Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Law and socialism”

The thesis examines the expressions and origins of negative attitudes to gender equality in the Czech Republic, which have been noticeable especially in the process of implementation of the EU sex equality acquis. It asks whether and how they can be explained with reference to socio-legal developments that started during Czechoslovakia’s State Socialist past, but are still relevant today. In order to answer these research questions, the thesis examines how gender equality has been regulated through law and how it has been understood by law-makers, judges and legal scholars in Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic during State Socialism (1948-1989) and Transition (1989-today). The thesis examines legal developments in gender-relevant areas, most importantly in antidiscrimination law. It also excavates the underlying, sometimes hidden, but crucial understandings of key concepts such as ‘women’, ‘gender’, ‘equality’, ‘discrimination’ and ‘rights’. The thesis argues that while formal legal guarantees for women have largely been satisfactory in the Czech Republic by international standards, the way these formal legal guarantees are understood, interpreted and applied has not been gender-progressive. It argues that the reasons for this are: (i) entrenched patriarchal ideas about women’s appropriate role both in private and public life; (ii) a failure to understand gender as a social construct and to recognize gender order as a pervasive social structure; (iii) an inadequate conceptualization of equality and a refusal to combat sex discrimination; and (iv) a limited understanding of the role of law and of rights in the shaping of social relations. It argues that these understandings have been considerably path-dependent on State Socialism, be it through a rejection of anything perceived as State Socialist (which has harmed redistributive policies), as well as through the mostly unconscious retention of ideas or their absence (which has led to a blindness to the cultural aspects of patriarchy).

My dissertation explains how the scientific study of sexuality became laden with emotions and the unforeseen results of this process. It begins with a scholarly tradition, forged during the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, which privileged sentimental articulations of feelings. This tradition helped inspire the late nineteenth-century foundation of sexology, or sexual science. Sexologists, as their discipline developed alongside the modern rational bureaucratic nation-state, maintained attention to emotive expressions. Sexologists also helped shape the interpretation and enforcement of laws against same-sex acts. While they built authority, however, sexologists lacked consensus. During the first third of the twentieth century, sexologists helped compile defendants' detailed sexual histories, replete with affective articulations of sexual desires, which led to calamitous consequences under National Socialism. Nazi technocrats utilized these same sexual histories, offered by same-sex attracted persons describing their feelings and actions before 1933, to prosecute them after a 1935 legal revision, which expanded the law's reach from specific acts to general expressions of feelings. My dissertation provides a genealogy of sexual research and the unexpected uses of its findings. It also revises the biography of sexology as an interdisciplinary field, braided with a history of emotions, tracing its previously underappreciated origins, tumultuous apex, and contested legacy.

Orientador: Marcos Nobre
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: O senso comum marxista vê o direito como mera superestrutura a serviço da dominação de classe. Franz Neumann (1900-1954), teórico do direito ligado ao Instituto de Pesquisas Sociais de Frankfurt, discorda desse ponto de vista. Esta tese examina seus escritos da década de 30, especialmente O Império do direito (1936), para mostrar que o autor vê potenciais emancipatórios no direito liberal, num debate com o conceito de materialização do direito de Max Weber. Estes potenciais nascem da práxis parlamentar da classe trabalhadora e do advento do nazismo e se referem à possibilidade de o direito expressar a vontade da sociedade, inclusive o objetivo de controlar os meios de produção. Além disso, a tese mostra que o potencial emancipatório do direito não deve ser avaliado em abstrato, mas conforme um determinado diagnóstico do tempo. Por isso, esboça um diagnóstico da relação entre direito e sociedade no mundo contemporâneo, utilizando o conceito de projeto de juridificação, proposto por esta tese, inspirado nos escritos de Franz Neumann
Abstract: Vulgar Marxism considers Law as a superstructure to uphold class domination. Franz Neumann (1900-1954), a law theorist of the Institute of Social Research in Frankfurt, disagrees with this point of view. This Thesis examines his writings from the 30¿s, especially The rule of law (1936) to show how he sees liberal law as potentially emancipatory, engaging to a debate with Max Weber¿s concept of Law materialization. This potential emerges with working class parliamentary praxis and with the Nazism, and refers to Law¿s capacity to express social will, even the aim to control the means of production. Furthermore, this Thesis argues that Law¿s emancipatory potentials should not be evaluated in abstract, but in the context of a diagnosis of the time. It sketches a diagnosis of our time, especially regarding the relation between Law and Society, proposing and using the concept of project of juridification, inspired by Franz Neumann¿s writings
Doutorado
Filosofia
Doutor em Filosofia

Why should a legal scholar be interested in development plans? The present work begins and evolves with such question in mind. In order to provide an answer, the research focuses on certain major epiphanies of modern development planning and tries to isolate their legal characters. Therefore, the first issue to be addressed is the identification of “legal models” of development planning. The legal nature and legal effects of planning acts is still not clear and moves along fuzzy borders between traditional categories of mid-twentieth century planning (socialist and nonsocialist) and modern soft law planning documents and guidelines. In the first place, the research will try to assess the notion of planning in a legal perspective as well as the legal features of the planning acts/planning norms. The objective of this phase is to decide whether or not, and to which extent, socio-economic development planning may be thought of legally. In order to do so, I will carry out an analysis from the perspective of legal anthropology. In the second place, the research will focus on the definition of the legal features of modern development planning in the People’s Republic of China, through the analysis of the relevant legal formants, with the purpose of determining whether or not the identification of a Chinese “development planning law” is logically feasible. In the third place, I will question and verify the existence of development planning acts and norms in European Law. The purpose of the phase is on one hand to reconstruct and define the legal value of the regulatory framework for the functioning of European development policies. On the other hand, at this stage certain categories and practical solutions verified on the “Chinese front” may be applied to the European context. In the fourth place, i.e. in the conclusive chapter, I will try to draw some results of the comparative analysis carried out, as well as to trace an evolutionary pattern, determining how legal models of development planning affect, on a global scale, the changes in the role of the state in its relationship with the market.

Why should a legal scholar be interested in development plans? The present work begins and evolves with such question in mind. In order to provide an answer, the research focuses on certain major epiphanies of modern development planning and tries to isolate their legal characters. Therefore, the first issue to be addressed is the identification of “legal models” of development planning. The legal nature and legal effects of planning acts is still not clear and moves along fuzzy borders between traditional categories of mid-twentieth century planning (socialist and nonsocialist) and modern soft law planning documents and guidelines. In the first place, the research will try to assess the notion of planning in a legal perspective as well as the legal features of the planning acts/planning norms. The objective of this phase is to decide whether or not, and to which extent, socio-economic development planning may be thought of legally. In order to do so, I will carry out an analysis from the perspective of legal anthropology. In the second place, the research will focus on the definition of the legal features of modern development planning in the People’s Republic of China, through the analysis of the relevant legal formants, with the purpose of determining whether or not the identification of a Chinese “development planning law” is logically feasible. In the third place, I will question and verify the existence of development planning acts and norms in European Law. The purpose of the phase is on one hand to reconstruct and define the legal value of the regulatory framework for the functioning of European development policies. On the other hand, at this stage certain categories and practical solutions verified on the “Chinese front” may be applied to the European context. In the fourth place, i.e. in the conclusive chapter, I will try to draw some results of the comparative analysis carried out, as well as to trace an evolutionary pattern, determining how legal models of development planning affect, on a global scale, the changes in the role of the state in its relationship with the market.

In response to the fact that academic projects on lay participation in China written in English have been very scarce, and also the views of the three schools of Chinese scholars, this thesis will conduct a thorough review of lay participation in China. Chapter 1 of this thesis firstly outlines the worldwide situation regarding lay participation. Chapter 2 sets out the historical background to the growth of lay participation in China, by recounting the various forms of and experiments with lay participation during China’s history. Chapters 3 and 4 study the status quo of the sole form of lay participation in China today, that is, the mixed tribunal system. Chapter 5 looks into the contribution that lay participation could potentially make to Chinese society. Chapter 6 offers some proposals with regard to the prospective direction for developing lay participation in China, from a realistic perspective. The thesis finds that lay participation has been neither declining worldwide, nor has been absent during China’s history. It also finds that although the mixed tribunal system in China today faces an array of problems, lay participation may potentially contribute to Chinese society in terms of a better justice system and improved democracy. After clarifying the prospects for continuing lay participation in China and proposing possible reformative measures, my thesis concludes that the system, with careful reconstruction, deserves a position in China’s future legal system; and that the leftist proposal, to abolish lay participation in China, should be rejected.

The focus of this study is the property rights theories tested in the context of Modern China’s rural areas. It is divided into three parts: Part I presents the theoretical framework, concepts. These form the analytical tools. Part II briefly describes the three big transformation of rural arable land ownership in modern China. This is a particular case in which the theoretical framework can be tested. In Part III of this study I apply the analytical framework developed in part I to understand the puzzles and problems described in part II. This is the application of theory to the history and reality. In this research, I show that the change of property rights is central to political, economic and social change in that particular society. As a formal institution, property rights provide an incentive or disincentive structure for a particular economy. The contrasting economic performance in modern China’s agriculture can be well explained by the underlying force— the property rights institutional arrangement. The stagnation and decline of Chinese economy and universal poverty is conditioned by the disincentive structure of the Commune System. While the specular economic growth and its relief of poverty is driven by the incentive structure of the Household Responsibility System (HRS). The success of the HRS is in that it is not only a government institutional arrangement but also a communal institutional arrangement in its origin. The rules created by the peasants themselves are legitimized by the central government as property rights. It really matter who creates the property rights and for whom. This research attempts to enrich our knowledge in social science. It challenges the conventional and standard political and economic theory used to explain Chinese puzzles in its economic growth and social development. In the theoretical sphere, it contributes mainly to the literature of Marx’s theory of property, Honoré’s concept of ownership and Ostrom’s theory of common-pool resources and institutional change. In the practical sphere, it contributes to our understanding of the radical and complex change in Modern China’s rural areas.

A tese tem como objeto de estudo o que se convencionou denominar teoria da transição. Trata-se, grosso modo, do conjunto de análises teóricas inseridas na tradição do marxismo e que buscam compreender os principais aspectos de uma eventual passagem do capitalismo ao socialismo. O trabalho inicia-se com o estudo dos sentidos conceituais da forma jurídica tal como apresentados por Karl Marx em O capital. Com o auxílio das importantes análises de Evgeny Pachukanis, o direito é apresentado como a forma específica das relações sociais por meio das quais se dá a troca de mercadorias equivalentes. Uma vez que a adequada compreensão da forma jurídica depende da apreensão categorial da forma do Estado, pesquisa-se esta última com fundamento naquilo que se denominou de exposição implícita do conceito de Estado presente na obra de maturidade de Marx. A forma estatal não se resume, pois, a mero aparelho ou simples instrumento de dominação de classes. O Estado, tal como o direito e o capital, é apresentado como relação social estrutural essencialmente conservadora das relações de produção, distribuição e circulação capitalistas. Ultrapassadas essas questões fundamentais, trata-se de pesquisar as formas concretas de transição, tais como a relação entre democracia e ditadura do proletariado, a crítica e defesa dos direitos humanos, os sentidos atuais de uma revolução socialista, o caráter central da classe trabalhadora e suas manifestações particulares como reivindicações de gênero, cor e defesa do meio ambiente, além da análise da extinção do direito e do fenecimento do Estado à luz da apresentação parcial do socialismo elaborada por Marx em sua Crítica do programa de Gotha. Conclui-se assinalando o importante papel estratégico que cumprem as lutas jurídicas e políticas quotidianas, vulgarmente denominadas reformistas, para a criação de um ambiente estrutural propício à reivindicação de modificações substanciais que têm por objetivo a conquista de uma sociedade mais justa, solidária e orientada por princípios socialistas.
The subject of the present thesis relies on what has been nominated as theory of transition. Roughly, this theory verses about a set of theoretical analysis inserted on Marxism tradition and which seeks to understand the main aspects of an eventual transition from capitalism to socialism. This work starts with the study of the conceptual senses of the legal form as was presented on Karl Marxs Capital. Assisted with the important analysis of Evgeny Pachukanis, law is presented here as a specific form of social relation trough which the exchange of goods occurs. Once that the correct comprehension of the legal form depends on the categorical understanding of the State form, this second form is studied based in what was denominated as the implicit exposure of the concept of state, present in Marxs mature work. Though, the State form is not limited as a mere apparatus or a simple instrument of class domination. The State, as law and capital, is presented as a structural social relation, essentially as a preserver of the production, distribution and circulation on capitalism. Once overcome these fundamental issues, the focus becomes searching concrete forms of transition, as the relation between democracy and the dictatorship of the proletariat, the criticism and defense of human rights, the current directions of a socialist revolution, as the centrality of the working class and its demands on gender, ethnical issues and environmental protection. Besides, this work presents the analysis of the extinction of law and the withering of the State, under the partial presentation of socialism elaborated by Marx on its Critique of the Gotha Program. The thesis is concluded pointing the important strategic role that legal struggles and the daily life state policies, vulgarly referred as reformist policies, complies to the creation of an environment propitious to claim for substantial changes that aims the achievement of a more just, compassionate and oriented by socialist principles society.

Com a ascensão do nacional-socialismo em 1933, iniciou-se uma série de medidas como promulgações de leis e criação de tribunais especiais para garantir a manutenção e expansão do poder do regime. Como exemplo da instrumentalização do sistema judicial nacional-socialista e suas consequências no Pós-guerra, destacamos na presente pesquisa os depoimentos de duas vítimas políticas do Tribunal do Povo, Hans Hirzel e Franz J. Müller. Ambos foram integrantes do grupo de resistência estudantil conhecido como Rosa Branca, cuja história contribuiu para o processo de contestação da validade de sentenças penais proferidas neste período. Desenvolvemos um estudo na interface entre as áreas da História (HUDEMANN, 2014; BENZ, 2008; STEINBACH; TUCHEL, 2004; ARENDT, 1989, entre outros) e do Direito (SILVA, 2011; ALEXY 1997; STOLLEIS, 1994; HART, 1958; RADBRUCH, 1946; entre outros), tendo como cerne o conceito de Unrecht (Injustiça extrema). Com base no modelo de análise textual de Christiane Nord (2010, 2009), dos Estudos da Tradução, destacamos a relevância de uma análise multidisciplinar da situação comunicativa e da temática dos textos-fontes para a tradução. Apresentamos uma edição bilíngue de três documentos pertinentes para abordar o conceito estudado nesta pesquisa. Nosso corpus é composto por um ofício enviado em 1983 pela Secretaria de Justiça do Estado Federado de Baden-Württemberg a Franz Müller; seu depoimento ao lado de Hans Hirzel no Parlamento Alemão em 1984, cuja temática central gira em torno da questão da validade do direito e das práticas jurídicas no período do nacional-socialismo, e a Lei de anulação das sentenças da injustiça extrema nacionalsocialista na administração da justiça penal de 1998, medida que anulou retroativamente sentenças penais proferidas por tribunais nacional-socialistas. Trata-se de documentos que registram parte do percurso histórico e jurídico de correção da injustiça nacional-socialista no período do Pós-guerra. Com esta pesquisa, pretendemos viabilizar o acesso a pesquisadores de diferentes áreas do conhecimento a este material inédito em português acerca da validade do direito legalmente produzido em períodos totalitários.
With the ascension of national-socialism in 1933, a series of measures such as promulgation of laws and the creation of special courts were introduced in order to guarantee the maintenance and expansion of the regimes power. As an example of the use of nationalsocialism court system as a power tool and its consequences in the post-war period, in this research we highlight the testimony of two political victims of the People\'s Court, Hans Hirzel and Franz J. Müller. Both were part of the student resistance group known as The White Rose, which has contributed for the contestation of the validity of the criminal judgments issued in this period. We developed a study at the interface between the fields of History (HUDEMANN, 2014; BENZ, 2008; STEINBACH; TUCHEL, 2004; ARENDT, 1989, among others) and Law (SILVA, 2011; ALEXY 1997; STOLLEIS, 1994; HART, 1958; RADBRUCH, 1946; among others) having the Unrecht concept (Extreme Injustice) as the core concept. Based on the model of text analysis of Christiane Nord (2010, 2009), on Translation Studies, we highlight the relevance of interdisciplinary analysis of the communicative situation and the topic of the source texts for translation. We produce a bilingual edition of three documents that are relevant to approach the concept studied in this research. Our corpus consists of an official document sent in 1983 by the Justice Administration of the state Baden-Württemberg to Franz Müller; his testimony beside Hans Hirzel at the German parliament in 1984, which central topic is based on the validity of the law and the legal practices in the period of national socialism, and the Law of annulation of extreme national socialist injustice in the implementation of criminal law, from 1998, measure that cancelled retroactively criminal judgements issued by national socialist courts. These are documents that register part of the historical and legal path of correction of national socialist injustice in the post-war period. With this research, we intend to facilitate the access to researches from different areas of knowledge to this unreleased material in Portuguese about the validity of the Law legally produced in totalitarian periods.

The purpose of the socialist states' participation in world trade systems was to expand trade with Western countries by elimination of discriminatory treatment imposed by the West. Although China is an original member of GATT, the new government had not been able to participate in GATT activities and had been kept away from the multilateral trade system ever since its inception. It had been subject to the constraints of a special Western trade control policy, which facilitated the formation of the highly centralized economic system in China. There are six socialist member states in GATT. They are Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Poland, Romania, Hungary and Cuba. Since 1980 China has been considering the pros and cons of GATT membership. Although China is an original member of GATT, the new government of the PRC has not participated in GATT activities for thirty years. By seeking GATT membership, China hopes to eliminate various kinds of discriminatory quantitative restrictions, to enjoy the MFN treatment of GATT to play a major role in world trade, to learn how to do business in multilateral trade system and to protect its interest through GATT systems. China's position towards GATT membership is resumption, not accession. It wants to become a member on the basis of tariff concession and to enjoy GSP treatment. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

En estos momentos en que los avances científicos y tecnológicos están acelerando los procesos sociales en todas sus dimensiones, desde sus procesos productivos hasta sus expresiones filosófico morales, incluyendo sus instituciones político ideológicas, el análisis particular de cada una de ellas se hace imprescindible, sobre todo en sus manifestaciones cotidianas, pues ahí se concreta y garantiza la viabilidad y permanencia de todo proyecto social y programa educativo en particular.
En el presente trabajo se analiza, desde una pequeña dimensión de la compleja realidad social, el desarrollo de las funciones de las Unidades de Servicios de Apoyo a la Educación Regular (USAER) en las escuelas de Educación Básica de la ciudad de México, particularmente de una zona delegacional del Distrito Federal, Capital de México. Las USAER forman parte de la política educativa del gobierno mexicano para atender las necesidades que demanda la educación especial en el país.
La perspectiva teórica y metodológica con que se aborda el objeto de estudio es la psicología social de corte construccionista, que se caracteriza por ser un enfoque en que el análisis parte de la comunicación, el diálogo, la crítica y la deconstrucción, abordando diversos aspectos como la construcción de significado y la generación de los sentidos sociales que le imprimen dirección a los grandes procesos sociales, constituyendo así los períodos históricos de larga duración basados en la cotidianidad de los instantes históricos de corta duración o coyunturales. Sin embargo, no se puede abordar la realidad desde una perspectiva meramente academicista, sin establecer un punto de disidencia ante ella, por lo que también se incorpora el enfoque socio crítico que mantiene vivo el compromiso no sólo por explicar la realidad, sino al mismo tiempo transformarla, como sucede al tratar de encontrarle significado a las acciones sociales, colectivas, así como en los procesos y mecanismos que los producen , reproducen y transforman, generando significados que a su vez forman parte de la realidad social, significados de significados.
La psicología social considera al lenguaje no sólo como medio de comunicación, sino como instrumento que construye las ideas y los pensamientos presentes en la vida cotidiana y los significados colectivos, brindando elementos explicativos y reflexivos de éstos, de aquí la importancia de la crítica y la deconstrucción.
Dentro de la psicología social ha surgido un interés por lo que sucede en la vida cotidiana, que crea la posibilidad de alejarse del pensamiento teórico y academicista, y acercarse al conocimiento que se desarrolla en la calle. Aquí la psicología social enfatiza los significados colectivos o sociales que surgen de las interacciones sociales, el sentido común, o lo que se ha denominado representaciones sociales, rescatando del abandono la resignificación de las tradiciones, las creencias locales y minoritarias.
Baste por el momento recordar que las representaciones sociales se construyen a través de una forma particular de conocimiento: el sentido común el cual se genera a través de una actividad comunicativa, discursiva, en la que la interacción constante de individuos y grupos construyen, comparten y dotan de sentido a la realidad social.
Este trabajo resultado del interés por explicar cómo funcionan las USAER en las escuelas regulares, en un intento de estructurar las representaciones sociales que existen entre los sujetos educativos que viven su cotidianidad escolar y social en el ámbito de estudio.
At this time, in which scientific and technological advances are accelerating social processes in a wide dimension, producing processes as well as their moral philosophical expressions, including their political and ideological institutions, the particular analysis of each of them is extremely necessary, specially the every day manifestations and that is where very social and particular education program is concreted and guaranteed.
This paper will analyze, from a small dimension, out of the complex social reality, the development of the functions of the (USAER) Support Services Units to Regular Education in elementary schools of Mexico City, particularly in a delegation area of the Federal District, in Mexico City. The USAER are part of the education politics of the Mexican government to assist the needs of special education in the country.
The social psychology of a constructivism is the theoretical and methodological perspective that will sustain this project, characterized as being is an approach consisting in the analysis as a part of the communication, the dialog, criticism and deconstruction, implying different aspects such as the construction of meaning and the generation of social senses that give direction to the great social processes, making up the long lasting historical periods based in day-to day ness of the short term historical moments. However, reality can not approached from an academic perspective, without establishing a dissidence aspect. That is why a socio-critical approach is incorporated that not only explains reality, but transforms it as it occurs when trying to find meaning to social actions, collective as well as the processes and mechanisms that produce and transform them, generating meanings that are part of social reality. This means, meaning of meanings.
The social psychology considers language not only as a mean of communication, but as an instrument that constructs ideas and the current thoughts of everyday life and the collective meanings providing explaining and reflection elements out of them. That is why it is important the criticism and the deconstruction.
There has been an everyday life interest in social psychology that creates a possibility of avoiding the theoretical and academic thought and approaching the knowledge that occurs on the streets. It is here where the social psychology emphasizes the social and collective meanings that emerge out of the social interaction, common sense, or what has been named social representations, rescuing from the abandonment the resignification of the traditions, local beliefs and minority.
It is important to remember that social representations are made up through a particular way of knowledge: common sense which is generated through the communicative activity as well as discursive in which the constant interaction among individuals and groups build and share a sense of social reality.
The interest to explain the functions of the USAER in common schools, is a try to structure the social representations that exist among the students that are involved I every day social and scholar circumstances at school.

During the collapse of Socialist Yugoslavia and amid a concomitant process to ethnically divide Bosnia, Sarajevo suffered through a siege which after three-and-a-half years resulted in a completely new social, political and territorial order. Following the signing of the peace agreement in Paris in December 1995, to end the war in Bosnia, the city simultaneously experienced a transition from war to peace and from socialism to capitalism. This double transition was marked by increasing intervention from the international community, who deployed an administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina to supervise the implementation of the peace agreement. Despite the fact that no specific local peace-building mission was established in Sarajevo, the Office of the High Representative (OHR), in charge of supervising the civilian annexes of the agreement, became particularly involved in the supervision, coordination and even execution of several key processes shaping its urban transformation, in areas such as the management of land, economic transition and the reconstruction of Sarajevo’s intrinsic ethnic diversity. Thus, this dissertation analyses the role of the OHR in the urban transformation of the symbolic Bosnian capital during the post-war period with an ultimate focus on the impact of those policies, developed mostly between 1995 and 2003, in the current ethnic and spatial configuration of the city.
En l’àmbit dels estudis urbans Sarajevo no és un cas d’estudi menor degut al seu simbolisme, amb un pes significatiu en la història contemporània continental, així com també per la llarga tradició de diversitat, inicialment religiosa i posteriorment ètnica, i de convivència al llarg de la seva història. Sarajevo és, de fet, un cas peculiar, sinó únic, en el sentit que la coexistència entre les diverses comunitats és una característica intrínseca de la ciutat, havent estat promoguda pels principals governs responsables dels tres períodes de major expansió urbana. Aquesta llarga tradició va rebre una de les seves principals agressions durant el col·lapse de la Iugoslàvia socialista. En el marc d’un procés de territorialització ètnica de Bòsnia i Hercegovina, desenvolupat principalment pels líders polítics serbobosnians conjuntament amb els sèrbies, Sarajevo va acabar sent sotmesa a tres anys i mig de setge que van provocar una profunda transformació de l’ordre social, ètnic, polític i territorial. Després de la signatura dels acords de pau a París el desembre de 1995, coneguts com els Acords de Dayton, que van posar fi a la guerra a Bòsnia, la ciutat va emprendre el període postbèl·lic destruïda, encerclada i dividida, amb una àrea assetjada sota control del Govern de Bòsnia i Hercegovina i els sectors perifèrics, i fins i tot alguns barris centrals, sota domini de les tropes serbobosnianes.

Building Constitutionalism in China is seemingly a constant topic worth exploring. However, attempts to adopt the current Western Mature Constitutional System, as a static standard for assessing constitutional development in China’s Context is quite prevalent. By reference to three respective institutions in China’s Socialist Rule of Law system: the Communist Party of China (CPC), National People’s Congress (NPC) and the People’s Courts (Courts), this thesis seeks to examine constitutional development in People’s Republic of China (PRC). This thesis also argues the Mature Constitutional model is unable to engage with the orthodoxy of China’s approach to constitutional development. This thesis first demonstrates why applying the standard of mature constitutionalism to assess constitutional development in China is problematic and renders inaccurate results. Thus a more suitable institutional approach has been raised to examine constitutional development in China. It subsequently discuss the evolution of CPC (ideologies, structure, operation) in post 1978 China in order to examine the Party’s role as both the determinant and product of China’s constitutional development. Then the thesis will discuss how the NPC, a traditional “rubberstamp”, has developed as the highest national legislature and constitutional supervisory organ. The courts in China, in particular, have taken the incremental approach to expand institutional authority by interacting with this highest political power holder and supporting the current constitutional order. This thesis makes an original contribution to both the discourse of China’s constitutional law and the studies on authoritarian constitutional development. The thesis has confirmed that institutional development in China’s particular authoritarian context (the socialist rule of law system) is possible. Development of this nature would be difficult to be appreciated by the Mature Constitutional Standard. Thus, an institutional approach based on a contextual analysis is more suitable for examining how the authoritarian system responds to the challenge of constitutionalism. However, the thesis has found that the future of applying the Mature Constitutional Model to China’s Socialist Rule of Law system is tentative and has predicted that China’s system would confront potential tension between democracy and constitutional development in future.
Law, Faculty of
Graduate

La presente tesis, de carácter teórico y argumentativo, sienta las bases conceptuales y metodológicas para el estudio del vínculo entre las narrativas mediáticas y los procesos de identificación que realizan los sujetos y los grupos. El hecho de que las identidades personales o sociales –ambas caras de la misma moneda– varíen en el flujo espacio-temporal, se adapten a las circunstancias vitales y, sobre todo, se vean profundamente transformadas en la interacción social, nos hace considerar que forman parte de una serie de procesos de construcción de significado. Así, la configuración de las identificaciones –nacionales, profesionales, religiosas o de género, entre otras– es aquí planteada como el resultado de la dialéctica entre las narrativas mediáticas identitarias, que los medios de comunicación elaboran y vehiculan, y los procesos de identificación que los individuos y los colectivos realizan. Esta tesis explora el carácter simbólico, mítico y narrativo de las mediaciones y de los procesos de identificación y pone de manifiesto el importante papel socializador de los medios de comunicación y su capacidad de incidir en los procesos de identificación. Para nosotros, los medios funcionan como constructores sociales de la realidad y crean esquemas de significación simbólica que facilitan a los individuos la comprensión del entorno circundante. De la misma manera, las narrativas mediáticas muestran imágenes sobre lo que somos y lo que son los otros, que condicionan la construcción y transformación psíquica y social del los sujetos y los grupos. Aquello que nos interesa desentrañar, por tanto, es el modo en que se configuran mediáticamente las imágenes sobre el ‘yo’, el ‘nosotros’ y el ‘ellos’. Y, sobre todo, el modo en el que los sujetos reinterpretan estas imágenes y se relacionan e identifican con ellas. Esta tesis explica y justifica el poder que ejercen los medios de comunicación como estructura de acogida esencial y como fuente de inspiración de los procesos cognitivos, afectivos y efectivos que traen consigo los procesos de identificación. Nosotros exploramos en profundidad la configuración de los imaginarios colectivos mediáticos, la memoria compartida y la tradición. Además, prestamos especial atención al modo en que los medios construyen las creencias compartidas y la realidad cotidiana. Finalemente, tratamos el modo en que los medios condicionan los procesos de identificación. El estudio de la dialéctica propuesta es de carácter transdisciplinar y tiende puentes entre diversos campos disciplinares y enfoques, entre los cuales destacan la antropología filosófica y cultural, la hermenéntica, la narratología, la psicología social, la sociología del conocimiento y los estudios sobre comunicación mediática propiamente, muy especialmente en su vertiente constructivista. Una de las conclusiones generales de nuestro estudio es que existe una relación dialéctica o un movimiento de doble sentido entre los dos procesos estudiados. Por una parte las narrativas mediáticas identitarias condicionan los procesos de identificación. Y, por otra, las identificaciones que los sujetos, los grupos y los colectivos sociales realizan también generan imaginarios identitarios.
With this theoretical and argumentative thesis, we provide the conceptual and methodological basis for studying the link between mediatic narratives and processes of identification that individuals and groups make in society. Personal and social identities, both faces of the same currency, form part of a series of processes of meaning. That is because they vary over space-time flow, they adapt to life circumstances and, especially, they are constantly changing due to social interaction. Thus, the configuration of identifications (national, professional, religious or gender ones, among others) is here proposed as the result of the dialectic between the mediatic identity narratives and the identification processes. The first developed and conveyed by the media, and the second performed by individuals and groups. This research explores the symbolic, mythic and narrative character of mediation and identification processes. And it try to demonstrate the important socializing role of the media and their ability to influence the processes of identification. For us, the media function as social constructors of reality and they create frames of symbolic meaning that facilitate to individuals the understanding of the surrounding shared environment. Similarly, the mediatic narratives show images of what we are and what are the others, which determine the construction and the psychic and social transformation of subjects and groups. We are interested the most in how the images of 'I', 'We', and 'Them' are configured by the media. And above all, the way in which subjects reinterpret and relate and identify with these images. So this thesis explains and justifies the power exercised by the media as an essential host structure and a source of inspiration for the cognitive, affective and effective processes own of identification. We explore in detail the configuration of the media collective imaginaries, the shared memory and tradition. Also we paid special attention to how the media construct shared beliefs and everyday reality. Finally, we treated the way the media influence the processes of identification. The exploration of the proposed dialectic have a transdisciplinary character. So we build bridges between different disciplinary fields and approaches, among which are the Philosophical and Cultural Anthropology, the Hermeneutics, the Narratology, the Social Psychology, Sociology of Knowledge and, specially, Media Communication Studies in its constructivist side. One of the general conclusions of our study is that there is a dialectic between the two processes studied. On one hand, the media narratives influence the processes of identification. On the other hand, personal and colective identification processes generates also colective imaginery about identity.

There are many different ways to interpret definition of social division, and it’s contraposition – social cohesion, which the most generally describes as a degree what personages, families and communities can participate in social life and control their own lives. The part of society, which has no such possibilities - called social division. Being on the hedge of big social – economical system changes, transformation to knowledge based society, influence of globalization and other significant cases, and involves us to look for new ways how to administrate divided society. This is high priority work of welfare state. The ordinary ways of administration of social division are not fit enough. So, this is the right time to incorporate new ways of administration into old structures. Appearance of e.government system allows using ways of e.administration for administration of the social cohesion. This isn’t absolutely new administrative ways. This is the regular administration, based into digital level. And ICT takes great part in this process. Lack of accesses to ICT produces new way of separation: digital and informational division. This work is based on assumption that e.ways of administration are very effective but for it’s successful incorporation is necessary to bridge digital divide: corporate spread of ICT, educational and promotional programs. The goal of this job is exploration and evaluation of e.administration models possibilities to force social cohesion. Analysis of... [to full text]

Seminario para optar al grado de Ingeniero Comercial, Mención Administración
No autorizada por los autores, para ser publicada en texto completo
En este estudio, se busca analizar los factores que son capaces de generar cercanía, y como el uso de las Redes Sociales por parte de las marcas ayuda a que estas se acerquen más a los consumidores finales. Para esto, se recurrió en una primera instancia a un estudio cualitativo, para luego realizar un análisis cuantitativo. Al mismo tiempo, a través de diversas pruebas estadísticas, se busco indagar en las variables que componen la cercanía, para lo cual se realizó una encuesta a distintos usuarios de Redes Sociales, que estaban en contacto con distintas marcas en este medio. Finalmente, lo que permite esta investigación, es generar las bases para futuros lineamientos en el estudio del concepto de cercanía en Marketing e Internet (Redes Sociales), dada la escasez de información y desconocimiento del tema en la actualidad.

Con el presente trabajo de tesis buscaremos indagar en el tema de las clases sociales al interior de la sociología crítica, siendo el objetivo general del mismo realizar un estudio comparativo entre las principales teorías marxistas de las clases sociales por intermedio de sus autores más representativos. Este objetivo general queda desagregado en una serie de objetivos específicos: reconocer y desarrollar los conceptos principales de cada una de estas teorías, identificar los criterios utilizados para delimitar las clases sociales por cada una de ellas, reconocer las distintas morfologías y lecturas de la estructura social que de allí se desprenden, sin perder nunca de vista, que es un propósito insoslayable de nuestra labor esclarecer y sistematizar los principales conceptos de cada corriente teórica al interior del marxismo para otorgar herramientas que puedan utilizarse en futuros análisis a nivel de formación social o coyuntura. Dentro de la tradición marxista, los conceptos de clase, estructura de clases y lucha de clases tienen una presencia e importancia superlativa. Sin embargo, el avance del neoliberalismo y la caída de los socialismos “reales" repercutieron sobre la práctica teórica de las ciencias sociales, lo que contribuyó al abandono de problemáticas emblemáticas propias del marxismo, relacionadas, por tanto, con la sociología crítica. Esto determinó que diversos intelectuales sostuvieran la superación definitiva de la explicación “clasista" de la sociedad, dada la aparición de una realidad supuestamente más “compleja" que debía ser explicada con nuevos conceptos.
Fil: García, Marcos Jesús. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales.

En el siguiente trabajo se encuentran las diferentes definiciones de redes sociales y el diferente uso que cada uno le da a las mismas; el cual nos motivó para realizar la siguiente investigación y determinar si dichas redes afectan directa o indirectamente en el comportamiento de los pacientes internados y sus familiares; con esta tarea queremos comprobar cuáles son los efectos que tienen las redes sociales sobre estos, y en consecuencia en los cuidados de enfermería. En el Marco teórico hay una breve reseña sobre la Institución en la que vamos a realizar la investigación, además de encuestas realizadas a pacientes internados en los Servicios de Clínica Médica y Cirugía de Policlínica Privada de San Rafael, durante el primer semestre del año 2013; como así también se encontrará información detallada sobre diferentes teorías de enfermeria referidas al cuidado, y la relación que existe con las redes sociales.
Fil: Liria, Nadia. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Ciencias Médicas. Escuela de Enfermería..
Fil: Quiroga, Graciela. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Ciencias Médicas. Escuela de Enfermería..
Fil: Romero, Mabel. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Ciencias Médicas. Escuela de Enfermería..

La secuencia genética del origen de la epistemología vigente en la práctica, es aquella que se enseña realmente en todas las universidades. Ella se caracteriza por los siguientes aspectos. 1° Históricamente, la epistemología como una disciplina oficialmente constituida y como una carrera profesional, como dice Mario Bunge, nace en el famoso Círculo de Viena, en 1927, el cual era un círculo de filósofos positivistas. A esta epistemología, proveniente del Positivismo Lógico desde la década del setenta del siglo pasado, se la conoce con la denominación de La Concepción Heredada. La vigencia de ella, según Frederick Suppe (1974), termina a fines de 1960. Es a partir de este año que, está siendo sometida a una revisión, evaluación y crítica, total y permanente, hasta la actualidad.
Tesis

Con el presente trabajo, se pretende satisfacer los requerimientos en investigación de la Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona (UAB) con respecto a la Tesis doctoral.
Esta tesis consta de diez partes, que en conjunto comprenden 15 capítulos. Para desarrollarla, se ha utilizado un enfoque cuyo objeto es plasmar una postura personal -fruto de la investigación-. Su clase es inicialmente histórica, pero desemboca en lo descriptivo analítico.
La idea de Tesis implica adoptar una postura personal con respecto a algo. Pues bien, en este trabajo, se asume una posición con respecto a la actividad del legislador, toda vez que la misma -al igual que la del Estado en general- ya no satisface totalmente los requerimientos de las colectividades y hoy, más que nunca, se hace obvia la presencia de otros actores que inciden en la creación de normas al provocar que se den iniciativas de ley, ajenas muchas veces a las ideas originales de los legisladores.
El fenómeno jurídico luce muchas veces como algo que ya no debe tocarse, por haber muchos estudios sobre él. Sin embargo, presenta situaciones y actores que merecen trato y estudio en el contexto de lo normativo, como el caso del papel de la comunidad y de los movimientos sociales que se dan dentro de ella.
Se propone -en esa línea- que el Derecho puede actuar como los camaleones, al darse una mimesis en lo jurídico cuando la acción de los movimientos sociales -entre otras- se traduce en normas de varios tipos, lo que preserva la existencia del Derecho, ya que éste, como fruto de la cultura y de la civilización es adquirido luego de muchos esfuerzos y puede perderse fácilmente, si no se adapta a lo que requiere lo social. El Derecho ha de equilibrar las fuerzas de quienes gobiernan y de quienes son gobernados para mantener la paz social. Éste, en su fase de creación, ya no es sólo una tarea parlamentaria de iniciativas de ley formuladas y planteadas en razón de la representatividad formal, sino es fruto de lo anterior, lo que implica configurar nuevamente la visión que se tiene del Estado, para hacer de la mimesis algo más fácil, ágil y beneficioso a las comunidades. El Estado se va volviendo, cada vez más, incapaz de atender las necesidades sociales; el legislador no necesariamente percibe lo que el pueblo que lo eligió necesita. No siempre a través de la acción del legislador, las sociedades se organizan de modo variable y segregan con independencia relativa su propio Derecho. El Derecho es entonces, un subproducto y un espejo de la sociedad. En la actualidad, las sociedades se ven influenciadas por la globalización, las empresas multinacionales, y las realidades de otras sociedades próximas a ellas o bien, al otro lado del mundo. Por otra parte, hoy por hoy, tenemos una visión más amplia del universo. Y por ello entendemos que hay grupos de presión -aceptémoslo- que hacen que ese entorno no sea "interno", sino esté globalizado. Lo anterior, podría requerir un replanteamiento acerca de la noción de la ciencia de lo normativo, para hacerlo más efectivo y actual. Y, además, en casos muy específicos, de administración de justicia -sobre todo en el contexto anglosajón- esa mimesis se da gracias a la intervención de los jueces, como fruto de la producción escalonada del Derecho; en este caso, la conciencia sobre la justicia de lo pedido, agilizaría el aprovechamiento de la mimesis mencionada.
Lo anterior implica tomar en cuenta la participación de los actores colectivos mencionados, lo que será mejor si se hace en razón de valores sociales compartidos y a través de entidades como las organizaciones no gubernamentales (ONG) que, como puente y canal, podrían trasladar las inquietudes sociales a los entes que se ocupan de regular jurídicamente la conducta. El valor social compartido y la consecuencial armonía que puede lograrse en la vida comunitaria -tanto de las comunidades pequeñas, como de las grandes comunidades- tiene una gran cantidad de contenido ético, pero es una ética en común, respetando la pluralidad y la multiplicidad de culturas en lo posible.
En ese pluralismo comunitario se aprovecharía de mejor manera el capital social, que tiene concordancia con la idea de comunidad y está relacionado con lo que algunos llaman "virtud cívica", con la adición de que esta virtud cívica será más fuerte si está enmarcada en una red de relaciones sociales recíprocas, que serían unos valores sociales compartidos. Y lo anterior, bajo la premisa de que todo cuanto acontece en el orden público tenga -o deba tener- como presupuesto una definición del concepto de justicia; tanto por lo que hace al ejercicio del poder de parte de los gobernantes, como por lo que corresponde al trato justo que reclaman los ciudadanos.
De la síntesis entre ambos enfoques resulta la bilateralidad de los derechos y deberes del Estado, respecto de los derechos y deberes que corresponden a los ciudadanos. El Estado debe satisfacer para todos las siete aspiraciones sociales cardinales que, para los fines de esta tesis son: la aspiración de seguridad, la aspiración de nuevas experiencias y de perfeccionamiento o adelanto, la aspiración de reconocimiento, la aspiración de asistir, la aspiración de libertad, la aspiración de poder y la aspiración de sujeción.
The purpose of this work is to fulfill the research requirements in connection with a doctoral thesis at Universidad Autónoma de Barcelona (UAB).
The thesis consists of ten parts which amount to a total of fifteen chapters. In order to develop it, a focus has been used to express a personal position arising from research. This is a thesis that begins as a historical piece and ends up as an analytic and descriptive work.
The idea of a thesis implies adopting a personal posture in regard to an issue. In this work, we assume a position with respect to the activity of a legislator as long as that activity, as well as that of the State in general, is no longer responsive to the collectivities; today, more than ever, the presence of other players and their influence on the creation of new legislation independent from the original thoughts of legislators has become obvious.
Having been the subject of many studies, the juridical phenomenon may often appear no longer to be a viable area of research. However, there are always situations and players worthy of study and consideration within the context of the normative; such is the case of the community and the social movements that arise within it.
We propose, along these lines, that the Law may be like a chameleon and mime the way in which the actions of social movements, as well as others, become norms of various types into the juridical realm. That is what perpetuates the existence of the Law since otherwise, being a product of culture and civilization, it is only acquired after much effort and can easily be lost if it does not adapt to social needs. In order to preserve the peace, the rule of Law must find a balance between the power of those who govern and the societal needs. At the moment of creation this is no longer only a parliamentary duty to formulate bills and introduce them as means of formal representation but rather the product of that very process. This forces us to reconfigure our view of the State so that the Law's mimesis of social processes flows easily and is most beneficial to the community. The State is increasingly incapable of tending to the social needs; legislators do not necessarily recognize the needs of those who elected them. It is not always through legislative actions therefore that societies organize themselves in various ways to give birth with relative independence to their own laws. The legal system is therefore a byproduct as well as a mirror of society. Nowadays societies are influenced by globalization, multinational corporations, and the influence of other societies that may or may not be at a geographical proximity. On the other hand, our vision of the universe is much wider than ever before. As we understand that there are pressure points, we must acknowledge that the framework is not internal but globalized. With this in mind, the notion of the science of the normative may need to be reformulated so that it may be more effective and contemporary. Yet another point is how in very specific cases of handling of justice issues, specially within an Anglo-Saxon context, the mimesis takes place through the intervention of judges and is a consequence of the graded development of the Law. When this happens, the awareness of how just a demand may be expedites the benefit of the mimesis mentioned.
What has been exposed thus far demands that we take into account the role of the collective players mentioned above. This will be accomplished best if it is done within a context of shared social values and through entities such as non-government organizations that can serve as a bridge and a communication channel in order to translate social concerns to the entities in charge of the juridical regulation of conduct. The shared social values and harmony that can be reached in community living, regardless of the size of the communities in question, have a large amount of ethical content, but this must be of a common ethic that respects the plurality and multiplicity of cultures as much as possible.
It would be within such community pluralism that most benefit could be reaped from the social capital, which is concordant with the idea of community and is related to what some call "civic virtue" with the addition that said civic virtue will be stronger when framed in a net of reciprocal social relations which would be shared social values. The above, under the premise that everything that happens within the public order has, or should have, as an assumption a definition of the concept of justice, not only as it pertains to the exercise of power by those who govern but as it does to the fair treatment that citizens demand.
The synthesis of both approaches yields the bilaterality of the rights and duties of the State with respect to the rights and duties of the citizens. The State must then satisfy the seven cardinal social expectations which, for the purpose of this thesis, are the expectation of security, the expectation of new experiences, progress and development, the expectation of recognition, the expectation of support, the expectation of liberty, the expectation of power and the expectation of abiding.

SUMMARY The topic of this paper is social control and its preventive influence to the personality of a criminal. The work provides the concept of control – it is the function, that naturally leads any activity of a person and should be implemented according to certain rules, tasks and standards in order to reach the required results. For this reason social control invents the mechanisms that helps to supervise how the society members obey the set norms. The elements of the social control are religion, morality, education, law. Social control is necessary to keep the order in society that would ensure the certain level of stability. In order to reach these aims social control undoubtedly has influence to the personality of a criminal.

Cette thèse compare le traitement judiciaire de l’homosexualité masculine sous le national-socialisme dans un territoire du « vieux Reich » (Bade) et un territoire annexé de facto (Alsace), en examinant le rôle des acteurs du système judiciaire au sens large (législateurs, population, policiers, experts médico-légaux, procureurs, juges) et les réactions des inculpés. Cette étude de cas, qui porte sur les pratiques comme sur les discours et les représentations de chacun, est replacée dans ses contextes nationaux (Allemagne, France) et dans le temps long pour mettre en valeur les spécificités régionales et les ruptures temporelles. Elle démontre qu’en dépit de la radicalisation législative et de l’explosion des condamnations, l’application judiciaire du programme répressif national-socialiste a été en partie entravée par le relatif manque d’engagement de certains acteurs répressifs, ce qui a laissé des « espaces de liberté » homosexuels, et qu’elle a été variable selon les territoires. Ces variations dépendent toutefois plus des acteurs et de leur engagement répressif que des traditions répressives régionales ou des contextes politico-administratifs
This thesis compares the judicial treatment of masculine homosexuality in national-socialist times in a territory of the “old” Reich (Baden) and in a territory annexed de facto (Alsace). The focus is set on the role of the different actors of the repression (law-makers, population, medical experts, policemen, persecutors, judges) and the reactions of the suspects. This case-study looks at the practice as well as the discourse and representation of each group over the long-term by taking into account the national contexts (France, Germany) to highlight the regional particularities and the moments of change. The thesis shows that despite the repressive turn of the legislation and the increasing number of condemnations, the repression could in practice be slowed down by the lack of engagement of certain parties, differing between territories. This attitude led to the creation of ‘homosexual spaces of freedom’. The degree of repression was highly dependent on the people involved and their willingness to follow a repressive line of action; the legislative and judicial traditions of each region and the political and administrative contexts had thus a limited impact

El tema de una posible configuración de los Estudios Latinoamericanos es algo que hoy se debe tratar –por el contrario del pasado – dentro de un marco mucho más amplio, dentro de la cuestión del futuro de las humanidades y de las ciencias sociales y su función en la sociedad actual y así como también dentro del marco de la reforma educacional como base de una sociedad del conocimiento que funciona como garantía del bienestar de la misma.

Chinas first comprehensive competition law, the Anti-monopoly law of the People’s Republic of China (AML), was enacted on August 1, 2008. Despite a long history of planned economy, the Chinese economy has developed into one of the fastest growing economies in the world during the last decades. The adoption of the law was a crucial step towards a more market-based economy. Article 1 of the AML states that one of the aims to achieve with this law is to develop a socialist market economy. The notion was founded in the 1990s and can be found in several other Chinese legislations.

The concept has no prominent definition and can be interpreted in many different ways, which opens up for the ruling Party to interpret the notion in accordance with their political believes. The central government will probably put most emphasize on the word “socialist” instead of “market economy” when interpreting the concept. The concept is of central meaning and will affect the interpretation of the other aims stated in article 1. The other aims are not ranked in any hierarchical order and are in conflict with each other. The central government will give priority to the aims which are beneficial for a socialist society. The aim to promote public interest, which includes state owned enterprises, will be strongly favored. Also the aim economic efficiency will be prioritized since China strives to become a rich country. Consumer welfare will not be highlighted but might be more important in the future.

One reason that the aims are vague and not put in any hierarchical order could be that the objectives for adopting AML were not solely of competition reasons. The objectives show that AML is part of a wider economic policy. Neither does the central government strive towards a free market. Instead the goal is to establish a fair market. A fair market will most probably be a market beneficial for state owned enterprises and can therefore be contradictory to the keystones of competition. Competition principals arise from sophisticated market economies and China aims to apply those principals in the light of socialist ideology. AML covers the general competition provisions but with a specific chapter to regulate administrative monopolies. It can still be seen as contradictory to prohibit administrative monopolies but without any sanctions stipulated for violation of the provisions.

Also the fundamental elements for establish effective competition are missing. The statute cannot be seen as objective or provide legal certainty and the competition authorities do not have divided responsibilities. Neither is any specific competition court established. Other factors that can contribute to an inefficient competition law are China’s history and culture, affected by socialist ideology. Time is required in China in order to develop an efficient competition culture.

Altogether, it is no coincident that the notion of socialist market economy is undefined. The notion includes a quest to enhance the socialist society with strong economic development. More specific guidance is determined by the central government when the right time has come. From a Chinese perspective, the aims in article 1 will be achieved since the undefined concepts open up for different interpretations. From a sophisticated point of view, the aims will not be seen as achieved since no effective competition is established.

Seminario para Optar al Título de Ingeniero Comercial, Mención Administración
En el presente trabajo se analizan los diferentes factores que influyen al momento de confiar en aquellos comentarios que se realizan a través de las Redes Sociales; entre estos factores se encuentran: el Prestigio de la Plataforma, la Consistencia entre Comentarios y la Consistencia entre Comentarios y Compras Anteriores, así como también los Líderes de Opinión y la Frecuencia de visitas a la Plataforma. Para obtener conclusiones certeras se realizó un análisis cuantitativo a través de encuestas realizadas a distintas personas; y en base a estos resultados se logró dar respuesta a cuáles eran los factores más relevantes al momento de confiar en los comentarios del tipo eWOM. Este trabajo permitirá finalmente a las organizaciones entender cómo las campañas realizadas a través de Internet y principalmente a través de las Redes Sociales pueden tener una mayor acogida por el público; como también para mejorar el entendimiento del boca oído en las Redes Sociales tema de gran relevancia hoy en día.

La presente tesis está orientada a la enseñanza de las ciencias sociales en la formación de las estudiantes de maestras de educación infantil en México llamadas estudiantes de educadora. El objetivo de la investigación es indagar las representaciones sociales y la práctica docente de tres grupos de participantes: 1) estudiantes de educadora, 2) profesores de didáctica y 3) educadoras en activo en relación con las siguientes tres variables: a) la enseñanza del entorno social, b) la concepción y la enseñanza del tiempo histórico y c) la socialización Para indagar las representaciones sociales y la práctica docente se partió de un marco teórico en el que se ubica la situación de la formación de las estudiantes de maestras de educación infantil en los tres ámbitos mencionados y se realizó un trabajo de campo. El marco teórico se compone de cuatro capítulos en los cuales se describen cuestiones vinculadas con la enseñanza de las ciencias sociales en la formación de los estudiantes de profesor y de las estudiantes de educadora. El trabajo de campo se compone de cinco capítulos en los cuales se analizan, se interpretan, se describen y se triangulan las representaciones sociales y la práctica docente de los tres grupos de participantes. La finalidad de la tesis doctoral es indagar la relación que existe entre las tres variables mencionadas. Para lograr lo anterior, se realizó un trabajo de campo en una escuela normal para educadoras de la ciudad de Morelia, México. El trabajo de campo consistió en la aplicación de instrumentos como cuestionarios, entrevistas, la realización de un grupo focal y la observación de clases a miembros de los tres grupos de participantes. La muestra que participó en esta investigación fue de 113 estudiantes de educadora, 18 educadoras en activo y 2 profesores de didáctica de las ciencias sociales. Por medio de los instrumentos y de la observación de clases a los miembros de los tres grupos de participantes se recogió la siguiente información: i. representaciones sociales en relación con los objetivos, las estrategias, los contenidos y las finalidades de la enseñanza del entorno social y del tiempo histórico, ii. representaciones sociales del concepto de la socialización y su relación con la enseñanza del entorno social y del tiempo histórico, iii. la actuación docente en relación con los objetivos, las estrategias, los contenidos y las finalidades observada en las clases de los miembros de los tres grupos de participantes. Los resultados obtenidos del trabajo de campo se interpretaron y se analizaron a partir de las investigaciones de Crowe, Hawley & Brooks (2012), de Goodman & Adler (1985), de Mathis & Boyd (2009), de Barton, McCully & Marks (2007); de los estudios de MacNaughton (2003), de Zeichner & Gore (1990) y de las propuestas de Aranda (2003), Tonda (2001), de Cooper (1995,2002, 2007), de Pagès (1997, 2009, 2011, 2012) y de Pagès & Santisteban (2011). La investigación muestra la situación actual en el área de la enseñanza de las ciencias sociales en la formación profesional de las estudiantes de educadora. A partir de esta situación se propone revisar los objetivos, los contenidos, las estrategias y las finalidades en la asignatura Conocimiento del medio social del curriculum de la formación profesional y en el programa de educación preescolar. La revisión del curriculum de la formación profesional debería enfocarse en el estudio del tiempo histórico como un conocimiento que debiera incluirse en la enseñanza del entorno social con la finalidad de promover una socialización crítica en la educación preescolar. En relación con la práctica docente de los miembros de los tres grupos de participantes se propone integrar en el curriculum de la formación profesional un espacio en el que las estudiantes y los profesores de didáctica reflexionen y revisen la práctica docente de las educadoras en activo. Esto como consecuencia de que la práctica docente de las educadoras influye fuertemente en el pensamiento y en la actuación docente de las estudiantes de educadora en relación con la enseñanza del entorno social.
This investigation is orientated to preservice Mexicans preschool teachers in social studies teaching usually named in México as “estudiantes de educadora”. The preservice preschool teachers in México attend children from 3 to 5 years old. The purpose of this research is to investigate the beliefs and the teaching practice related to three variables: a) social studies teaching, b) the conception of the historical time teaching, and c) the socialization process. The participants are: 1) preservice preschool teachers, 2) social studies teachers and 3) preschool teachers in service. In order to investigate the beliefs and the teaching practice related to the variables before mentioned, a theoretical framework and a fieldwork have to be done. The theoretical framework is structured in four chapters. Each chapter describes different issues related to social studies teaching and professional development´s preservice social studies teachers. The fieldwork is structured in five chapters. Each of the chapter analyzes, interprets, describes and triangulates the beliefs and the teaching practice of the three participants groups. The objective is to make a connection between the social studies teaching, the historical time teaching and the concept of socialization process. To achieve the objective a fieldwork has to be done in a preservice preschool teachers institution located in Morelia, México. Some instruments have to be elaborated to collect the data. The participants were interviewed, they were observed teaching social studies and they were asked to answer a questionnaire. The sample was 113 preservice preschool teachers, 18 preschool teachers in serve and 2 social studies teachers. The data obtained through the instruments applied were: i. the beliefs related to the objectives, the contents, the strategies and the goals of the social studies and the historical time teaching, ii. the beliefs related to the socialization term and its connection to the social studies and historical time teaching, iii. the perspectives related to the objectives, the strategies, the contents and the goals of the social studies and the historical time teaching. The obtained data in the fieldwork was interpreted and analyzed by Crowe, Hawley & Brooks (2012), de Goodman & Adler (1985), de Mathis & Boyd (2009), de Barton, McCully & Marks (2007) researches; by MacNaughton (2003), de Zeichner & Gore (1990) studies; and by Aranda (2003), Tonda (2001), de Cooper (1995,2002, 2007), de Pagès (1997, 2009, 2011, 2012) y de Pagès & Santisteban (2011) proposals. This research illustrates the actual situation of the preservice preschool teacher in social studies teaching. The results demonstrate that a review must to be done in the field of the social studies teaching. The issues that have to been revised are the objectives and the goals proposed in the social studies teaching subject of the preservice preschool teachers´ curriculum, the same review has to be done in the preschool education curriculum. The curricula review must to be focused in the study of the historical time as a knowledge that has to be included in the field of the social studies teaching. The reason of this knowledge inclusion is to achieve a critical approach to socialization. In relation to the teaching practice, we suggest that is necessary and important to include a space dedicated to analyze and reflect the teaching practice of the preschool teachers in service. The reflection on the preschool teachers in service practice is absolutely necessary because the obtained data demonstrated that the preschool teaches practice is a strongly influence in the preservice preschool teachers´ beliefs and in their teaching practice in the socials studies teaching and the knowledge of the content the preservice teacher have in this field.

Magistriniame darbe „Šiuolaikinė socialinė valstybė“ nagrinėjamas socialinio valstybingumo principo įtvirtinimas ir jo realizavimas pozityviųjų (socialinių) teisių užtikrinimu Lietuvoje, atsižvelgiant į šiuolaikinės socialinės valstybės doktriną. Tokiu būdu siekiama patvirtinti darbo hipotezę, jog Lietuva veikia pagal socialinio valstybingumo principą ir užtikrina socialines teises. Magistriniame darbe atskleidžiama šiuolaikinės socialinės valstybės samprata, socialinio valstybingumo principo bendrieji požymiai doktrinoje. Socialinio valstybingumo principas nagrinėjamas pagal jo įtvirtinimą Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucijoje bei Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucinio Teismo aiškinimus. Tai leidžia pateikti socialinio valstybingumo formalaus neįtvirtinimo Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucijoje, socialinės valstybės oficialiosios doktrinos neišplėtojimo problemas. Darbe nagrinėjamas socialinių teisių įtvirtinimas Lietuvos Respublikos Konstitucijoje ir tarptautiniuose teisės aktuose. Socialinių teisių pagal Europos socialinę chartiją (pataisytą) užtikrinimo prisiimtiems įsipareigojimams tyrime nurodomi bendrieji socialinių teisių užtikrinimo duomenys bei nagrinėjami kai kurių konkrečių socialinių teisių užtikrinimo neatitikimai įsipareigojimams. Tai leidžia iš dalies atskleisti socialinio valstybingumo principo realizavimą Lietuvoje.
The consolidation of the principle of the social statehood and its realization to assure positive (social) rights in Lithuania are analysed on the strength of the doctrine of the modern welfare state in the master’s work “The modern welfare state”. That is intended to confirm the working hypothesis that Lithuania operates according to the principle of social statehood and assuring social rights. The objective of this article is to reveal the conception of the modern welfare state and general features of the principle of social statehood in the doctrine. The principle of the social statehood is analysed according to its consolidation in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania and explanations of the Constitutional Court of Lithuania. That allows to give the problems of the formal disconsolidation of the social statehood in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania, the disamplification of the official doctrine of the social state. The consolidation of the social rights in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania and in the instruments of international law is analysed in this paper. The general data of assurance of social rights are shown in the research of social rights under the assurance of the European social chart (revised) to undertaken obligations. That allows partly to reveal the realization of the principle of the social statehood in Lithuania.

La presente investigación analiza cómo las identidades digitales no heteronormativas se posicionan en las redes sociales por medio de performances que hacen visibles sus orientaciones de género y de sexualidad, poniendo gafas en las muchas y diversas maneras para expresar masculinidades y feminidades, reforzando la idea de las interfaces sociales como espacios plurales y entornos privilegiados de intercambios culturales para el público que no se identifica con las determinaciones de la heterosexualidad. Para el desarrollo del proyecto utilicé las contribuciones del construccionismo social y una metodología mixta, basada en los aportes de la netnografía y del concepto de bricolaje. La intención de trabajar con estrategias híbridas es adoptada en virtud de la velocidad con que se mueven, se transforman, desaparecen y evolucionan los datos en las redes en internet. Para entender este entramado social opté por crear una red multi-situada, llamada Sexualidades Desobedientes, con perfiles creados en Facebook, Twitter, Tumblr y Youtube. Esta decisión trajo consigo una comprensión relacional que amplió las posibilidades de observación, interacción e interpretación de las dinámicas de las construcciones identitarias en diferentes contextos. Los datos usados fueron problematizados desde la noción de performatividad de género y las reflexiones se centraron en los significados de las identidades digitales, teniendo en cuenta cómo lo cultural conduce y reescribe la historia de los géneros. De este modo lo performativo resulta ser la base para el devenir de la identidad digital y, las herramientas tecnológicas, el medio por el cual esto se torna viable, abriendo las puertas para la creación de nuevas posibilidades de sexualidades y géneros. A partir de esta perspectiva sostengo la idea que los ciberespacios sociales, lejos de ser lugares inmateriales o desencarnados, son parte integrante de lo que somos y por tanto, la corporalidad continua siendo en lo digital la interface con el mundo y nuestro principal referente para expresar emociones, subjetividades, socialización y conocimiento. Esta característica es especialmente potente para la multitud no heteronormativa, pues ofrece la oportunidad de narrar historias en primera persona, construirse a uno mismo a partir de cómo deseamos que los otros nos perciban y vean, crear espacios de visibilidad y dar a conocer hechos, valores y fragmentos que hacen parte importante de sus vidas. Los principales hallazgos sugieren que el movimiento de las personas que desafían los códigos de la heterosexualidad en las redes sociales, produce ruidos y revela un mosaico de performances alternativas que contribuyen positivamente para la convivencia con la diversidad. A pesar de que los y las participantes estudiados operen dentro de los límites de las normas no siempre generosas de las redes sociales, aun así logran resolver muchos años de invisibilidad y silencios.
This investigation analyses how non-heteronormative digital identities present themselves across social networks via performances which reveal their gender identities and sexual orientations. It examines the many and diverse ways of expressing masculinities and femininities, and it reinforces the idea that social interfaces are public spaces and privileged environments of cultural exchange for a community which does not identify itself with the choices of heterosexuality. In developing the project I made use of the contributions of social constructionism and applied a mixed methodology based on ideas of netnography and DIY concepts. The method of working with hybrid strategies was adopted due to the speed at which data travels, is transformed, evolves or disappears on the internet. In order to understand this social framework I decided to build a multi-site network using profiles created on Facebook, Twitter, Tumblr and YouTube. This network, which I titled Sexualidades Desobedientes (Disobedient Sexualities), provided me with a relational understanding which widened the possibilities for observation, interaction and interpretation of identity construction dynamics in different contexts. The data used was problematized from the notion of gender performativity, and the resulting reflections focused on the meanings of digital identities by studying the way in which culture drives and rewrites gender history. In this way, performance becomes the basis for the future of a digital identity, while technological tools are the means by which this identity creation becomes viable, opening doors to new possibilities for genders and sexualities. Based on this perspective I sustain the idea that social cyberspaces, far from being immaterial or disembodied places, are an integral part of who we are, and that corporeality therefore continues to represent our interface with the world and our principal reference for expressing emotions, subjectivities, socialization and knowledge, even in the digital realm. This feature is especially powerful for the non- heteronormative community as it offers them the chance to tell stories in the first person, constructing themselves as they would like others to perceive them, creating spaces of visibility, and presenting facts, values and fragments which make up an important part of their lives. The main findings suggest that the movement of people who defy codes of heterosexuality across social networks produces noise and reveals a mosaic of alternative performances which contributes positively to, and encourages, coexistence with diversity. Despite the fact that the participants studied were acting within the not always generous guidelines of social networks, they still managed to find a solution to many years of invisibility and silence.
A presente pesquisa analisa como as identidades digitais não heteronormativas se posicionam nas redes sociais através de performances que fazem visíveis suas orientações de gênero e de sexualidade, colocando lentes nas muitas e diversas maneiras para expressar masculinidades e feminilidades, reforçando a ideia das interfaces sociais como espaços plurais fundos e ambientes privilegiados de intercâmbios culturais para o público que não se identifica com as determinações da heterossexualidade. Para o desenvolvimento do projeto utilizei as contribuições do construcionismo social e uma metodologia mista, baseada nos aportes da netnografía e do conceito de bricolagem. A intenção de trabalhar com estratégias híbridas é adotada em virtude da velocidade com que se movem, se transformam, desaparecem e evolucionam os dados nas redes em internet. Para entender esta teia social, optei por criar una rede multi-situada, chamada Sexualidades Desobedientes, com perfis criados em Facebook, Twitter, Tumblr e Youtube. Esta decisão trouxe consigo uma compreensão relacional que ampliou as possibilidades de observação, interação e entendimento das dinâmicas das construções identitarias em diferentes contextos. Os dados usados foram problematizados desde a noção de performatividade de gênero e as reflexões se centraram nos significados das identidades digitais, tendo em conta como o cultural conduz e reescreve a história dos gêneros. Deste modo o performativo resulta ser a base para o devir da identidade digital e, as ferramentas tecnológicas, o meio pelo qual isto se torna viável abrindo as portas para a criação de novas possibilidades de sexualidades e gêneros. A partir desta perspectiva defendo a ideia que os ciberespaços sociais, longe de ser lugares imateriais ou desencarnados, são parte integrante do que somos, portanto, a corporalidade continua sendo no digital a interface com o mundo e nosso principal referente para expressar emoções, subjetividades, socialização e conhecimento. Esta característica é especialmente potente para a multidão não heteronormativa, pois oferece a oportunidade de narrar histórias em primeira pessoa, construir-se a si mesmos da forma como gostariam que os outros lhes percebam e vejam, criar espaços de visibilidade e dar a conhecer fatos, valores e fragmentos que fazem parte importante de suas vidas. Os principais resultados sugerem que o movimento das pessoas que desafiam os códigos da heterossexualidade nas redes sociais, produzem ruídos e revela um mosaico de performances alternativas que contribuem positivamente para a convivência com a diversidade. Apesar que os e as participantes estudados operem dentro dos limites das normas nem sempre generosas das redes sociais, ainda assim conseguem resolver muitos anos de invisibilidade e silêncios.

This research is aimed at analyzing the legal aspects of state enterprise reform in the People's Republic of China. It attempts not only to explain relevant laws and regulations in the context of China's complex economic, social and political environments, but also to reveal the basic nature and the practice of these laws and regulations. Since the late 1970s, considerable efforts have been made by the Chinese authorities to use formal laws and regulations to adjust different and often conflicting interests emerging in the course of the programme of reforms, and, in particular, to reshape and protect the rights and interests of state enterprises. Among the most noteworthy of the efforts at state enterprise reform are the official conferment of legal personality and management rights to state enterprises, the establishment of a director responsibility system, the adoption of a bankruptcy law, and employment of the contracting system for settling the government -- enterprise relationship. These attempts have had some effect, and state enterprises have gained the capacity to act as independent legal entities. Furthermore, state enterprises, in some places and from time to time, have come to possess a certain degree of autonomy which was impossible prior to the reforms. Nevertheless, these efforts have not been as effective and authoritative as they were designed and expected to be. Many enacted laws and regulations have not been followed in practice. Indeed, in many respects, they are readily undermined or even completely disregarded. The relevant laws and regulations are strongly policy-oriented. Being the mere embodiment of state policies, they can be easily undermined as a result of policy changes. The ineffective application of many laws and regulations is due less to the defects in their legal and technical provisions than to the ambiguity and uncertainty of the policies underlying state enterprise reform.

Corruption is, in the last two decades, considered as one of the biggest problems within the international community, which harms not only a particular state or society but the whole world. The discussion on corruption in law and economics approach is mainly run under the veil of Public choice theory and principal-agent model. Based on this approach the strong international initiatives taken by the UN, the OECD and the Council of Europe, provided various measures and tools in order to support and guide countries in their combat against corruption. These anti-corruption policies created a repression -prevention-transparency model for corruption combat. Applying this model, countries around the world adopted anti-corruption strategies as part of their legal rules. Nevertheless, the recent researches on the effects of this move show non impressive results. Critics argue that “one size does not fit all” because the institutional setting of countries around the world varies. Among the countries which experience problems of corruption, even though they follow the dominant anti-corruption trends, are transitional, post-socialist countries. To this group belong the countries which are emerging from centrally planned to an open market economy. The socialist past left traces on institutional setting, mentality of the individuals and their interrelation, particularly in the domain of public administration. If the idiosyncrasy of these countries is taken into account the suggestion in this thesis is that in public administration in post-socialist countries, instead of dominant anti-corruption scheme repression-prevention-transparency, corruption combat should be improved through the implementation of a new one, structure-conduct-performance. The implementation of this model is based on three regulatory pyramids: anti-corruption, disciplinary anti-corruption and criminal anti-corruption pyramid. This approach asks public administration itself to engage in corruption combat, leaving criminal justice system as the ultimate weapon, used only for the very harmful misdeeds.

Corruption is, in the last two decades, considered as one of the biggest problems within the international community, which harms not only a particular state or society but the whole world. The discussion on corruption in law and economics approach is mainly run under the veil of Public choice theory and principal-agent model. Based on this approach the strong international initiatives taken by the UN, the OECD and the Council of Europe, provided various measures and tools in order to support and guide countries in their combat against corruption. These anti-corruption policies created a repression -prevention-transparency model for corruption combat. Applying this model, countries around the world adopted anti-corruption strategies as part of their legal rules. Nevertheless, the recent researches on the effects of this move show non impressive results. Critics argue that “one size does not fit all” because the institutional setting of countries around the world varies. Among the countries which experience problems of corruption, even though they follow the dominant anti-corruption trends, are transitional, post-socialist countries. To this group belong the countries which are emerging from centrally planned to an open market economy. The socialist past left traces on institutional setting, mentality of the individuals and their interrelation, particularly in the domain of public administration. If the idiosyncrasy of these countries is taken into account the suggestion in this thesis is that in public administration in post-socialist countries, instead of dominant anti-corruption scheme repression-prevention-transparency, corruption combat should be improved through the implementation of a new one, structure-conduct-performance. The implementation of this model is based on three regulatory pyramids: anti-corruption, disciplinary anti-corruption and criminal anti-corruption pyramid. This approach asks public administration itself to engage in corruption combat, leaving criminal justice system as the ultimate weapon, used only for the very harmful misdeeds.

La última gran revolución tecnológica ha modificado la manera en la que la información se almacena, procesa y distribuye en las sociedades, así como las formas de organización y poder dentro de las mismas. El objetivo de esta tesis es analizar cómo las nuevas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación (TIC) están impactando la relación de poder existente entre gobernantes y ciudadanos y cómo esto ha producido, a su vez, cambios en la disciplina y en las relaciones internacionales. Para ello, el trabajo se centra en movimientos sociales que reflejan puntos de quiebra entre gobernantes y ciudadanos y que están emergiendo como nuevos actores en la esfera internacional (concretamente, se estudian tres casos: la revolución de las cacerolas en Islandia, la revolución de los jóvenes en Egipto y el 15M o movimiento de los indignados en España). Para abordar el objetivo general de la tesis, primeramente se describe el contexto en el que emergen las TIC, destacando la relevancia de la información como fuente fundamental de poder. Así mismo, se resalta la utilidad de aplicar la teoría de la fuerza de los lazos débiles al contexto de las relaciones entre gobernantes y ciudadanos, profundizando en cómo la propagación de lazos débiles, propiciada por el uso de las TIC, conlleva una evolución de poder duro a poder suave. Debido a que las relaciones de poder se presentan dentro de un sistema más amplio (el sistema capitalista), en una siguiente sección se utiliza un modelo marxista de acumulación de ganancias que, introduciendo la figura del estado como posible regulador, busca explicar los procesos que han ido haciendo menos dinámicas a las democracias y el porqué de la reciente ola de movilizaciones sociales. Posteriormente, partiendo de la base de que toda relación de poder cuenta con una resistencia de la que emerge un discurso crítico, se argumenta que las distintas protestas pueden ser catalogadas dentro de un espectro de dos polos de acuerdo a las reivindicaciones que presentan. A partir de lo anterior, los tres casos seleccionados son posicionados en dicho espectro de reivindicaciones, utilizando distintos índices que ayudan a valorar el funcionamiento del capitalismo en cada contexto. Seguidamente, se presenta el análisis exhaustivo de cada caso de estudio, en el que se analizan las consideradas variables clave en el análisis de los movimientos sociales, la relación entre el movimiento y quienes gobernaban en ese momento, el uso que se hizo de las TIC y las estructuras que pueden identificarse como resultantes. Cada caso se cierra con una valoración de la manera en que el movimiento, mediante sus redes de lazos débiles, ha buscado conquistar los tradicionales elementos de poder con los que cuenta el estado. Tras el análisis de los casos, se propone la noción de “fortalecimiento táctico del lazo débil” para referirse al proceso mediante el cual los lazos débiles podrían adquirir un funcionamiento táctico sostenido que permita que la relación entre gobernantes y ciudadanos deje de tener un carácter jerárquico y exista un sentido de corresponsabilidad. Finalmente, la tesis cierra con unas conclusiones, en las cuales se busca vincular los apartados que componen el cuerpo de la tesis desde una perspectiva integradora, así como subrayar las limitaciones del trabajo y posibles futuras líneas de investigación.
The last major technological revolution has changed the way in which information is stored, processed, and distributed in societies, as well as the forms of organization and power within them. The aim of this thesis is to analyze how new information and communication technologies (ICTs) are impacting the relation between governments and citizens and how this is bringing about changes in the field of international relations. With this purpose, the present work centers on social movements, which are emerging as new actors in the international arena and reflect breaking points between governments and citizens (specifically three cases are studied: the pots and pans revolution in Iceland, the youth revolution in Egypt, and 15M or indignados movement in Spain). To address the overall aim, the thesis begins with a description of the context in which ICTs emerged, highlighting the relevance of information as a fundamental source of power. Also, the usefulness of applying the theory of the strength of weak ties to the context of government-citizen relations is underscored, with a special focus on how the spread of weak ties, fostered by the use of ICTs, entails an evolution from hard power to soft power. Because power relations occur within a larger system (the capitalist system), in a subsequent section of the thesis a Marxist model of accumulation of profit (introducing the figure of the state as a possible regulator) is used to explain the processes that have been making democracies less dynamic and the reasons for the recent wave of social protests. Subsequently, on the basis that power relationships feature a resistance from which a critical discourse emerges, it is argued that various protests may be positioned along a spectrum of two poles according to the claims they present. Drawing from this, the three selected cases are placed in the spectrum of claims using different indices that help to assess the functioning of capitalism in each context. Thereafter, the thorough analysis of the three cases is presented, which centers on the key variables for the analysis of social movements, the relation between the movement and the government, how the movement made us of ICTs, and the structures that may be identified as resulting from the protest. Each case closes with an assessment of the way in which the movement, through its networks of weak ties, sought to conquer the traditional elements of state power. After analyzing the three protests, the notion of "the tactical strengthening of weak ties" is proposed, which refers to the processes by which weak ties could acquire a sustained tactical functioning that would allow the government-citizen relation to cease being of a hierarchical nature and enable the existence of a sense of shared responsibility. Finally, the conclusions of the thesis are presented, which describe the main findings from an integrative perspective, followed by a description of the limitations and directions for further research.

This thesis is an ethnographic study of the Ashéninka, an indigenous Amazonian group of eastern central Peru. While situating the Ashéninka ethnographically within Amazonian anthropology the project specifically seeks to understand the nature of Ashéninka society, notions of sociality and forms of self-identification. It also examines how these forms of thought and practice shape the Ashéninka’s continuing interactions with Peruvian national society. My research first seeks to understand the underlying mechanisms that help Ashéninka householders to maintain their independent lifestyles. In common with other Amazonian groups, the Ashéninka are most concerned with how to achieve a peaceful existence and ‘live well’. Unlike other groups, however, they believe that this is best achieved by living apart from each other, in autonomous households. Attempting to illustrate what this means in practical terms, my thesis notes the importance of social gatherings centred on the consumption of masato (manioc beer) in maintaining flexible links between disparate individuals and households. I argue that these gatherings, which are open to everyone (including strangers), provide the Ashéninka with a bounded and defined area in which general sociality can occur without infringing on individuals’ autonomy. Analysis, based on ethnographic descriptions from fieldwork, is related to wider theoretical debates centring on Amazonian notions of the person, society and relations of affinity and consanguinity. My thesis also seeks to understand how these ideas affect the way the Ashéninka interact with the rest of Peruvian national culture. It examines the Ashéninka’s reactions to the government’s promotion of formal education, land rights and officially recognised ‘Comunidades Nativas’ (‘Native Communities’). It also examines the reactions of Ashéninka to the timber industry and their contemporary and historical relationship with Christianity. Rather than examining the Ashéninka’s current situation in terms of ideas about ‘cultural change’ my thesis seeks to understand the intrinsic diversity and flexibility of Ashéninka sociality, and to apply this understanding to the manner in which members of this group are interacting with the non-Ashéninka world.

Le droit des sociétés prévoit un régime de nullité dérogatoire du droit commun, applicable aux actes et délibérations de la société. Cependant, l’accroissement du contentieux, encouragé par des textes particulièrement sibyllins, et l’important travail d’interprétation fourni par la jurisprudence révèlent manifestement l’insuffisance des dispositions actuelles. C’est ce que nous nous proposons de constater dans une première partie. L’imperfection des textes apparait dès l’étude du domaine du droit spécial, les notions d’acte et de délibération ne permettant pas d’en tracer correctement les contours. L’analyse des causes de nullité confirme les lacunes du droit positif. Le système des nullités, reposant sur une distinction infondée entre violation d’une disposition expresse et violation d’une disposition impérative, soulève d’inextricables difficultés. L’imprévisibilité des solutions est du reste renforcée par une politique jurisprudentielle instable, tantôt audacieuse, tantôt rigoureuse. Dans le même sens, l’étude des règles processuelles, gouvernant l’action en nullité et le prononcé de la sanction, met en évidence la confusion entourant le régime des nullités sociales. Tous ces maux nous conduisent à une même conclusion : la nécessité d’une réforme. Fort de ce constat, nous proposons dans une seconde partie les moyens d’une éventuelle réforme. Pour rendre la matière plus lisible et plus prévisible, il nous faut redéfinir le domaine des nullités sociales mais aussi simplifier et moderniser les règles de nullité, au regard des mutations ayant marqué le droit des sociétés ces dernières années. Au demeurant, l’équilibre du système de nullités des décisions sociales suppose de repenser les règles processuelles, dans l’optique de juguler le contentieux et d’inhiber les effets perturbateurs de la sanction sur le fonctionnement de la société
The company law provides for a special nullity system, applicable to acts and décisions of the company. However, the increase of litigation, reinforced by abstruse rules, and the different jurisprudential interpretations, highlights the inadequacy of the current rules. This is what we propose to demonstrate in the first part. The imperfection of the rules appears as soon as the field of the special law is studied. The analysis of grounds of nullity confirms the shortcomings of the positive law. The system of nullity, based on the distinction between violation of an express provision and violation of an imperative provision, causes inextricable difficulties. The unpredictability of solutions is strengthened by an unstable caselaw. Moreover, the study of the process by means of a court declaring the nullity of an defective act or decision leads to the same negative comments. Taking the imperfection of positive law into account, we conclude the need for legal reform. Accordingly, we propose in the second part the means of a possible reform. To make the rules easier to understand, we have to redefine the field of the nullity system but also to simplify and modernize the rules, according to transformations which have marked the company law in recent years. Finally, a comprehensive reform of the nullity system implies the rebuilding of the procedural rules, in order to decrease litigation and to reduce the disruptive effects of the sanction on the company

Ingeniero Civil en Computación
La popularidad y cantidad de redes sociales han aumentado considerablemente en los últimos años. Estas redes mantienen la interacción entre personas en un espacio virtual que es accesible sólo a través de medios computacionales. Por otra parte, se asume que familiares y amigos buscan encontrarse cara a cara entre ellos, en lugar de mantener comunicaciones por medios digitales. En el caso de contextos laborales, existen tareas que ven incrementada su eficiencia cuando el equipo de trabajo mantiene una reunión física en lugar de virtual. El desafío abordado en este trabajo de memoria consiste en tratar de llevar la interacción entre los miembros de redes sociales a un plano físico, entendiendo las ventajas que la interacción cara a cara tiene por sobre los medios digitales de comunicación. La solución desarrollada consiste en un software que promueve las reuniones cara a cara entre personas, mediante la detección de la cercanía física entre ellas. El software permite al usuario importar sus contactos desde redes sociales tradicionales, comunicarse con quienes se encuentren cerca e invitarlos a una reunión presencial. El software utiliza una red ad hoc móvil para llevar a cabo la detección de contactos que están físicamente cerca. A través del software desarrollado, los usuarios pueden administrar su privacidad dentro de dicha red. Por ejemplo, pueden configurar el nivel de visibilidad que tendrán sus dispositivos para los otros dispositivos que se encuentren en la cercanía. De esa manera un usuario puede estar visible para un grupo de usuarios (por ejemplo para sus amigos), e invisible para sus compañeros de trabajo. Para llevar a cabo la administración de contactos, el software permite agruparlos (por ejemplo, grupo familia , amigos , etc.). El nivel de privacidad que un usuario configura para con un cierto grupo es heredado automáticamente por todos sus miembros. La aplicación desarrollada está completamente funcional; sin embargo, no fue factible probarla con usuarios reales dentro de los plazos establecidos. Pese a lo anterior, la investigación preliminar y el diseño del software permiten esperar que la aplicación sea una herramienta útil para llevar a un plano físico las interacciones entre los usuarios de redes sociales. A futuro sería importante agregarle un logfile a la herramienta, para poder registrar las interacciones entre usuarios, y de esa manera determinar qué tan exitosa es en la promoción de las interacciones cara a cara.

La presente investigación tiene por objetivo analizar el funcionamiento y la dinámica de las nuevas tecnologías aplicadas en la estrategia de una empresa. Busca comprobar la efectividad que las redes sociales digitales suponen cuando son incluidas en el plan de marketing de una compañía. Los planes de marketing deben ser integrales e incluir políticas de acción que tengan cohesión e integración entre sí. El mayor beneficio que surge de ello es la sinergia generada por las mismas y los resultados obtenidos a partir de acciones conjuntas. El presente trabajo intenta descubrir también cuál es el impacto conseguido en las redes sociales digitales a partir de las acciones realizadas fuera de los medios digitales. Además se busca identificar, dentro de lo posible, las intervenciones que generan mejores resultados en función de los objetivos propuestos por cada empresa.
Fil: Dell’Innocenti, Carolina. Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Facultad de Ciencias Económicas.

En la actualidad, las redes sociales se han convertido en las plataformas preferidas de los políticos para transmitir mensajes, principalmente en periodos electorales. Hasta hace unos años, tanto en países del mundo como en nuestro país, los electores sólo recibían y procesaban mensajes políticos a través de medios tradicionales como los periódicos, la radio y la televisión. Hoy en día, el uso de las redes sociales utilizadas como canal para la emisión de mensajes con fines políticos y recepción de información por parte de los electores, va en aumento. La presente investigación comprende el análisis crítico, cualitativo y cuantitativo, de los mensajes producidos y estrategias utilizadas, por parte de las candidatas, con mayor preferencia entre los votantes, a ocupar la alcaldía de Lima, Susana Villarán y Lourdes Flores, durante la campaña electoral municipal llevada a cabo en el año 2010, vía las redes sociales Facebook y Twitter, . El objetivo general es demostrar si el empleo de Twitter y Facebook por las candidatas a la alcaldía de Lima, así como la participación espontánea de su audiencia, a través de estas redes, incidieron o no en el triunfo de una de ellas durante las elecciones municipales de Lima del 2010. Entre los objetivos específicos principales destaca el demostrar si las candidatas a la alcaldía de Lima manejaron una adecuada estrategia político-digital durante su campaña, verificar si utilizaron o no las redes sociales en función de sus candidaturas, estimar cualitativa y cuantitativamente el tipo de mensajes emitidos por ambas e identificar al grado de feedback que entrega la audiencia a cada una de ellas. Entre las principales conclusiones a las que se llegó luego del presente trabajo de investigación resalta que el uso, por ambas candidatas, de las redes sociales se caracterizó por: la improvisación, la creencia de que las redes sociales son sólo plataforma de propaganda política y la falta de diálogo e interacción que existió con el público. También posibilita afirmar que, tanto Lourdes Flores como Susana Villarán, asumieron que debían estar presentes en estas redes pero no diseñaron para ello las estrategias político – digitales correspondientes. No usaron correctamente las redes sociales en función de sus candidaturas planificando con debida anticipación qué mensaje emitir, cómo, para qué (objetivo), cuándo y a qué tipo de público electoral dirigirse. También, se comprueba que el carácter viral de las redes sociales ayudó a instalar ideas en los usuarios. Si bien el presente análisis demuestra la improvisación en la falta de conocimiento del uso de Facebook y Twitter, ambas candidatas usaron estas plataformas como medios de difusión, hecho que se logró gracias al carácter viral de algunos de sus mensajes que fueron retuiteados o compartidos, según fuese el caso. Asimismo, se logra demostrar que el empleo de Twitter y Facebook por ambas candidatas, así como la participación espontánea de su audiencia, a través de estas redes, incidieron parcialmente en el triunfo de una de ellas: Susana Villarán.
Tesis

Memoria (licenciado en ciencias jurídicas y sociales)
La presente memoria es una obra de sistematización de los distintos debates en torno al tema de las cláusulas sociales en el derecho laboral internacional. De paso se ha buscado comprobar la importancia de dicho instrumento para el logro del respeto de los principios y derechos fundamentales en el trabajo en el comercio internacional. Se ha dividido la memoria en doce capítulos, se exponen los antecedentes históricos, la relación entre cláusulas sociales y los derechos humanos. En lo referente al concepto de cláusulas sociales se hace presente la existencia de un concepto amplio y uno restringido; se exponen las llamadas cláusulas sociales unilaterales; se analiza la discusión de índole económica en torno al tema de la implementación de cláusulas sociales en los acuerdo comerciales; se plantean los argumentos a favor y en contra de éste instrumento; la problemática del dumping social; el tema de la integración económica y la necesidad de incorporar a ésta los estándares laborales mínimos; la globalización y la re-regulación del derecho laboral internacional y finalmente los instrumentos alternativos a las cláusulas sociales. Como breve conclusión, es posible afirmar que las cláusulas sociales son el instrumento ideal para lograr el respeto de los derechos laborales fundamentales en el trabajo, a lo menos dentro del sector exportador. Sin perjuicio de que se ve difícil su implementación en el ámbito multilateral, su establecimiento, unido al uso de otros instrumentos alternativos, lograría un mayor respeto de derechos considerados universalmente como derechos humanos. En el comercio internacional las reglas comerciales deben vincularse con las normas laborales hacia el logro de un objetivo mínimo que sería la observancia universal de las normas fundamentales de la OIT.