1198, officials conducted Innocent III (born Lotari dei Conti di Segni) ceremonially to his apartments within the palace, there to rest, pray and dine.’ Foremost amongst his concerns was the household, last reformed by Gregory I (590–604). Whilst Innocent clearly adopted Gregory as his model, both for the shaping of his personal life as pope and for his understanding of the papal office, the young pope’s efforts to make his household as exemplary as that of his great predecessor have not received the attention they undoubtedly deserve. Gregory’s finest Life, composed c.875 by John, a Roman deacon, uses material from the early vitae, thus avoiding the ‘scrappy and grudging’ biography of the Liber pontificalis. Instead, John draws extensively on Gregory’s letters and the crumbling but then still extant papyrus volumes of the Registrum to demonstrate how this pope transformed his household into monastery, hospice and refuge. Three centuries later, the author of the Gesta Innocentii or Deeds of Innocent III could do no better than to adapt portions of John’s Life to highlight reforms not evidenced since the sixth century Like Gregory, Innocent wished to restore the ideas of the apostolic age to the Church. And where better to begin the spiritual renewal than within a reformed household? His inaugural sermon as pope on St Matthew’s faithful and wise servant accords perfectly with John the Deacon’s view of Gregory as paterfamilias Domini, head of the Lord’s household. Innocent, therefore, regarded the household not only as a metaphor for the congregation of the faithful but also, like Gregory before him, as a model to be used by missionaries to plant and nurture the faith throughout Christendom. Whilst the ongoing conversion of Livonia would provide Innocent with a rare opportunity to inculcate the Christian household within a pagan society, in the Patrimony of St Peter he diverged from Gregory’s path by purposeful itineration with his familia, thus initiating a public role for the household.

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Lewandowicz, Janusz. "Ograniczenia stanu jako przeszkoda w przyjmowaniu do klasztorów w czasach Grzegorza Wielkiego na podstawie jego "Registrum epistularum" oraz norm prawa rzymskiego". Vox Patrum 64 (15.12.2015): 317–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3718.

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Monastic life, which development has been significantly contributed by St. Gregory the Great, has an important place in the history of Europe. This paper attempts to go back to the period of monasticism in the Late Antiquity, of which there are numerous testimonies in the epistles of St. Gregory the Great. Based on Registrum epistularum, the paper presents the practice of admitting to the monasteries candidates from different social backgrounds. Simultaneously, it discusses the evolution of the imperial law, from the reign of Constantine to the end of the sixth century, by concerning restrictions on the admission to the monasteries arising from the fact of belonging to the specific state (obnoxii): decurions, tax collectors, colonate, slaves assigned to the land. The paper highlights the concern of Pope Gregory I for those who join the monasteries as well as draw attention to the motives, which guided the emperors to make laws concerning the admission to the monasteries and the Gregory’s attitude towards the secular law. The paper also draws attention to the efforts of the pope aiming at promoting the monastic life as the highest form of Christian life.

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Loud, G. A. "The Case of the Missing Martyrs: Frederick II’S War with the Church 1239–1250". Studies in Church History 30 (1993): 141–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011670.

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The Emperor Frederick II was excommunicated by Pope Gregory IX on Palm Sunday (20 March) 1239. Over the next six years a number of peace negotiations and offers took place, all of which ultimately failed, despite a belief at the imperial court in the spring of 1244 that success had been achieved. Finally, at the Council of Lyons, on 17 July 1245, Frederick was declared deposed and ‘deprived of all honour and dignity’ by Pope Innocent IV, and his subjects’ oaths of fealty made null and void.

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Weakland, John E. "Pope Gregory XI: The Failure of Tradition. Paul R. Thibault". Speculum 63, nr 3 (lipiec 1988): 724–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2852692.

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Wiedemann, Benedict. "Quanto nobilius membrum: A Letter of Pope Gregory IX (1228)". Manuscripta 64, nr 1 (styczeń 2020): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.mss.5.122891.

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Cho, Chan Rai. "A Study on the Political Leadership of Pope Gregory VII". Journal of Social Science 28, nr 1 (31.01.2017): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.16881/jss.2017.01.28.1.193.

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Maier, Christoph T. "Pope Gregory X and the Crusades by Philip B. Baldwin". Catholic Historical Review 101, nr 3 (2015): 628–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2015.0158.

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Wolińska, Teresa. "Gregory in Constantinople as a Responsaus of Pope Pelagius II". Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Historica, nr 56 (1.01.1996): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/0208-6050.56.06.

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Morris, Colin. "The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century: Lives of Pope Leo IX and Pope Gregory VII". English Historical Review 120, nr 488 (1.09.2005): 1072–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cei356.

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WESTERN, JOSEPH. "The Papal Apocrisiarii in Constantinople during the Pontificate of Gregory i, 590–604". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 66, nr 4 (2.09.2015): 697–714. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046915001621.

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From the fifth through to the eighth century an ecclesiastical official, the apocrisiarius, streamlined the effective governance of both Church and Empire by serving as the pope's permanent representative at the imperial Byzantine court. The letters of a former apocrisiarius, Pope Gregory i, serve as the best sources for uncovering the duties of this office and its benefits to the Church and the Empire. Investigating this office under Gregory emphasises the independent ambassadorial mandate given to these men and highlights the vital role of personal relationships in the conduct of imperial business.

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Verhoeven, Mariëtte. "Meaning-Making in an Imperial and Papal Context". Church History and Religious Culture 102, nr 3-4 (15.12.2022): 319–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10044.

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Abstract From a diachronic perspective, and considering both textual and visual evidence, this article traces the relic cult of SS Gregory Nazianzen and John Chrysostom. It focuses on two historical contexts, hitherto not compared with each other, in which both the relics and the architectural frame in which they were placed acquired significant additional meaning and value: tenth-century Constantinople and sixteenth- century Rome. I will show how Emperor Constantine VII, in the Holy Apostles, and Pope Gregory XIII, in St. Peter’s, used the same relics as an instrument in a process of meaning-making, thereby asserting their own authority and prestige.

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Schabel, Chris. "Pope, Council, and the Filioque in Western Theology, 1274–1439". Medieval Encounters 21, nr 2-3 (2.07.2015): 190–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342191.

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The doctrine of the Filioque was officially determined at the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215, at the Second Council of Lyon in 1274 the determination was clarified, and this clarification was repeated in 1439 in the formulation of the Council of Florence. Yet the Filioque was already universally accepted in the Latin West by 1100, while the clarification at Lyon was the general teaching before 1274. Rather than establish doctrine, then, Innocent iii at Lateran iv and Gregory x at Lyon ii merely codified it, offering codifications that were later incorporated into canon law under Gregory ix and Boniface viii, respectively. A survey of several dozen university treatments of the procession of the Holy Spirit between 1274 and 1439 reveals that the conciliar pronouncements under the popes played little role in the discussion, and where they appear, it is usually as a brief statement of what was official. By the late fourteenth century, some theologians doubted that the Filioque as expressed in 1215 and 1274 could be defended rationally, an indication that convincing the Greeks at Florence to accept true dogmatic union would be impossible.

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SANTO, MATTHEW DAL. "The Shadow of a Doubt?A Note on the Dialogues and Registrum Epistolarum of Pope Gregory the Great (590–604)". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 61, nr 1 (2.12.2009): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046909991308.

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Since the 1980s the British scholar Francis Clark has challenged the traditional attribution of the Dialogues on the miracles of the Italian Fathers to Pope Gregory the Great (590–604). While Clark's thesis has generally been rejected by experts, it retains considerable persuasive force for those new to the field. This paper focuses on the misplaced intuitive foundation of Clark's thesis and points to the enthusiasm exhibited by Gregory the Great for the miracles of the saints in several understudied letters from his Registrum epistolarum. It particularly highlights Gregory's discussion of four miracles performed by St Andrew the Apostle at Rome in ep. 11.xxvi written to the patrician Rusticiana at Constantinople in 601. It concludes that there is no discrepancy in mentalité between Gregory as author of the Dialogues and his other recognised works.

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ZUTSHI, P. N. R. "The Registers of Common Letters of Pope Urban V (1362–1370) and Pope Gregory XI (1370–1378)". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, nr 3 (lipiec 2000): 497–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999002845.

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The importance to scholars of the papal registers and other records in the Vatican Archives as a source for later medieval history scarcely needs to be emphasised. From the thirteenth century onwards, the different series of records proliferated. They begin with registers of outgoing correspondence, known as the Vatican Registers, in the pontificate of Innocent III (1198–1216) and financial accounts of the apostolic chamber under Nicholas III (1277–80). For the fourteenth century, there are new series of registers of outgoing letters (the Avignon Registers and the Lateran Registers) and a vast increase in the quantity of surviving records of the apostolic chamber. However, with the increasing abundance of such records, the proportion to have been published diminishes. It is in the fourteenth century that the sheer wealth of the surviving sources (there are, for instance, sixty registers of papal letters from the pontificate of Gregory XI, which lasted seven years and three months) first becomes a serious problem for those pursuing the publication of papal records.

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Doran, John. "Rites and Wrongs: the Latin Mission to Nicaea, 1234". Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 131–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400015382.

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In 1232 Germanus II (1223-40), the Nicaean Patriarch of Constantinople, wrote to Pope Gregory IX and to the cardinals of the Roman Church requesting discussions on the reformation of peace between the Greek and Roman Churches. In response to this request the Pope sent two English Franciscans and two French Dominicans, at least one of them proficient in Greek, as his representatives to Nicaea. After their return the friars presented a detailed account of the mission to the Pope, which was copied into the Liber Censuum. The extant documentation of the mission allows us to examine the ideas of the Greeks and Latins about unity and schism in the Church. And it shows us that there was no prospect of a union of the Churches because each had a fundamentally different conception of the nature of ecclesiastical authority.

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Harvey, Margaret. "The Household of Cardinal Langham". Journal of Ecclesiastical History 47, nr 1 (styczeń 1996): 18–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900018625.

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Simon Langham, archbishop of Canterbury and former abbot of Westminster, was made cardinal priest of St Sixtus by Urban v on 22 September 1368. Resigning Canterbury, he joined the pope in Italy, formally entering on his duties at Montefiascone on 24 May 1369. He returned with the pope to Avignon in late 1370. In early 1371 he was employed by Pope Gregory XI as a legate in France, England and the Low Countries but by April 1373 was rejoining the curia. After that he lived continuously in Avignon until his death on 22 July 1376, though little is known about his activities. At the curia like all cardinals he maintained a household. The aim of this study is to discuss who were its members, to consider their recruitment and careers and to ask a few questions about Langham's patronage.

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Sullivan, Donald D. "The Correspondence of Pope Gregory VII: Selected Letters from the Registrum". History: Reviews of New Books 20, nr 1 (lipiec 1991): 35–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1991.9949496.

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Baldwin, Philip B. "Charles of Anjou, Pope Gregory X and the crown of Jerusalem". Journal of Medieval History 38, nr 4 (17.09.2012): 424–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03044181.2012.725181.

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Kashchuk, Oleksandr. "Utrapienie a prawdziwe ziemskie szczęście w nauczaniu Grzegorza Wielkiego". Vox Patrum 50 (15.06.2007): 379–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6664.

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The article discusses a question of the interrelation between suffering and real happiness of life on earth according to the teaching of Gregory the Great. The Pope teaches that the experience of suffering is related to the participation in real happiness, which consists in the possession of spiritual goods and joy as a result of such possession. Suffering purifies a person from sins and prevents a person from committing it. In suffering, every just person acquires virtues, solidifies and reveals them, and thus acquires the real happiness in life on earth. Therefore, Gregory the Great contends that just people, who are afflicted with suffering, are really happy people.

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