Artykuły w czasopismach: „Left-Liberal”

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Behrent, Michael C. "France's Anti-Liberal Left". Dissent 66, nr 2 (2019): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2019.0036.

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Jeannot, Thomas M. "Left Communitarianism and Liberal Selfhood". Radical Philosophy Today 1 (2000): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphiltoday2000110.

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Teten, Ryan Lee. "Mouthpiece of the Liberal Left?" Public Integrity 14, nr 1 (1.01.2011): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/pin1099-9922140105.

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Geifman, Anna. "The Liberal Left Opts for Terror". Terrorism and Political Violence 25, nr 4 (wrzesień 2013): 550–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2013.814494.

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He, Yong, Fang Shao, Shi-qun Li i Wei Gao. "On left C-U-liberal semigroups". Czechoslovak Mathematical Journal 56, nr 4 (grudzień 2006): 1085–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10587-006-0081-x.

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Węgrzecki, Janusz. "Monopolizacja władzy kulturowej w liberalnej demokracji". Studia Politologiczne 2020, nr 55 (21.03.2020): 158–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2020.55.7.

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There is cultural domination of power in contemporary system of liberal democracy. In effect there is reaction as social, political and cultural evolution in Poland, Europe, USA. The article analyses different definitions of liberalism, describes interpretation of cultural monopolization of power, its character, mechanisms, manifests and reaction to domination of liberal-left identity. In conclusions describes identity clash of liberal-left with liberal-right and proposes a new deal and new consensus that establish a new form of democratic state as liberal-left-right democratic.

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Fishman, Leonid. "Left-liberal discourse: theory and practice of betrayal". Социологические исследования, nr 7 (2018): 162–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013216250000193-5.

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Domhoff, G. William. "Creating a Liberal-Left Alliance for Social Change". American Behavioral Scientist 53, nr 1 (12.08.2009): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764209338792.

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Kundnani, Arun. "Multiculturalism and its discontents: Left, Right and liberal". European Journal of Cultural Studies 15, nr 2 (29.03.2012): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549411432027.

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MEADOWCROFT, MICHAEL. "THE FUTURE OF THE LEFT: A LIBERAL VIEW". Political Quarterly 58, nr 4 (październik 1987): 414–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1987.tb02628.x.

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Moscovitch, Brant. "A Liberal Ghost? The Left, Liberal Democracy and the Legacy of Harold Laski’s Teaching". Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 46, nr 5 (3.09.2018): 935–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2018.1519245.

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Stockemer, Daniel, i Aksel Sundström. "Women in cabinets". Party Politics 24, nr 6 (23.01.2017): 663–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817689954.

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There is still relatively little research on what factors explain the share of women in cabinets across countries and time. Focusing on party ideology, we advance this budding research. First, we examine if heads of government from left-leaning and/or liberal parties tend to select a larger proportion female cabinet members than those from conservative parties. Second, we evaluate whether a switch toward a left-leaning or liberal government benefits women’s cabinet presence. We test both propositions empirically with a data set covering mainly Western and industrialized countries after 1968. Our statistical analysis only find lukewarm support for the first proposition, that is, left-wing parties are no longer more likely to nominate women to cabinet posts than other party families, particularly liberal parties. Rather, what we do find is that a change in government, regardless of whether the new formateur is left-wing, liberal, or conservative, benefits the nomination of women to cabinet posts.

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Kivikangas, J. Matias, Jan-Erik Lönnqvist i Niklas Ravaja. "Relationship of Moral Foundations to Political Liberalism-Conservatism and Left-Right Orientation in a Finnish Representative Sample". Social Psychology 48, nr 4 (sierpień 2017): 246–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000297.

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Abstract. In moral foundations research, two single-item measures of political orientation – with anchors labeled “liberal-conservative” or “left-right” – have been alternatively used. Using a Finnish representative sample, we employed both measures. High conservatism was associated with binding foundations (loyalty, authority, and sanctity), while the associations with the individualizing foundations (harm and fairness) were practically zero. By contrast, the left-right dimension was not associated with the sanctity foundation, but was associated with all other foundations. The measures of political orientation were interchangeable only for fairness; harm was more strongly associated with the left-right dimension, and all binding foundations were more strongly associated with the liberal-conservative dimension. This suggests that at least in some countries, the liberal-conservative and left-right measures are not interchangeable.

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Danielson, Leilah. "Visions of Progress: The Left-Liberal Tradition in America". Peace & Change 35, nr 1 (styczeń 2010): 181–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0130.2009.00617.x.

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Haddour, Azzedine. "Fanon, the French Liberal Left and the Colonial Consensus". Nottingham French Studies 54, nr 1 (marzec 2015): 72–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nfs.2015.0107.

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This article focuses on a murky period in French history when nationalism cemented a consensus between left and right. It demonstrates how nationalism came to underlie racial antagonism, engaging with Jean-François Lyotard's analysis in La Guerre des Algériens and situating Fanon's unorthodox Marxist views in relation to the PCF's ‘assimilationist’ politics which shaped such consensus and ultimately offered fertile ground for the emergence of colonial fascism in the 1950s. Fanon's journalistic writings show that he upheld the Republican – and more specifically Dreyfusard – tradition which was jettisoned by the left at the height of the Algerian crisis. His reworking of Marxist theory helps us understand how the colonial issue was overshadowed by the PCF's (inter)nationalist rhetoric. The article demonstrates that Les Damnés de la terre as a revolutionary anthem draws its significance from the Internationale at the same time as it rethinks the Marxist-Leninist doctrine that acted in complicity with colonialism.

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Rosenberg, Daniel. "Visions of Progress: The Left-Liberal Tradition in America". American Communist History 10, nr 1 (kwiecień 2011): 103–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14743892.2011.561052.

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Randall, David. "Race and the Constitution: Liberal Historians Correct the Left". Academic Questions 33, nr 1 (23.01.2020): 127–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12129-019-09856-8.

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Grandner, Michael, Perrine Ruby, William Killgore, Kathryn Kennedy i Chloe Wills. "212 An Election During a Pandemic: Relationship Between Political Affiliation and Pandemic-Related Sleep and Dreams". Sleep 44, Supplement_2 (1.05.2021): A85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sleep/zsab072.211.

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Abstract Introduction In 2020, a global pandemic impacted sleep for many people in the US, which was also experiencing an extremely contentious election season. These overlapped somewhat, as the liberal/left side of the political spectrum was more vocal about the dangers of COVID-19 and the pandemic, while the conservative/right frequently expressed less concern about COVID-related risks. Perhaps this confluence was borne out in sleep quality and dreams. Methods A sample of N=419 US adults completed online surveys about sleep and COVID-19 experiences. Participants rated their political affiliation on a scale of 0 (Very Conservative/Right) to 6 (Very Liberal/Left). Participants were also asked whether, since the pandemic, their sleep improved or worsened, whether their dream content has become more positive (more or less positive content, versus same) or negative (more or less negative content, versus same), the number of nightmares they recall, and whether their dreams included themes of politics and/or COVID. Regression analyses examined political affiliation as independent variable with ordinal logistic analyses for sleep improvement/worsening, multinomial logistic analyses for positive/negative content, linear regression analyses for nightmare frequency, and binary logistic analyses for presence of political/COVID themes in dreams. All analyses were adjusted for age, sex, and race/ethnicity. Results Greater liberal/left affiliation was associated with a greater likelihood of worsened sleep (oOR=1.20, p=0.002), but no difference in likelihood of sleep improvement. Greater liberal/left affiliation was associated with a greater likelihood of decreased positive dream content (RRR=1.29, p=0.001) but no different in likelihood of increased positive content. In addition, greater liberal/left affiliation was associated with an increased likelihood of more negative dream content (RRR=1.33, p<0.0005) but no difference in the experience of less negative content. Liberal/left affiliation was also associated with more frequent nightmares during the pandemic (B=1.55, p=0.019), and more political dreams (OR=1.29, p=0.010) but no difference in COVID-related dreams. Conclusion During the COVID-19 pandemic, more liberal/left individuals reported a greater degree of worsening sleep and dream content that was less positive and more negative in nature. Though there was no difference in COVID-related dream content, there was a difference in political content in dreams. Support (if any) None

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Shaw, Vivian. "Strategies of Ambivalence". Radical History Review 2020, nr 138 (1.10.2020): 145–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-8359482.

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Abstract In recent years, Japan has witnessed the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster, a rise in racist hate speech, and the reinterpretation of the constitution to enable state militarization. In response to these crises, a segment of Japanese activists has adopted antifa to bolster their ongoing participation in antinuclear, antiracist, and antiwar social movements. This intervention focuses on what the author calls liberal antifa. Informed by its vexed relationships to the Japanese New Left, liberal antifa in Japan attempts to encompass a broad spectrum of political positions including liberal, left-wing, and even right-wing activism. This intervention traces linkages between liberal antifa and the resurgence of protest after Fukushima, drawing on ethnographic observations and interviews to analyze opposition to fascism within multiple, overlapping social movements. The author also shows how liberal antifa borrows from transnational influences to blend radical and popular cultural practices in relation to music, fashion, art, and food.

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Lataster, Raphael, i Rumy Hasan. "Why Much of the Liberal Left Can Now be Termed ‘Regressive’: Discourses on Trump, Immigration, and Islam". Perichoresis 19, nr 3 (1.07.2021): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2021-0014.

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Abstract We find much of the discourse from the soi disant progressive politicians, media and academy to be misinformed, hypocritical, and even regressive. This applies to discussions about politicians such as President Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, and especially concerns the issues of Islam and immigration. We argue that much of the contemporary liberal left appears to be more intolerant, more Orwellian, than its traditional rivals on the right [while recognising that there are differences between those who describe themselves as ‘liberals’ or ‘leftists’, including moderate left, centre left, far left etc., we have decided to use the portmanteau ‘liberal left’ as this equates to the more generally agreed upon signifier ‘progressive’].

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Pabst, Adrian. "Postliberal Politics". Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 35.5 (16.10.2021): 200–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2021-0-3-200-222.

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The present article consists of key extracts from the recently published Adrian Pabst’s book “Postliberal Politics. The Coming Era of Renewal” (2021). According to the author, stability in the West faces the challenges of left and right populism. And if left populism hasn’t survived the trial by real elections, the right populism is quite successful in removing liberal elites from power. At the same time the strong point of the right populism is the provision of a political program, but its weakness is in the absence of any concepts or political instruments for transitions implementation. But forces, - the ultraliberal left and anti-liberal right, - develop various types of identity politics thus undermining the cultural and civilizational fundamental aspects of the West and the feelings of common goal and common destiny. The author opposes those extremes with postliberalism – non-uniform ideological movement directed at overcoming the contradictions of the deadlocked liberal ideology that is characterized by the rise of both left and right populism. According to Adrian Pabst, postliberalism acknowledges the failure of liberal projects and at the same time the necessity to preserve the most valuable liberal aspects in new form. Liberalism with its multiple trends is not beyond hope and some institutions it created are worth preserving. Still liberal ideology lead to the situation when freedom once alienated from self-restraint and mutual obligations turned into unfreedom. Self-destruction of liberal values such as freedom, equality, tolerance and pluralism demonstrates abnormalities that at once distort liberal principles and show liberal ideology logic. Postliberalism is intended to cut short those defects. In particular, postliberal ideology proceeds from acknowledging that the society is based not on some non-personal social contract between individuals as claimed by the liberals from the times of Hobbes and Locke, but appeared as the result of mutual arrangement between generations. Civil liberty does not man freedom from obligations or freedom for the sake of egoistical interests, but liberty to take care of oneself and others. Personality development based on personal independence should be balanced by common well-being. Equality does not mean uniformity but respect for integral virtue. Individual rights should not be downgraded but should be specific and relative due to their connection with obligations towards other people. Postliberalism in this interpretation endeavors to preserve the best gains of liberal ideology while eliminating the threat of blunt authoritarianism that is always concealed in liberal logic.

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Rosta, Miklós, i László Tóth. "Is there a demand for autocracies in Europe? Comparing the attitudes of Hungarian and Italian university students toward liberal democratic values inspired by János Kornai". Public Choice 187, nr 1-2 (15.02.2021): 217–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-021-00877-y.

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AbstractIn the European Union right-wing and left-wing populist parties are increasingly becoming stronger. Meanwhile in Central and Eastern Europe autocracies are emerging and becoming stabilized. Italy and Hungary are two notable examples of these processes. Italy is the only country in Western Europe where a coalition of purely populist parties won an election, while Hungary has the most mature autocracy in the European Union. By using survey methodology, we examined the preferences of Hungarian and Italian students regarding the values of liberal democracy. We seek answers to the questions whether there are any significant differences between the proportion of Hungarian students and Italian students who identify themselves with the values of liberal democracy and which of these values of liberal democracy they consider to be protected values. Based on our results, we claim that students from both countries are more likely to support liberal democratic values than to support either right-wing or left-wing populist values, even if the distributions of the two groups differ significantly. We found that Italian students adhere more strongly to liberal democratic values, while Hungarians are more open to left-wing and right-wing populism. Our results confirm that in Hungary, because of the values that many people hold, conditions are conducive for establishing a sustainable autocracy, while in Italy, the demand for such a system is much weaker.

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Woessner, Matthew, i April Kelly-Woessner. "Why College Students Drift Left: The Stability of Political Identity and Relative Malleability of Issue Positions among College Students". PS: Political Science & Politics 53, nr 4 (18.08.2020): 657–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096520000396.

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ABSTRACTIn considering the liberalizing effect of college on students’ political values, we argue that political identities—in the form of self-identified ideology or partisanship—are components of social identity and are resistant to change. Using data from the Higher Education Research Institute’s student surveys, we show that what movement in identity does occur is mostly a regression to the mean effect. On several issue positions, however, students move in a more uniform leftward direction. We find that liberal drift on issues is most common among students majoring in the arts and humanities. Self-reported ideology does drift left at liberal arts colleges, but this is explained by a peer effect: students at liberal arts colleges drift more to the left because they have more liberal peers. The results have implications for future research on college student political development, suggesting that attitudinal change can be more easily identified by examining shifts in policy preferences rather than changes in political identity.

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Panayotakis, Costas. "Neoliberalism, the Left and the Rise of the Far Right". Democratic Theory 7, nr 1 (1.06.2020): 48–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2020.070104.

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After analyzing the tension between capitalism and liberal democracy, this article explores two ways that the political left has tried to navigate this tension. Both these strategies prevent parties of the left and the center-left from exposing capitalism’s undemocratic implications, while also helping to discredit political democracy. Unable to unify working people and ordinary citizens against the suffering that capitalism inflicts on them, the left inadvertently makes it possible for the far right to channel people’s discontent in ways that attack liberal democracy and turn working people against each other. Last but not least, the discrediting of democracy that results from these processes gives rise to a vicious cycle by also encouraging the adoption of neoliberal policies, which further intensify the subordination of democratically elected governments to capitalist interests.

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Green, W. John. "Sibling Rivalry on the Left and Labor Struggles in Colombia During the 1940s". Latin American Research Review 35, nr 1 (2000): 85–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100018318.

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AbstractOn the Colombian Left during the 1940s, little differentiated the rank and file of the Communist party from the left wing of the Liberal party. Individuals commonly moved back and forth between the two groups. Animosity was rampant among leaders, however, as shown by the clashes between the principal compañeros and Jorge Eliécer Gaitán's left-Liberal populist mobilization. As this rivalry played out in the Communist strongholds of the union movement, it became apparent that a large portion of the organized working class (perhaps a majority) supported Gaitán even though their leaders dismissed him as a fascist. Workers, organized and unorganized, clearly demonstrated their belief that Gaitanismo was a radical movement of change despite the fact that it arose within the traditional party system.

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Anderson, Ian. "‘Left Backs Working Prisons’". Counterfutures 3 (1.04.2017): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/cf.v3i0.6417.

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During the 2014 General Election campaign, reactions to a National Party announcement about ‘working prisons’ emphasised cross-partisan enthusiasm for incarceration. This cross-partisan support extends not only across the parliamentary ‘Right’ and ‘Left’ but also to liberal NGOs such as JustSpeak and academics working in the area. While some liberal reformers sincerely consider prison labour to be a form of rehabilitation rather than punishment, there is no a priori reason why rehabilitation should involve the deprivation of citizenship rights, such as the right to a minimum wage. The assumption that labour-power can be used in this way points to how inmates are made into a ‘nonpublic’. A nonpublic is a disavowed population that doesn’t necessarily emerge with an organised claim on recognition.

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Marran, James F. "Issues in Geography: The Liberal Arts and No Child Left Behind". Geography Teacher 2, nr 1 (marzec 2005): 32–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19338341.2005.11089850.

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Burkett, Paul, i Martin Hart-Landsberg. "The Left-Liberal Consensus on Japan: A Methodological and Political Critique". Monthly Review 48, nr 4 (4.09.1996): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-048-04-1996-08_4.

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Vasilenko, Yuri. "Carlism Berween Liberalism and Right-Wing Conservatism. The Case of Juan III (1861–1868)". Philosophy. Journal of the Higher School of Economics V, nr 2 (11.07.2021): 191–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.17323/2587-8719-2021-2-191-209.

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The article is dedicated to Juan III (1822–1887), the Carlist pretender to the Spanish throne in 1861-1868, who opposed himself to the Carlist «mainstream» by expanding the ideological framework of this movement to the left up to liberalism. As a liberal, Juan III becomes an exponent of the trend (left-wing bias within Carlist conservatism) which originates from Carlist general R. Maroto Yserns` activities who signed in 1839 the peace of Vergara with the Isabelites and expresses in Carlos VI`s attempts to find an agreement between the two branches of the Spanish Bourbons in the form of a dynastic marriage with Isabel II. The article analyzes the failures of Juan III as a political practitioner who sought to combine in his activities the desire to integrate himself into the New — liberal-bourgeois — Order (but for that it was necessary to find agreement with the liberal-conservative wing of the «moderados» on the right and the progressives on the left) and to remain at the head of the Carlist «mainstream» which stood on the positions of right-wing conservatism. To identify the contradictions between such incompatible intentions, Juan III's views are contrasted with — the second wife of Carlos V — Maria Teresa, Princess de Beira`s ideas who expressed the interests of the Carlist «mainstream» on the eve of the liberal-bourgeois revolution of 1868-1974 and the third Carlist war. It is shown that the figure of Juan III — for all its irrelevance in the socio-political conditions of Spain in the XIX century — becomes a kind of herald for the modern leaders of Carlism (traditionalist and liberal conservative ones) who live and act separately from the currently marginal “right-wing faction” of Carlism which still stands on the positions of right-wing conservatism.

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Gourgouris, Stathis. "Preliminary Thoughts on Left Governmentality". Critical Times 1, nr 1 (1.04.2018): 99–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-1.1.99.

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Abstract In the manufactured politics of crisis that we see increasingly in many societies around the world, the question of what politics can overcome the impasse of so-called democratic rule, which serves as a cover for the domination of liberal oligarchies, has become urgent. Mining the most radical elements in Foucault's thinking about governmentality, this essay seeks to imagine a politics of left governmentality that would evade the pitfalls of left populism.

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Gui, Yong, Ronggui Huang i Yi Ding. "Three faces of the online leftists: An exploratory study based on case observations and big-data analysis". Chinese Journal of Sociology 6, nr 1 (styczeń 2020): 67–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2057150x19896537.

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Left-leaning social thoughts are not a unitary and coherent theoretical system, and leftists can be divided into divergent groups. Based on inductive qualitative observations, this article proposes a theoretical typology of two dimensions of theoretical resources and position orientations to describe left-wing social thoughts communicated in online space. Empirically, we used a mixed approach, an integration of case observations and big-data analyses of Weibo tweets, to investigate three types of left-leaning social thoughts. The identified left-leaning social thoughts include state-centered leftism, populist leftism, and liberal leftism, which are consistent with the proposed theoretical typology. State-centered leftism features strong support of the state and the current regime and a negative attitude toward the West, populist leftism is characterized by unequivocal affirmation of the revolutionary legacy and support for disadvantaged grassroots, and liberal leftism harbors a grassroots position and a decided affirmation of individual rights. In addition, we used supervised machine learning and social network analysis techniques to identify online communities that harbor the afore-mentioned left-leaning social thoughts and analyzed the interaction patterns within and across communities as well as the evolutions of community structures. We found that during the study period of 2012–2014, the liberal leftists gradually declined and the corresponding communities dissolved; the interactions between populist leftists and state-centered leftists intensified, and the ideational cleavage between these two camps increased the online confrontations. This article demonstrates that the mixed method approach of integrating traditional methods with big-data analytics has enormous potential in the sub-discipline of digital sociology.

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Baker, Joseph O., i Gerardo Martí. "Is the Religious Left Resurgent?" Sociology of Religion 81, nr 2 (2020): 131–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/socrel/sraa004.

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Abstract Journalistic sources seem to suggest that there has been a resurgence of the American Religious Left (i.e., politically liberal Christians who support progressive agendas) in the wake of the strong support from the conservative Christian right in the 2016 presidential election of Donald J. Trump. Using quantitative analysis, we draw on survey data from the General Social Survey, the Public Religion Research Institute, and the National Congregations Study to assess the possibility of a resurgence among the Religious Left. In comparison with a speculated rise, our analysis indicates a notable decline in both the prevalence and engagement of Americans who self-identify as both religious and politically liberal. Not only is the constituency of the Religious Left shrinking, they have also been steadily disengaging from political activity in the last decade. Especially when looking at more recent elections, it has been those among the Secular Left who have been the most politically engaged. We summarize these empirical patterns in relation to the Religious Right and consider the potential for influence among the Religious Left aside from electoral politics. We also briefly consider other possibilities for their political impact and reflect on the inadequacy of the label “Religious Left” for capturing important dynamics. In the end, we urge greater attention to politics among sociologists of religion, providing a set of research questions to consider in light of the upcoming American 2020 national election.

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Simmonds, Nigel. "Rights, socialism and liberalism". Legal Studies 5, nr 1 (marzec 1985): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-121x.1985.tb00318.x.

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In his recent book, The Left and Rights, Tom Campbell argues that the concept of an individual right has no special or exclusive connection with the political philosophy of liberalism, or with the legal order of a liberal society. The belief that there is some such connection has been shared by both the revolutionary left and the libertarian right. Campbell argues that both groups falsely attribute to the concept of a right features that are contingently associated with the particular rights enforced in bourgeois society. A socialist society, he argues, would have good reason to accord and respect certain individual rights even though these might differ in content, and perhaps in form, from the classic rights of liberal individualism.

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Nilsson, Artur, Henry Montgomery, Girts Dimdins, Maria Sandgren, Arvid Erlandsson i Adrian Taleny. "Beyond ‘Liberals’ and ‘Conservatives’: Complexity in Ideology, Moral Intuitions, and Worldview among Swedish Voters". European Journal of Personality 34, nr 3 (maj 2020): 448–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/per.2249.

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This research investigated the congruence between the ideologies of political parties and the ideological preferences ( N = 1515), moral intuitions ( N = 1048), and political values and worldviews ( N = 1345) of diverse samples of Swedish adults who voted or intended to vote for the parties. Logistic regression analyses yielded support for a series of hypotheses about variations in ideology beyond the left–right division. With respect to social ideology, resistance to change and binding moral intuitions predicted stronger preference for a social democratic (vs. progressive) party on the left and weaker preference for a social liberal (vs. social conservative or liberal–conservative) party on the right. With respect to political values and broader worldviews, normativism and low acceptance of immigrants predicted the strongest preference for a nationalist party, while environmentalism predicted the strongest preference for a green party. The effects were generally strong and robust when we controlled for left–right self–placements, economic ideology, and demographic characteristics. These results show that personality variation in the ideological domain is not reducible to the simplistic contrast between ‘liberals’ and ‘conservatives’, which ignores differences between progressive and non–progressive leftists, economic and green progressives, social liberal and conservative rightists, and nationalist and non–nationalist conservatives.

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Mulholland, Marc. "The ‘best and most forward-looking’ in Ulster unionism: the Unionist Society (est. 1942)". Irish Historical Studies 33, nr 129 (maj 2002): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015522.

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During the premiership of Captain Terence O’Neill, from 1963 to 1969, an inclusive, liberal unionism for the first time guided the policies of the Northern Ireland state. Liberal roots in the Unionist Party, however, were never deep, and liberal unionism was effectively destroyed by the onset of the ‘Troubles’. It was an ambiguous creed, more pro-British than anxious to conciliate Irish nationalism. Liberal unionism’s aversion to overt and offensive anti-Catholicism struck a chord with perhaps the majority of the Protestant population. However, it did not encourage a proactive stance; rather a passive reciprocation of nationalist ‘goodwill’, defined, in effect, as acquiescence. It was an ideology of comfortable superiority. This can be illustrated by the fate of the Unionist Society. Uniquely for any unionist organisation of the post-war era, this association has left all its records open for inspection. The weaknesses and strengths of liberal unionism over a thirty-year span can thus be elucidated by a case-study examination of the Unionist Society.

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Cveticanin, Neven. "Two harmonizers of the epoch: Hegel and Tocqueville: And constitutioning of wide civil political centre". Theoria, Beograd 53, nr 3 (2010): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo1003089c.

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The text is elaborating the work of two philosophers - Hegel and Tocqueville in context of assembling of political liberal centre. Both of them will take the role of synthesizers of epochal movements, as well as 'harmonizers' of the Epoch, hereafter they will adjust some of the ideas brought by French Revolution to some of the conservative values pre-dating it. Both of them will take part in project of constituting of wide civil political centre by enriching the classical Locke-Kant's liberal centre with certain values (Hegel by adding the concept of bureaucratic state, Tocqueville by adding the concept of intermediate democracy) which will cause it to transform in wide medium that will soon absorb parts of Left and Right, making them to be left and right centre. This wide civil political centre, which will include the left and right centre in itself, will become truly dominant nowadays so Hegel and Tocqueville can be understood as ideological precursors of modern political actions.

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Stevenson, H. Michael. "Ideology and Unstable Party Identification in Canada: Limited Rationality in a Brokerage Party System". Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, nr 4 (grudzień 1987): 813–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900050423.

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AbstractThis article examines changes in individuals' identification with Canadian federal political parties in the period 1977 to 1981. The analysis suggests that differences in class and ideology have a significant, if not very large effect on shifts in partisan identity. There was a slight bias toward more upper-class identification with the Progressive Conservative party and more lower-class identification with the Liberal party. Unstable partisans were at least as ideologically constrained as stable partisans, and partisan instability was more pronounced amongst the more left-wing individuals. Changes in partisanship were more likely among younger respondents, particularly lower-class and more left-wing youth. The largest bloc of unstable partisans was closest ideologically to the more left-wing stable New Democratic party partisans, and shifted only between the New Democratic and Liberal parties. A smaller bloc moved to the Progressive Conservative party and was ideologically closest to its more right-wing stable partisans.

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Stefanov, Nenad. "Shared Concepts, Diverging Perceptions. Left-liberal Intellectuals and the Wars in Yugoslavia". Comparative Southeast European Studies 61, nr 4 (1.04.2013): 522–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/soeu-2013-610406.

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Flynn, Kate, i Angel Rivero. "From left radicalism to liberal democracy: The political journey of lukács's pupils". European Legacy 1, nr 1 (marzec 1996): 336–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779608579416.

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Benjamin Arditi. "Arguments about the Left Turns in Latin America: A Post-Liberal Politics?" Latin American Research Review 43, nr 3 (2008): 59–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lar.0.0061.

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CLEVELAND, JOHN W. "New Left, not New Liberal: 1960s Movements in English Canada and Quebec". Canadian Review of Sociology/Revue canadienne de sociologie 41, nr 1 (luty 2004): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-618x.2004.tb02170.x.

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Krishan, K., A. Nair, S. Pinney, D. H. Adams i A. C. Anyanwu. "Liberal use of tricuspid-valve annuloplasty during left-ventricular assist device implantation". European Journal of Cardio-Thoracic Surgery 41, nr 1 (13.12.2011): 213–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejcts.2011.05.047.

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Kolev, Stefan. "Besieged by the left and the right: The order of liberal globalism". Review of Austrian Economics 33, nr 4 (31.07.2019): 521–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11138-019-00473-w.

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Goll, Philipp. "Texte, die Spaß machen: Antiautoritäre Öffentlichkeit in Filmkritik und Filmkritiker Kooperative". Sprache und Literatur 49, nr 1 (24.08.2020): 103–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890859-04901005.

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Abstract In the second half of the 1960s, the Munich based journal Filmkritik was rattled by a heated debate between the so-called “aesthetic left” and the “political left”. The article argues that within this context, the aesthetic left developed a notion of the public sphere informed by media practices such as watching movies and writing about it, a process whereby an ‘aesthetic formation’ emerges. Drawing upon the anti-authoritarian movement’s critique of the ‘ritualization’ of the liberal public sphere, the aesthetic left developed new styles of writing aimed at interrupting the ritualized bourgeois discourse.

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Brint, Steven, Michaela Curran i Matthew C. Mahutga. "Are U.S. Professionals and Managers More Left Than Blue-Collar Workers? An Analysis of the General Social Survey, 1974 to 2018". Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 8 (styczeń 2022): 237802312110686. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23780231211068654.

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Social science interest in professionals and managers as a left- and liberal-trending stratum has increased in recent years. Using General Social Survey data over a 44-year period, the authors examine 15 attitudes spanning social, economic, and political identity liberalism. On nearly all attitudes, professionals and managers have trended in a liberal direction, have liberalized more quickly than blue-collar workers, and are either as or more liberal than blue-collar workers. The authors find that the higher levels of education among professionals and managers, their tendency to adopt nonauthoritarian outlooks, and their lower propensity to identify with fundamentalist religion mediate their more liberal trends vis-à-vis blue-collar workers. Conversely, their higher relative incomes suppress the extent of their economic and criminal justice liberalism. The authors’ theorization links changes in the macro-economy to growing gaps in the composition of the two strata and the activities of politicians and parties to consolidate emerging political differences.

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Wood, Steve. "The Last Multilateralist?" World Affairs 183, nr 1 (12.02.2020): 62–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820020904746.

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Germany benefited most from post-war integration into liberal democratic structures, an experience that transformed it into an enthusiastic advocate of multilateralism and a model for other states. The current “illiberal turn” away from international institutions and, in some instances, international law, threatens Germany’s preferred orientation. As authoritarian regimes and populisms undermine the “liberal international order” that made Germany secure and prosperous, it may be left as one of few if not the only noteworthy advocate of multilateralism in global affairs.

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Matulis, Haralds. "LEFT-WING IDEAS IN CONTEMPORARY LATVIA". Culture Crossroads 8 (13.11.2022): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.55877/cc.vol8.159.

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The word left has different meanings in Latvian. Alongside with one side of your body it also means social democratic and socialist-communist political orientation. In its turn kreisā prece (the left goods) means something illegal, and an inadequate idea is sometimes also called kreisa ideja (a left idea). In Latvia the 1990s came with the rightist thinking and its notions: market economy, liberal democracy, open society, and competition. Since then the rightist ideas have dominated Latvian political ideology. Even the 2008 economic crisis was the success story in the opinion of the right-wing politicians because the crisis helped to cut the unnecessary, non-characteristic and non-economical positions of government spending. At the same time the policies implemented by the state of Latvia were rather left-wing in many sectors if we look at the level of state intervention in the distribution of funding. Latvia provides state maintained free healthcare, tuition-free system of education, and the availability of culture to society is state subsidised. It allows me to draw a speculative hypothesis that the rightist and leftist ideas are in a mutually complementary dialectic struggle in Latvia. The leftist ideas are not implemented, and there is no need to fully put them into practice. The best possible world is the one in which there is rightist market capitalism and liberal democracy which undergo constant criticism by the leftist ideas, however, never to the extent that the leftist ideas should be put into effect.

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Hobor, R. B. "PROTECTION OF PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES RIGHTS: PRINCIPLES UNDER THE CONVENTION AND THE NATIONAL CASE-LAW". Medicne pravo, nr 2(28) (7.10.2021): 86–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.25040/medicallaw2021.02.086.

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In spite of all the short-comings, the level of people with disabilities rights and capabilities protection has become a good indicator of nation’s development, and such a trend is nothing but hopeful. At the same time, one can hardly imagine that this high attitude would be attainable without the influence of left liberal ideologies, that among omnibus achievements granted the shift from medical to social disabilities model. This situation cannot stand but to resemble in a certain state of rights and capabilities exercise, and even the availability of access to the key resources is impossible to bring to the point of marginalization of the mental and physical health problems. As the analyzed material shows, left liberal ideologists, being responsible for shaping the current International Law on Persons with Disabilities, finally succeeded in promoting their principle ideas in the national case-law. The example of the national judgement concerning the right to water, can serve as the proper illustration of that relief flow, as the national judiciary can fix the development of the rights and capabilities of individuals from the same basis. The article further develops the idea, that national courts sometimes tend to use realistic approach (as invented by R. Pound, J. Llewellyn, O.W. Holmes) for the sake of implementing the social model of disability. The conclusion, that legal realism is a transmitter for left liberal values in the modern western societies, arises from the presented study.

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Song, Robert. "After Agonistic Liberalism: Milbank and Pabst’s Relentless Pursuit of Radical Anglican Thomism". Studies in Christian Ethics 32, nr 2 (31.01.2019): 271–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0953946819826323.

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Milbank and Pabst’s account of liberalism as rooted in ontological violence picks out the secret commonalities of left-leaning rights-based and right-leaning market-based liberalisms with considerable shrewdness, and their elaboration of associationist and civil economic alternatives contains many strikingly expansive and novel elements. However, their totalising account of liberalism prevents them from engaging the strengths of the liberal era with sufficient generosity, and so impedes their efforts to articulate a way forward that is substantially and not just chronologically post-liberal.

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Jaroš, Bronislav, i Petr Voda. "Znalosti a pozice v politickém prostoru: případ parlamentních voleb v Česku 2017". Středoevropské politické studie Central European Political Studies Review 20, nr 1 (1.04.2018): 16–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cepsr.2018.1.16.

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The aim of this article is to clarify connections between citizens’ knowledge and their positions in a political space in the Czech Republic. Rather than a political space as a whole, previous studies examined particular issues, values, participation or accuracy of citizens’ positions compared to positions of their preferred candidates in association with the knowledge variable. Thus, this study provides a new piece of the puzzle. The election study 2017 of Centrum pro výzkum veřejného mínění (Public Opinion Research Centre) is a source of the data for this analysis. The results suggest, in contrary to our presumptions, that the knowledge does not significantly influence if a person advocates rather central or clear-cut positions. On the other hand, more knowledgeable citizens are slightly more liberal in the conservative – liberal dimension. The interesting contradiction is seen in the left – right dimension in the Czech specific context. Compared to people with less knowledge, more knowledgeable people tend to be positioned in more right positions in the left-right dimension related to the economy and in more left positions in the dimension related to the transition.

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