Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Left-Liberal

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Left-Liberal”

Autor: Grafiati
Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021
Data aktualizacji: 20 lutego 2023

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Left-Liberal"

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Behrent, Michael C. "France's Anti-Liberal Left". Dissent 66, nr 2 (2019): 107–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.2019.0036.

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Jeannot, Thomas M. "Left Communitarianism and Liberal Selfhood". Radical Philosophy Today 1 (2000): 159–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/radphiltoday2000110.

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Teten, Ryan Lee. "Mouthpiece of the Liberal Left?" Public Integrity 14, nr 1 (1.01.2011): 67–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/pin1099-9922140105.

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Geifman, Anna. "The Liberal Left Opts for Terror". Terrorism and Political Violence 25, nr 4 (wrzesień 2013): 550–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2013.814494.

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He, Yong, Fang Shao, Shi-qun Li i Wei Gao. "On left C-U-liberal semigroups". Czechoslovak Mathematical Journal 56, nr 4 (grudzień 2006): 1085–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10587-006-0081-x.

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Węgrzecki, Janusz. "Monopolizacja władzy kulturowej w liberalnej demokracji". Studia Politologiczne 2020, nr 55 (21.03.2020): 158–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33896/spolit.2020.55.7.

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There is cultural domination of power in contemporary system of liberal democracy. In effect there is reaction as social, political and cultural evolution in Poland, Europe, USA. The article analyses different definitions of liberalism, describes interpretation of cultural monopolization of power, its character, mechanisms, manifests and reaction to domination of liberal-left identity. In conclusions describes identity clash of liberal-left with liberal-right and proposes a new deal and new consensus that establish a new form of democratic state as liberal-left-right democratic.
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Fishman, Leonid. "Left-liberal discourse: theory and practice of betrayal". Социологические исследования, nr 7 (2018): 162–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013216250000193-5.

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Domhoff, G. William. "Creating a Liberal-Left Alliance for Social Change". American Behavioral Scientist 53, nr 1 (12.08.2009): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764209338792.

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Kundnani, Arun. "Multiculturalism and its discontents: Left, Right and liberal". European Journal of Cultural Studies 15, nr 2 (29.03.2012): 155–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1367549411432027.

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MEADOWCROFT, MICHAEL. "THE FUTURE OF THE LEFT: A LIBERAL VIEW". Political Quarterly 58, nr 4 (październik 1987): 414–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-923x.1987.tb02628.x.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Left-Liberal"

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Neal, True. "The Talk: Christian Right and Liberal Left Rhetoric about Sex Education". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/3381.

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This thesis examines the rhetoric surrounding sex education crafted by two major types of advocacy groups: the Christian Right and the Liberal Left. I conducted a qualitative analysis of content on sex education produced by six high-profile organizations: The Heritage Foundation, Family Research Council, Focus on the Family, American Civil Liberties Union, the Guttmacher Institute, and Planned Parenthood. I found that these polarized organizations do not debate each other; instead, they focus on parents whose political leanings match their own. Sex education is at the center of other issues that also divide the Christian Right and the Liberal Left: healthcare, morality, marriage, education, and STIs. I analyze the arguments advocacy organizations make, the liabilities of their appeals, and their strategies to mobilize parents emotionally. Both conservative and liberal organizations aim to secure the beliefs of the next generation through their parents, not to find common ground.
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Neal, true. "The Talk: How the Christian Right and the Liberal Left are Talking about more than Sex". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/asrf/2018/schedule/198.

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Sex education has been an American morality war from the beginning. This thesis studies the rhetoric the two major types of advocacy groups, the Christian Right and the Liberal Left, uses to discuss sex education. I conducted a content analysis of six sex education advocacy organizations. I used three organizations from the Christian Right: The Heritage Foundation, Family Research Council, and Focus on the Family and three advocacy organizations from the Liberal Left: American Civil Liberalities Union, Guttmacher Institute, and Planned Parenthood. I coded and analyzed the most relevant content each advocacy organization uses on their online platforms. As a result of my analysis, I found that the Christian Right and the Liberal Left are not debating sex education with each other, but talking to their respective bases as an audience. Meaning that no actual debate about sex education is happening in America. Furthermore, when the advocacy organizations discuss sex education, other connected issues are entangled in the debate: this is not just about sex education. Sex education is at the center of other issues both the Christian Right and the Liberal Left discuss such as: healthcare, morality, marriage, education, and STIs. Sex education is a morality war, because it is about more than sex education it is about the foundation of the Christian Right and the Liberal Left.
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Kong, Raymond. "No child left behind : a study of teaching and learning strategies to teach academic low achievers for senior secondary liberal studies in Hong Kong". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2016. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.702886.

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Blomgren, Kamilla. "Läxan, en fråga om ideologi? : En kvalitativ studie av Folkpartiets och Vänsterpartiets syn på läxan". Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för kultur och lärande, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-21111.

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The purpose with this essay is to examine the Liberal Party and the Left Party´s views on homework, if the parties considers that homework affects the schools plan for equivalence and if the parties disagreement can be related to their different ideologies. To answer the purpose I have used following questions: How do the Liberal Party and the Left Party define the concept of homework?, What is the purpose of homework in primary schools according to the Liberal Party and the Left Party?, What are the arguments for and against homework and do homework affects the schools plan for equivalence according to the parties? and Can the parties' views on homework be related to their respective ideologies? The method used is a qualitative textual analysis with focus on the idea analysis. The material consist of relevant newspaper articles, news and debate clips and the parties various party programs, during the time frame of 2006-05-31 - 2013-10-14. To answer the purpose I also used different types of discourse theories, equivalence theory and the ideologies liberalism and reformist socialism as theories. The results shows that the Liberal Party and the Left Party have different views about what a homework should be considered as and that both parties thinks that homework can affect the schools plan for equivalence, but they have different perceptions about how. The Left Party believes that homework should be done during school time and The Liberal Party believes that homework should be done after school. Their different views and values regarding homework can also be relate to their different ideologies. A possible idea that I also can find from the results is that the parties different opinions can be based on that they refers to pupils of different age groups when they discuss the topic of homework.
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Nilsson, Martin. "Demokratisering i Latinamerika under 1900-talet : – vänstern och demokratins fördjupning". Doctoral thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskap, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-409.

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This study deals with the issue of democratization in Latin America during the 20th century, and in particular the role of the left in this process. The purpose of this study is to empirically analyze the role of the left as a political actor in the process of democratization toward the deepening of the democratic rule in Latin America. The research questions are: what role did the left have in the transitions to electoral democracies during the 20th century in Latin America? Why did the left have the role it had in the transitions? How does the left’s view of democracy affect the transition to electoral democracy, and the further democratization to deepen democratic rule? What structural constraints affect the left’s ability to deepen democratic rule? A comparative qualitative method and different theoretical concepts of democracy, democratization, elite perspective, mobilization and organizations have been used, and examples from different Latin American cases are given. One empirical conclusion is that the role of the left in the transitions to electoral democracies varies from participation with active left leaders, collective left actions, to not have any significant role at all. A second empirical conclusion is that in cases where left wing governments have tried to enforce a model of participatory democracy, the result has been “ coup d’état” or rebellions conducted by military forces and supported by the economic elite and the United States of America. In other cases when left parties in government instead have remained within the framework of an elite democracy, the result has rather been stabilization of the liberal democratic rule. The main theoretical conclusions are as follows: the theoretical discussion about democratic consolidation and the deepening of democracy have to consider that different actors’ (in this study the left) preferences for various models of democracy differ; the actors’ view of democracy matter in the game of democratic development and democratic consolidation; and the relations between the elite actors’ preferences for different models of democracy determine the outcome of a specific form of democratic model (in this study electoral democracy, liberal democracy or participatory democracy).
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Uebel, Jonas. "Liberal högersväng? : En jämförande analys av folkpartiet liberalerna och Det Radikale Venstres ideologiska positionering". Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Social Sciences, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-1375.

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The aim of this paper is to empirically examine the ideological trends and positioning of the Swedish liberal party with the Danish social liberal party. This paper also aims to analyze the reasons behind the trends. By examine the development in these two Nordic liberal sisterparties, this paper contributes to our understanding of why and how party change is initiated. The paper commences with an intuitive notion that the Swedish party has in fact, made a lurch towards the right, during the past ten to fifteen years while the Danish party has retained their social-liberal position in the centre of the Danish political spectrum. The questions then asked are: can this hypothesis be verified empirically? If so, how can this phenomenon of divergence, be explained?

The method used in this thesis is process-tracing and the empirical material does to a large extent rely on interviews with central agents as they are specified in the theory of each party. The starting point of the paper is theory on party change, which identifies the important agents, goals and determinants of party policy.. It rely on rational choice assumption, pays regard to institutional boundaries and is placed somewhere in the category of new institutionalism.

This thesis argues that it is empirically unquestionable that the Swedish party de facto has made a lurch to the right during the last decade, while the Danish party has shown significant stability in their ideological position. The thesis further argues that the development in the Swedish party can be explained through a shift of primary goals, from policy-seeking toward vote-maximising, while the Danish party’s primary goals have since the beginning of the nineties until now, remained primarily policy-seeking. This explains why their ideological trend has kept a stable course. The paper concludes by stating that the divergent development within the two parties is explainable on the basis of the institutional organisation within each party, together with the different political environments they are occupied in.

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Baker, David, i n/a. "Of Unprincipled Formalism: Readings in the Work of David Malouf and Peter Carey". Griffith University. School of Humanities, 2003. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040616.120642.

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This thesis develops a critical reading methodology entitled unprincipled formalism. This methodology is tested in close readings of three relatively contemporary Australian literary texts: David Malouf's short story "A Traveller's Tale" (1986) and novella Remembering Babylon (1994), and Peter Carey's short story "The Chance" (1978). Unprincipled formalism is developed in relation to three broad contexts: the fragmented state of the contemporary discipline of literary studies; the complex of international economic and social phenomena which goes under the general rubric of globalisation; and the specific Australian left-liberal literary critical tradition which I have termed, for convenience sake, the Meanjin literary formation. Unprincipled formalism does not draw a distinction between form and content. Unprincipled formalism is a critical methodology that is both avowedly socially concerned and strictly formalist. It is concerned with articulating and analysing the particular social and political interventions made by literary texts (as well as the resultant critical discussion of those texts) through a consideration of the formal techniques by which literary texts situate themselves as acts of communication. Principal among these techniques is the mise en abyme. The thesis provides a detailed analysis of debates around the mise en abyme informed by the work of theorists such as Ross Chambers, Lucien Dallenbach, Frank Lentricchia, Moshe Ron, Jacques Derrida and others. Politically, unprincipled formalism attempts to steer a middling course between neo-liberal triumphalism on the one hand and nostalgic left romanticism on the other. This involves on the one hand a critique of neo-liberalism drawing on the work of Charles Taylor, Stephen Holmes, John Frow and others, and on the other a critique of a nostalgic romantic tendency in "progressive" critical technologies such as postmodern and postcolonial literary studies.
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Baker, David. "Of Unprincipled Formalism: Readings in the Work of David Malouf and Peter Carey". Thesis, Griffith University, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366447.

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This thesis develops a critical reading methodology entitled unprincipled formalism. This methodology is tested in close readings of three relatively contemporary Australian literary texts: David Malouf's short story "A Traveller's Tale" (1986) and novella Remembering Babylon (1994), and Peter Carey's short story "The Chance" (1978). Unprincipled formalism is developed in relation to three broad contexts: the fragmented state of the contemporary discipline of literary studies; the complex of international economic and social phenomena which goes under the general rubric of globalisation; and the specific Australian left-liberal literary critical tradition which I have termed, for convenience sake, the Meanjin literary formation. Unprincipled formalism does not draw a distinction between form and content. Unprincipled formalism is a critical methodology that is both avowedly socially concerned and strictly formalist. It is concerned with articulating and analysing the particular social and political interventions made by literary texts (as well as the resultant critical discussion of those texts) through a consideration of the formal techniques by which literary texts situate themselves as acts of communication. Principal among these techniques is the mise en abyme. The thesis provides a detailed analysis of debates around the mise en abyme informed by the work of theorists such as Ross Chambers, Lucien Dallenbach, Frank Lentricchia, Moshe Ron, Jacques Derrida and others. Politically, unprincipled formalism attempts to steer a middling course between neo-liberal triumphalism on the one hand and nostalgic left romanticism on the other. This involves on the one hand a critique of neo-liberalism drawing on the work of Charles Taylor, Stephen Holmes, John Frow and others, and on the other a critique of a nostalgic romantic tendency in "progressive" critical technologies such as postmodern and postcolonial literary studies.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities
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Cristófalo, Caio César Gazarini. "Crise econômica, sentimento anti-establishment e radicalização política na Europa após a Grande Recessão : a ascensão dos partidos radicais". reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFABC, 2018.

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Orientador: Prof. Dr. Ivan Filipe de Almeida Lopes Fernandes
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Políticas Públicas, São Bernardo do Campo, 2018.
O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a relação existente entre a deterioração do contexto econômico e a ascensão eleitoral de partidos radicais (PRs) de direita (PRDs) e de esquerda (PREs) entre 2003 e 2016 na Europa. Partimos da hipótese de que a situação da economia não só gerou um sentimento anti-establishment na população dos países europeus, mas também realçou ressentimentos preexistentes, decorrentes de mudanças na estrutura produtiva e na composição étnica da população desde a década de 1980, com o aprofundamento da globalização produtiva. Estudamos 94 eleições para os Legislativos nacionais de 26 países das Europas ocidental e oriental, o que permite analisar a relação entre indicadores socioeconômicos, variações do sentimento anti-establishment e o desempenho de partidos radicais de ambos espectros políticos. Com o uso de dados em painel, encontramos evidências de que o desemprego constitui a principal variável econômica a afetar o sentimento anti-establishment da população no curto prazo, enquanto a modernização da economia o faz no longo prazo. Além disso, nossos dados mostram que o aumento do sentimento anti-establishment favorece mais os PREs do que os PRDs. Concluímos, assim, que a Grande Recessão trouxe consequências não só econômicas, mas, também, políticas para as democracias europeias, que terão que se adaptar ao novo status alcançado pelos partidos radicais.
This work aims at analyzing the existing relation between the economic deterioration and the ascension of radical right (RR) and left (RL) parties in the period 2003 to 2016 in Europe. We test the hypothesis that the economic situation not only has generated an anti-establishment sentiment in the population of European countries, but also reinforced previous resentments, caused by changes in the productive structure and ethnic composition since the 80s, as a result of the deepening of the productive globalization. We study 94 national legislative elections from 26 Western and Eastern European countries, which enables us to observe the relation between socioeconomic indicators, variations in the anti-establishment and the performance of radical parties from both ends of the political spectrum. Through the use of panel data, we find evidences that the unemployment constitutes the main economic variable affecting the anti-establishment sentiment of the population in the short-term, whereas the modernization of the economy does it in the long-term. Besides, our data show that the increase in the anti-establishment sentiment favors more the RLPs than it does the RRPs. Therefore, we conclude that the Great Recession has brought about not only economic but also political consequences to the European democracies, which will have to adapt to the new status achieved by the radical parties.
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Eingold, Eric V. "A shock to the system : US foreign policy and the victories of the Latin American left". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2008. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1084.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Książki na temat "Left-Liberal"

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Ed, Fieldhouse, red. Neither left nor right?: The Liberal Democrats and the electorate. Manchester [England]: Manchester University Press, 2005.

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Russell, Andrew. Neither left nor right?: The Liberal Democrats and the electorate. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005.

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The liberal civil war: Fraternity and fratricide on the Left. Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 1998.

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Colmes, Alan. Red, white & liberal: How left is right & right is wrong. New York: ReganBooks, 2003.

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Left turn: How liberal media bias distorts the American mind. New York: St. Martin's Press, 2011.

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Reviving the left: The need to restore liberal values in America. Amherst, N.Y: Prometheus Books, 2009.

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Leaving the left: Moments in the news that made me ashamed to be a liberal. New York: Sentinel/Penguin Group, 2006.

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Ramsey, Paul J. Learning the Left: Popular Culture, Liberal Politics, and Informal Education from 1900 to the Present. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing, Inc., 2015.

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Joyce, Peter. Realignment of the left?: A history of the relationship between the Liberal Democrat and Labour parties. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1999.

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Mike, Evans. Jimmy Carter, the liberal left and world chaos: A Carter/Obama plan that will not work. Phoenix, AZ: Time Worthy Books, 2009.

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Części książek na temat "Left-Liberal"

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Joyce, Peter. "Liberal and Labour Relations 1959–66: Revisionism and the Liberal Proposals for the Realignment of the Left". W Realignment of the Left?, 119–50. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14353-5_6.

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Damböck, Christian. "Carnap, Reichenbach, Freyer. Noncognitivist Ethics and Politics in the Spirit of the German Youth Movement". W Veröffentlichungen des Instituts Wiener Kreis, 163–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84887-3_9.

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AbstractThis paper argues that the noncognitivist philosophies of two key figures of left-wing Logical Empiricism, namely, Rudolf Carnap and Hans Reichenbach, and the ideologue of a “revolution from the right,” namely, Hans Freyer, were intended as political concepts regarding how society ought to contend with values and norms. This political character of noncognitivism and the tension between its different varieties—from the liberal left to the far right—becomes fully visible only if we return to the origin of these views in the German Youth Movement of the second decade of the twentieth century.
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Joyce, Peter. "Liberal Politics, 1967–79". W Realignment of the Left?, 169–93. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14353-5_8.

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White, John. "The ‘Liberal Left’ Response to Twenty-First Century Nationalism: Le Week-end (2013) and I, Daniel Blake (2016)". W Nationalism in Contemporary Western European Cinema, 17–42. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73667-9_2.

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Joyce, Peter. "The Liberal Party, Progressive Politics and Liberal—Labour Relations, 1906–29". W Realignment of the Left?, 35–65. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14353-5_3.

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Bracho, Gerardo. "Failing to Share the Burden: Traditional Donors, Southern Providers, and the Twilight of the GPEDC and the Post-War Aid System". W The Palgrave Handbook of Development Cooperation for Achieving the 2030 Agenda, 367–91. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57938-8_17.

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AbstractIn 2011 the International Community came together in Busan to create the Global Partnership for Effective Development Co-operation (GPEDC) as a common space to promote aid effectiveness. By 2014, however, the main providers of South-South cooperation (China, India, and Brazil) had left the GPEDC. This chapter seeks to understand why. Using an abstract model inspired by game theory to analyse the situation, it concludes that the main cause was that traditional donors and new Southern providers failed to agree on a consensual burden-sharing formula. The episode, meaningful in itself, illustrates the difficulties that the International Community faces to make room for the new emerging Southern powers in the post-war liberal order.
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Joyce, Peter. "Liberal—Labour Party Relationships, 1929–39". W Realignment of the Left?, 67–96. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14353-5_4.

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Arter, David. "The Norwegian Left and the Finnish Centre". W Liberal Parties in Europe, 23–43. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Party families in Europe: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351245500-1.

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Joyce, Peter. "Conclusion: Liberal Democrat—Labour Cooperation after 1997". W Realignment of the Left?, 277–302. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14353-5_12.

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Thompson, Alastair P. "Left Liberal Parliamentarians". W Left Liberals, the State, and Popular Politics in Wilhelmine Germany, 136–57. Oxford University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780198205432.003.0005.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Left-Liberal"

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Černěnko, Tomáš, i Dana Kuběnková. "A Rose by Another Name Would Smell the Same: Hidden Potential of Antisystem Parties in Slovakia?" W XXV. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0068-2022-55.

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This article aims to identify voter attitudes, based on the results of the 2020 parliamentary elections, towards European integration, religious attitudes in politics, universal left-right integration, the rights of ethnic minorities, the position between cosmopolitan and national sentiments, and political decentralization in favour of regions at the district level of Slovakia, while considering factors that affect voter's selection. In the first step, we calculated the position of the district through the results of individual political parties (district level) in the elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic in 2020 and data from the 2019 Chapel Hill expert survey. In the second step, we used these results as dependent variables for regression analysis, examining their dependence on the variables average wage, unemployment rate, ethnic composition, and time availability of the district's seat from the regional centre and Bratislava (capital). A retrospective analysis of voter attitudes at individual districts has shown that concerns about possible covert support for anti-system parties are warranted. “Negative” results, especially on religious principles in politics, ethnic minority rights, inclination to national values, and centralized power, show that if expectations from standard (or liberal democratic) parties are not met, there is a risk of voters diverting to radical parties.
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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Left-Liberal"

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Tyson, Paul. Australia: Pioneering the New Post-Political Normal in the Bio-Security State. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp10en.

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This paper argues that liberal democratic politics in Australia is in a life-threatening crisis. Australia is on the verge of slipping into a techno-feudal (post-capitalist) and post-political (new Centrist) state of perpetual emergency. Citizens in Australia, be they of the Left or Right, must make an urgent attempt to wrest power from an increasingly non-political Centrism. Within this Centrism, government is deeply captured by the international corporate interests of Big Tech, Big Natural Resources, Big Media, and Big Pharma, as beholden to the economic necessities of the neoliberal world order (Big Finance). Australia now illustrates what the post-political ‘new normal’ of a high-tech enabled bio-security state actually looks like. It may even be that the liberal democratic state is now little more than a legal fiction in Australia. This did not happen over-night, but Australia has been sliding in this direction for the past three decades. The paper outlines that slide and shows how the final bump down (covid) has now positioned Australia as a world leader among post-political bio-security states.
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