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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „League of Women Voters of Connecticut”

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Data publikacji: 26 lipca 2024

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1

Blair, Karen J. "Papers of the League of Women Voters, 1918-1974". Journal of American History 74, nr 4 (marzec 1988): 1403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1894519.

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2

Schulte, Terrianne K. "Citizen Experts: The League of Women Voters and Environmental Conservation". Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 30, nr 3 (2009): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/fro.2009.a370527.

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3

Alonso, Harriet Hyman, Louise M. Young, Percy Maxim Lee i Ralph A. Young. "In the Public Interest: The League of Women Voters, 1920-1970." American Historical Review 96, nr 3 (czerwiec 1991): 986. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2162656.

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Kimmel, Michael S., i Louise M. Young. "In the Public Interest: The League of Women Voters, 1920-1970." Journal of American History 77, nr 4 (marzec 1991): 1395. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078358.

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Hawks, Joanne V. "In the public interest: The league of women voters, 1920–1970". Women's Studies International Forum 16, nr 1 (styczeń 1993): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(93)90087-p.

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Schulte, Terrianne. "Emerging Routes to Environmental Activism: Lake Erie Sportsmen and the League of Women Voters". Excursions Journal 3, nr 1 (13.09.2019): 80–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.20919/exs.3.2012.155.

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This paper comparatively examines how the League of Women Voters and Lake Erie sportsmen emerged to awaken the public to the pollution crisis affecting the Lake Erie watershed in the mid-twentieth century. Recognizing the degradation of the smallest of the Great Lakes due to the explosion of wartime industrial development and population growth, the League and the sportsmen commenced a decades-long struggle to clean up the lake and its tributaries through direct action in urban areas throughout the Lake Erie watershed. Disgusted by a fall in the number of fish, caused by cyanide poisoning, and the effect of oil on waterfowl, the sportsmen pressed for pollution control. The League members’ approach to water resources, on the other hand, was based on a broad and academic perspective regarding water quality and quantity in response to a series of regionally severe droughts that plagued the United States in the late 1940s and mid-1950s, and led to a national debate on water shortages and supplies. Ultimately, this paper examines two distinctly different approaches to an environmental emergency in the immediate postwar era.

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7

Hendley, Matthew. "Constructing the Citizen: The Primrose League and the Definition of Citizenship in the Age of Mass Democracy in Britain, 1918-1928". Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 7, nr 1 (9.02.2006): 125–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031105ar.

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Abstract The Primrose League was a patriotic mass organisation nominally independent from, but allied to the British Conservative Party. During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, it politically mobilised large numbers of British women. In addition, through its social activities, the League assisted with the social integration of those holding full political rights with those who did not. The Fourth Reform Act of 1918 fundamentally altered the structure of British politics by tripling the size of the electorate and giving the vote to a significant number of British women for the first time. In this new political environment, Conservatives were concerned with countering the rising Labour Party and limiting the expectations of new voters. After 1918, the Primrose League attempted to define or construct a partisan model of citizenship. The League's model emphasised citizens' duties, individuals' civil rights and the idea of active citizenship. This campaign both helped the Conservative Party to adjust to the new political order and gave the Primrose League a new role to play in the age of mass democracy.

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Harvey, Anna L. "The Political Consequences of Suffrage Exclusion". Social Science History 20, nr 1 (1996): 97–132. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200021556.

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By the close of the first decade following ratification of constitutional female suffrage in the United States, it had become commonplace to read of female political leaders bemoaning the inefficacy of women's lobbying organizations, which despite their lobbying efforts did not engage in any electoral activity such as the mobilization of female voters (see, for example,NYT10 March 1928: 3;NYT31 March 1931: 22). That this should have been the case raises an interesting question: Why not? That is, given the likelihood that women's votes would have increased the efficacy of these lobbying efforts, why weren't the leaders of women's lobbying organizations, in particular those of the former suffrage machine, the National League of Women Voters (NLWV), pursuing those votes?

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9

Ballard, Barbara. "A community view of public jouralism: League of women voters chapter grades norfolk newspaper project". National Civic Review 85, nr 1 (1996): 29–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ncr.4100850109.

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Chappell, Marisa. "Rethinking Women's Politics in the 1970s: The League of Women Voters and the National Organization for Women Confront Poverty". Journal of Women's History 13, nr 4 (2002): 155–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jowh.2002.0002.

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Reece, Gwendolyn J. "Absentee Ballot Day in the library: Empowering students to vote". College & Research Libraries News 81, nr 5 (1.05.2020): 248. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/crln.81.5.248.

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On September 25, 2018, American University Library held its inaugural Absentee Ballot Day, helping 1,005 students request absentee ballots. The library partnered with student government, the alumni association, and the League of Women Voters of the District of Columbia to empower our students in exercising their fundamental right and responsibility as citizens in a democracy. This article describes the reasoning behind this initiative, the planning process, and the event itself. The hope is that many academic libraries will join in this effort for the 2020 general election. Resources for institutions wishing to hold their own Absentee Ballot Day are included.

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12

Grofman, Bernard, i Jonathan R. Cervas. "Can State Courts Cure Partisan Gerrymandering: Lessons from League of Women Voters v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania (2018)". Election Law Journal: Rules, Politics, and Policy 17, nr 4 (grudzień 2018): 264–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/elj.2018.0496.

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13

Doering, Otto. "Science and Public Policy: Shotgun Wedding or Marriage Made in Heaven?" Weed Technology 8, nr 4 (grudzień 1994): 875–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0890037x00028864.

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Scientists, above all others, approach public policy believing it to be scientifically rational—as it has been portrayed by the Good Government Movement, the League of Women Voters, and Mark Twain. Today, the problem is that public policy does not appear rational to scientists. While there is great opportunity for scientific input, neither the policy process nor the most influential policy input is necessarily scientifically rational. To understand the relationship of science to policy, one has to look at how the public views science today, the style of policy, the style of science, and how the policy process may have been captured by “irrational” interests. Only then can a realistic marriage be made between science and policy.

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14

Hansen, John Mark. "The Political Economy of Group Membership". American Political Science Review 79, nr 1 (marzec 1985): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956120.

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Despite its normative importance, the question of why people join interest groups remains open. It has certainly provoked a wealth of theoretical attention. Regrettably, however, it has inspired only a handful of empirical tests. The introduction of this article places the empirical debate into its normative context. The first section develops a rational model of individual evaluations of group membership, focusing upon the effect of changing personal circumstances—preferences, needs, resources, insecurity, and information—on the calculus. In particular, the theory predicts responsiveness to political or collective benefits in threatening times. Analyses of aggregate changes over time in membership in the Farm Bureau, the League of Women Voters, and the Home Builders, reported in the second section, bear the model out. Finally, the conclusion takes on the complementary question of group supply, sketching a theory of group mobilization that emphasizes subsidization.

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15

Awan, Shehzadi Zamurrad. "Women's political participation in the socio-cultural environment of Pakistan: A critical review of mainstream political parties (2018-2022)". Simulacra 6, nr 2 (22.11.2023): 277–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.21107/sml.v6i2.22741.

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Although women make up half of Pakistan's population, their participation in politics has historically been limited. While women today are more politically active and articulate than in the past, their involvement is still hindered by various factors, including patriarchal structures, a genderbiased socio-cultural environment, and a conservative interpretation of Islam. This study utilizes qualitative methods to assess the participation of women as voters and candidates by examining the roles of far-right (Jamaate-Islami), central (Pakistan Muslim League Nawaz and Pakistan Tehreek-eInsaf) and left (Pakistan People Party Parliamentarian) political parties in the 2008, 2013, and 2018 elections. Relevant secondary sources, including the selected parties' manifestos, have been analyzed through content analysis to establish the appropriate context. The research findings indicate that although regulatory efforts aim to increase women's representation, political parties frequently prioritize female candidates with preexisting political backgrounds. Nevertheless, it is worth mentioning that the parties' ideological positions significantly impact their dedication to female political participation and representation. Although political parties have made some progress in improving women's representation and participation in elections, it is clear that a significant and ongoing dedication is necessary to close the gender gap in political engagement.

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16

Feeley, Thomas Hugh, Melanie AA Evans, Aisha K. O’Mally i Aisha Tator. "Using Voter Registration to Increase Enrollment Into the Organ and Tissue Registry in New York State". Progress in Transplantation 30, nr 3 (23.06.2020): 208–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1526924820933825.

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Context: In an effort to increase donation rates, interventions seek to increase the number of residents who are enrolled in the electronic organ and tissue registry. New York State includes an organ and tissue registration field on voter registration forms. Objective: Report the results from voter enrollment drives in New York State seeking to increase voter registration and completed enrollments into the organ and tissue registry. Setting: Cosponsored voter/donation drives taking place across in New York State at various public settings. Participants: New York State residents who completed and submitted voter registration forms at designated campaign sites from fall of 2014 through fall of 2018. Intervention: Voter/donation drives cosponsored by League of Women Voters New York State with Organ Procurement Organizations and Eye & Tissue Banks in New York State. Main Outcome Measures: Number of enrollments to organ and tissue donation registry per drive over 4 project years. Calculation of yield as measured by percentage of enrollments to state organ and tissue registry divided by total number of voter registration forms completed. Results: In all, 754 drives were undertaken over the project period with 6651 residents enrolling into the state organ and tissue registry. The average yield was 27% of completed voter forms resulting in organ and tissue registration; this estimate increased to 34% when prodonation representatives staffed the drives. Conclusion: Use of voter registration form to enroll organ and tissue donors is an effective method to supplement traditional methods to enroll donors.

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17

Fawcett, H. H. "An ounce of prevention 35 mm slides with audio cassette, 20 min., League of Women Voters Education Fund, 1730 M St., N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. (available on loan)." Journal of Hazardous Materials 12, nr 1 (grudzień 1985): 118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0304-3894(85)80035-2.

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18

Abdullah, Omer Bin. "Did Pakistanis Vote for the Status Quo?" American Journal of Islam and Society 30, nr 3 (1.07.2013): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i3.1110.

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The latest – and possibly the last – period of military rule in Pakistan ended in 2008, when elections were held under the thendictator General Pervez Musharraf. The voting sprouted a coalition government headed by the Pakistan Peoples Party that ruled (or rather riled) the country for five excruciating years. The ever-erring ruling group included the Pakistan Muslim League- Nawaz, one of the many breakaway wings of the country’s founding political movement. The country has suffered ever since the Soviets invaded neighboring Afghanistan, leading the United States and its allies to fund the “mujahideen,” the tribal-based loosely organized Muslim fighters from all over the world. After 9/11, President George W. Bush’s attack on Afghanistan and hot pursuit of targets inside Pakistan, not to mention the military dictator Musharraf’s wholesale willingness to support the United States in all of its decisions, has led to high levels of violence and instability. The Pakistani political establishment has little to show for its efforts. However, another development took root seventeen years ago. Imran Khan, the internationally respected and loved sports heroturned- philanthropist, realizing that acts of kindness alone would not heal the country’s malaise, launched his own political party in a quest for justice and equality in a society firmly controlled by the feudal landed class created by the British to rule the Subcontinent. After ignoring him for some fifteen years, despite his many sacrifices, the nation finally heard him. But while his popularity boomed in 2011, his attempt to empower the masses by bringing in “fresh blood,” namely, young educated people, women, and even the poor into the assemblies failed. The voters were, as many Pakistanis believe, deprived of their choice, and thus the same exploitative feudal class was returned to power. Khan has not fared too well, but at least he has planted the seeds of inclusive participation. Whether he can sustain it, however, remains to be seen.

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19

Kellar, Anna. "What’s in a Name? Being a League of Women Voters in 2022". Maine Policy Review 31, nr 1-2 (2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.53558/hiuu6761.

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20

"In the public interest: the League of Women Voters, 1920-1970". Choice Reviews Online 27, nr 10 (1.06.1990): 27–6019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.27-6019.

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21

"For the public record: a documentary history of the League of Women Voters". Choice Reviews Online 38, nr 04 (1.12.2000): 38–2352. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.38-2352.

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22

Cervas, Jonathan R., i Bernard Grofman. "Can State Courts Cure Partisan Gerrymandering: Lessons from League of Women Voters v. Commonwealth of Pennsylvania (2018)". SSRN Electronic Journal, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3181092.

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Dobbs, Kiera W., Rahul Swamy, Douglas M. King, Ian G. Ludden i Sheldon H. Jacobson. "An Optimization Case Study in Analyzing Missouri Redistricting". INFORMS Journal on Applied Analytics, 31.08.2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1287/inte.2022.0037.

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Every 10 years, U.S. states redraw their congressional and state legislative district plans. This process decides the political landscape for the subsequent 10 years. Prior to the 2021 redistricting cycle, Missouri enacted new criteria for state legislative districts. The Missouri League of Women Voters (LWV-MO) contacted the authors to analyze the potential impact of these new criteria on the map-drawing process. We apply recombination (a spanning tree method) within a local search optimization framework to analyze the interplay between political geography, constitutional requirements, and political fairness in Missouri. We use this framework to produce district plans that satisfy the new criteria and prioritize different aspects of fairness. The results, quantified by several measures of fairness, reveal an inherent Republican advantage in Missouri because of the state’s political geography and constitutional requirements. We conclude that Missouri’s political geography and constitutional requirements prevent the optimization framework from substantially improving political fairness in state legislative plans. In contrast, the framework can substantially improve political fairness in Missouri congressional plans, which are not subject to the new requirements. The LWV-MO used this work to advocate for fairness and transparency in their testimonies for the Missouri redistricting commission’s public hearings. History: This paper was refereed. Funding: This material is based upon work supported by the National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship Program [Grant DGE-1746047]. S. H. Jacobson was supported by the Air Force Office of Scientific Research [Grant FA9550-19-1-0106]. Supplemental Material: The online appendix is available at https://doi.org/10.1287/inte.2022.0037 .

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"Louise M. Young. In the Public Interest: The League of Women Voters, 1920–1970. Foreword by Percy Maxim lee. Assisted by Ralph A. Young, Jr. (Contributions in American Studies, number 96.) New York: Greenwood. 1989. Pp. xiii, 199. $39.95". American Historical Review, czerwiec 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr/96.3.986.

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