Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Kurdish Folklore”

In the research the struggle of the Kurdish and Turkish folklore is historical. By history we mean second half of 19th and 20th century. In this research we would like to emphasize the effect of the modernism on the Kurdish and Turkish folklore. As it is know the folklore is a research ground for the concept of ‘Language’, ‘nationality’, homeland’, and ‘civilization’ for western Ottoman Empire educators. We are all affected by modernism. In this framework we will shed the light on the comparison between the Kurdish and Turkish folklore, this is why the work in this research has been evaluated in a chronological way. In this research we did not want to do study the effects of the modernism on both Kurdish and Turkish folklore or to evaluate their struggle in this matter .It is clear that there is a parallel understanding and struggle from both sides. That is why the demand of a an original language, national authority, independent country, and western civilizationis the main goal of that era. This is why understanding and struggle in many ways are opposing each other. Because in the Ottoman Empire Turkish were the dominant nationality, they were influenced by the western civilization before others. This is why we can that the western civilization reached other by the means of the Turkish educators

The novel (Kwekha Sewe), which means (Sheikha Siwi), by the creative Kurdish writer and novelist (Aziz Mulla Rash), which was issued and printed in 1986 AD, is considered one of those rare novels at the time that caused gossip and wrote research and articles about it at that time. The reason, as we can see, is due to the fact that it was written and narrated in an easy and simple Kurdish language and an fluent and eloquent Kurdish tongue, which emerged from the depth of its culture and popular heritage which is full of wisdom and sayings of the ancients, in which the Kurdish heritage and folklore were used in a clear and clear way Which is unprecedented in the Kurdish novel, this novel is considered the initiative and the vanguard in this field. The writer (Aziz Mulla Rash), as an original writer with a rich background in the Kurdish folk culture and heritage, benefited greatly in his narration of the novel from the literary elements of folklore, customs and social traditions of the Kurdish community. the novel. With this, the writer was able to accomplish two goals and two aims at the same time, he was able to protect part of the Kurdish folklore and preserve it from damage and loss first, and secondly, he made his narration more coordinated and more tasting. Therefore, in order to reward the writer for his venerable attempts and generous effort in this regard, we consider it necessary to do this research in this field in honor of his generous effort and the protection and preservation of the Kurdish folk culture and heritage.

The article is dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the prominent Kurdish scholar, researcher of Kurdish and Iranian culture, M.Mukri (19212007). It contains an overview of his major works, the most prominent of which are studies of the Kurdish religious movement known as the Ahl-i haqq, regarded by some scholars as an Islamic sect and considered by some others to be a non-Moslem ethno-confessional community with a rich religious and spiritual literature of its own, written in the South-Kurdish dialect Gorani. In addition, M.Mukri wrote a number of serious works on Kurdish folklore, ethnography and the history of development of Kurdish studies.

Codirector Behrouz Boochani offers a critical reflection on Chauka, Please Tell Us the Time in which he discusses the multilayered meanings of the film. He shares his thoughts about his cinematic vision and how it is connected to the land. In this respect, the film cherishes the sanctity of the island’s ecosystem and knowledge system and also criticises the way the Australia-run detention centre degrades nature and the social fabric of the island. Boochani also elaborates on issues pertaining to reception and the way folklore (both Kurdish and Manusian) frames his resistance and critique.

Language has been a communication tool from early human history up to date. It is by using this significant tool that events and traditions have remained from the forefathers of every nation. An instance of the remained treasures of history is the items of folklore, in essence, proverbs, which is the subject of the current study. Admittedly, proverbs of any language comprise numerous figures of speech. This paper entitled “A Pragmatic Study of Overstatement in Kurdish Proverbs” is an extract from an MA thesis which pragmatically investigates the trope of overstatement in Kurdish proverbs. Introducing the two items related to the topic, namely, the proverb is an item of folklore inherited by the generations of every nation from their ancestors, which mostly gives a lesson. The trope, which in the current study is to be investigated inside the Kurdish proverbs, overstatement, is said to be, as the word itself suggests, an overly stated statement. Usually what is explained is given coloring and excessive importance or it is embellished more than its normal being. The study aims to investigate the aforementioned trope in some selected proverbs of the Kurdish language from a pragmatic perspective. This is to be conducted by adopting the eclectic model of Braim (2014). In light of the results, the trope was found to be present in seven proverbs from the data provided. The trope's most recurrent pragmatic forms and functions are seen to be adverbs and emphasis. Pragmatically, it is affirmed that overstatement has implicature in every analyzed instance during the analysis of the current study.

Proverbs are considered as part of folklore or public literature and one of important cultural treasures. Hence, discussing and studying proverbs can make us familiar with cultural aspects, value and norms of the owners of those proverbs. In this study Kurdish and Farsi proverbs are investigated based on cultural components and its species are presented and classified based on the same components. The present study shows that Kurdish and Farsi proverbs have spoken of two categories of values and norms, and anti-values and abnormalities, first, positive values and norms such as encouraging to truthfulness, effort, patience and tolerance, pragmatic, wise, etc; and second, negative values and in other words anti-values and abnormal action that they have been blame such as lying, avarice, cruelty, etc; also based on Malinowski’s theory, the three individual, social and combined functions are conceivable Keywords: Culture, Value, Norm, Anti-Value, Kurdish proverbs, Farsi proverbs, etc.

The character is considered a prominent artistic element in the narrative text. The characters within the narrative text move and direct the events of the text forward. This study is an attempt to demonstrate the function of the characters in the epic narrative text in order to embody the meaning within the epic text.This study entitled (The Function of the Characters in the Kurdish Folklore Epic - lAlikhana Kofi) is divided into two parts. The first section was devoted to the theoretical aspect and we explored it in terms of the term personality And the concept, importance and types within the narrative text. As for the second section, it was devoted to the applied aspect, and we applied to the types of characters within the epic text, and in the last we concluded that there are three types of characters within the epic: the main, secondary and marginal. It also turns out that there are three main people inside the saga, and that there is a group of secondary people whose job is to assist the main characters within the saga, and there is also a group of marginal people who do not have any effective function within the epic events. On the course of events within the sag.

To overcome imperial legacy, the Soviet policy after 1917 set itself new guidelines in the field of foreign and domestic policy. Among the policies of the Soviet government in the first decades of its existence was the systematic intensive development of the modern national identity of the non-Russian peoples of the USSR. This included, inter alia, training national specialists and developing a modern educational and cultural infrastructure, but also providing each of the ethnic groups of the USSR with a certain set of modern cultural institutions and products. This canon also included literary works related to Soviet politics which glorified the leaders of the party and the government. All these measures urgently required experts which can provide expertise for efficient implementation of these policies, and therefore contributed to greater flexibility in treating the scholars. Focusing on the cases of N. Ya. Marr and his students O. L. Vilchevsky and A. Sh. Shamilov, this article examines the implementation of the Soviet policy towards the Kurds, including various linguistic and ethnographic projects. Special emphasis is placed on the history of the appearance of Kurdish-language works about Soviet leaders. The work is based on previously unused archival material.

The epic “Korugly” is one of the most popular folklore works in the world. Poems about Korugly, descended from the Turkmen Teke tribe, are ethnically, linguistically and religiously diverse in Kazakh, Turkish, Azerbaijani, Armenian, Georgian, Uzbek, Turkmen, Tajik, Kurdish, Tatar, Abkhaz, Kumuk, Karakalpak and other languages. It has been sung in the folklore of nations for centuries and has become a favorite work of the people. In addition, it is known that the epic “Korugly” has been studied by many scholars in accordance with the motivational and plot features. This article describes the peculiarities of the image systems of the English edition of the epic “Korugly” and the Kazakh version. In the study of the image systems of the English and Kazakh versions, such research methods were used as observation, comparison, analogy. With the help of these methods, the similarities and differences in the actions of the same characters in both versions of the epic “Korugly” were identified at the plot and motivational levels. As a result of a comparative study, the features of the image system of the English edition of the epic “Korugly” and the Kazakh version were revealed. The English version of the epic and the images of the Kazakh version were discussed separately, and the differences in the characters in each version were revealed. An analysis of positive and negative characters of the epic “Korugly” in two versions was conducted. The results of the research can be used by readers interested in the literature of the Turkic world, as well as in universities and secondary schools as a scientifically researched work based on the poem “Korugly”.

В статье впервые на материале осетинской Нартиады подробно рассматриваются мифологические аспекты влияния музыки нарта Ацамáза на окружающий мир. Для анализа привлекаются тексты других национальных версий нартовского эпоса, а также фольклора персов, курдов и татов Дагестана. Чтобы завоевать сердце неприступной красавицы Агýнды, в осетинском эпосе нарт Ацамаз начинает играть на своей свирели. Его свирель, доставшаяся в наследство от отца, - дар лесного божества Афсáти. Музыка Ацамаза оказывает благотворное воздействие, усиливает радость, изгоняет болезни, помогает выразить мысли и чувства. Она пробуждает природу от зимней спячки: приводит в движение горы, оживляет даже засохшие деревья, звери в лесу собираются и танцуют возле Ацамаза, а птицы ему подпевают, люди дружно внимают Ацамазу, успокоившись и примирившись между собой. Не остается равнодушной к звукам чарующей музыки Ацамаза и гордая Агунда, дочь могущественного Сайнáг-алдáра. Восхитившись музыкой и влюбившись, она не сразу признаётся герою в своих чувствах. Чудесная музыка порождает конфликт между ними, который является сюжетообразующим. Зафиксированные еще в памятниках скифского искусства образы дроф и сайгаков свидетельствуют о древнем степном формировании сказания об осетинском Ацамазе. Параллели из курдского, татского и персидского фольклора, возможно, отчасти восходят к периоду общеиранского единства. This article is the first to consider in detail the mythological aspect of the Nart Atsamaz’s music and its effect on those around him in the Ossetian epic Nartiada. The author also examines other national versions of the Nartiada as well as the folklore of the Persians, Kurds and Tats of Dagestan. Images of bustards and saigas that appear in monuments of Scythian art testify to the presence of the ancient steppe legend about the Ossetian hero Atsamaz ( Acæmæz). Parallels in Kurdish, Tat and Persian folklore may date back to the period of common Iranian unity. In the Nartiada, Atsamaz plays a pipe in order to win the heart of the unapproachable Agunda. He inherited the pipe - a gift from the forest deity Afsati (Æfsati) - from his father Aca. Atsamaz’s music creates positive energy, enhances joy, expels diseases, and helps to express one’s thoughts and feelings. It awakens nature from hibernation; sets mountains in motion; and revives even dried-up trees. Forest animals gather and dance near Atsamaz, birds sing along with him, people forget about their quarrels and listen to him together. The sounds of his charming melody even touch proud Agunda’s heart. The daughter of the powerful Sajnæg-ældar admires the music and falls in love with the hero but she does not immediately confess her feelings. The conflict between two heroes generated by the wonderful music generates the plot

This research aims to understand and find the relationship between administrative thoughts and theory and Kurdish popular traditional proverbs. This is a theoretical and applied research by comparing (32) Kurdish folk or saying examples with some classic (traditional) and modern theories of managerial thought. This includes two different sciences and fields of management and folk literature. The research is divided into three similar sections according to the title of the research, and its first chapter is devoted to administrative thought, schools and administrative theories, the second chapter: is devoted to the concept, specificity and attempts to collect Kurdish proverbs, and the third chapter is devoted to presenting administrative thought in terms of the fundamentals in the folkloric folk proverb in the Kurdish language. The research reached were reflected in the thought of the Kurds' older generations such grandfathers and grandmothers even though it was not applied in reality, because the Kurds, like other people, have an administrative thought that is perfect and mature, especially in the field of specialization, time, planning, leadership and supervision. Finally the study recommended to writers and researchers, one of the most important of which is that this field should be developed and further researched between administrative thought in all its divisions and branches, with all Kurdish proverbs on the one hand, and with all other topics of Kurdish literature such as poetry, prose, novel ... etc. on the other side.

The present study which is entitled “The Justice Value in Kurdish Folkloric Tales” aims to explore the effect of justice in folkloric tales. It attempts to unfold different concepts and aspects pertaining to life through Kurdish folkloric tales. It also tries to find the different types of Kurdish tales, paying special attention to the social values underlying them. The study confirms that tales are an important source of information that serves pedagogical purposes. It also highlights the superiority of justices in social relations as it organizes individuals’ life in the society. The absence of justice is one of the main reasons behind the collapse of the social system in the society.

AbstractKalhorī is the less investigated dialect of Southern Kurdish. The paper introduces a Kalhorī folk-song of the hūra genre (with parallel English translation and commentaries), selected from the vast corpus of the Southern Kurdish dialect and folkloric materials, which have been collected from the Kalhor-inhabited regions of Western Iran.

AbstractThe Laks are a West Iranian ethnic group linguistically closely related to the Lurs and the Kurds. They mainly inhabit the provinces of Luristan, Kirmanshah, Ilam, and Hamadan in the Islamic Republic of Iran, as well as Kirkuk and Khanaqin in Iraq. The paper presents some imaginary figures from the folk beliefs of the Laks, recorded by the author within the framework of a larger project on the ethnography and folklore of the Laks.

The article deals with the manifestations of the phenomena of substratum origin in Ukrainian culture, which appeared as a result of the interaction of the Slavic ancestors of the Ukrainians with the Iranian-speaking nomads of the steppe. Thanks to it, the Ukrainians have a lot in common in their spiritual and material culture with the Ossetians, who are the direct descendants of the Sarmatians and Alans, as well as with the Persians, Tajiks, Kurds, and Pamirs. In particular, closeness can be traced in the spring calendar rituals. Ukrainian customs of the Velykden holiday, identified with Easter under Christianity, have a lot in common with the celebration of Nowruz holiday, which is the key for the Iranian world. This is especially evident when the data on medieval Ukrainian rituals is included. The French engineer and cartographer Guillaume Le Vasseur de Beauplan in his famous Description of Ukraine (1650) recorded the archaic moments of the Easter celebration. They relate to the obligatory exchange of colored and painted eggs for the holiday, as well as the ritual sprinkling of water on the Pouring Monday after Easter. The calendar rites and customs of the Ukrainians described by Guillaume Levasseur de Beauplan find exact correspondences in the New Year rituals of Iran recorded by the Europeans. The French jeweler Jean Chardin in 1686 and the Dutch artist and traveler Cornelis de Bruyn in 1704 recorded the Persian custom of giving painted or gilded eggs on Novruz, which was connected with ancient Iranian ideas about the egg as the root cause of all living things, and the Venetian Pietro della Valle, during his stay in Iran in 1617-1627, had the opportunity to observe the rite of pouring water on a special holiday after Nowruz. The Persians, Tajiks, Vakhans, Ishkashims, Shugnans, Kurds, and Ossetians followed these customs and rites, which have parallels with Ukrainian ones, in later times. The Ukrainian folklore image of the lord of evil chained in Hell, who is angered by the existence of Easter eggs, also finds correspondence in Persian Zoroastrianism and the pagan religion of the Ossetians.

Kevneşopiya falê ji berê de parçeyekî jiyana civakî ye. Falbazî jî di dîroka mirovahiyê de yek ji pîşeyên kevintir tê hesibandin. Mirovan ji bo dîtina paşeroja xwe, ji bo ku di bûyerên girîng de biryara rast bigirin serî li falbaz û munecciman dane. Çawa ku hêmanên jiyana civakî di edebiyatê de reng vedidin fal û falvekirin jî di edebiyata klasîk a Rojhilatê de bûne insûrên girîng. Di nimûneyên edebiyata Kurdî (Kurmancî) ya klasîk de jî em rastî falê û falvekirinê tên. Li gorî vê kesên aşiq ji bo dîtina paşeroja xwe, ji bo gihiştina hezkiriya/ê xwe, pêkhatina meqsed û mirada xwe fal vedikin, diçine remmal û munecciman. Helbestvan jî vê yekê bi awayekî estetîk di helbestên xwe de bi kar tînin. Ji bo rastfêmkirina edebiyata klasîk, ji bo şerha metnî hewce ye mirov wekî hêmanên din ên edebiyata klasîk falê jî bizane û rave bike. Bo nimûne, gava Feqiyê Teyran dibêje “Elîf nayê di fala min” çi qesd dike? Di falê de “elîf hatin” mizgîniya çi ye? Lewma di vê gotarê de emê pêşî bi kurtî behsa falê û sê cureyên wê bikin. Ev, fala Qur’anê/kitêbê, reml/remmalî û ilmê nucûm in ku di metnên edebî de herî zêde ew derdikevine pêşiya me. Piştî danasîna van falan emê di nav rûpêlên edebiyata Kurdiya Kurmancî ya klasîk de li nimûneyên wan bigerin. Dîwanên helbestvanên wekî Melayê Cizîrî, Feqiyê Teyran, Perto Beg, Seyid Eliyê Findikî, Namî; herwiha mesnewiyên eşqê yên wekî Mem û Zîn û Seyfulmulûkê wê çavkaniyên me yên sereke bin. Ji bo başfêmkirina mijarê emê ji folklora Kurdî û ji çavkaniyên edebiyata Osmanî jî nimûneyan bînin. Bi vî rengî emê hewl bidin têkiliya edebiyata Kurdî ya klasîk û jiyana civakî jî nîşan bidin.

Abstract Based on a textual analysis of the selected works of two writers from Turkey, Mehmed Uzun (1953–2007) and Mehmet Dicle (b.1977), as well as interviews with Kurdish writers and folklore collectors, this study focuses on the links between Kurdish folklore and modern Kurdish literature. Following Gregory Ashcroft's take on heritage, I argue that Kurdish writers’ approach to folkloric motives has evolved through the impact of growing literary experience, inspiration from world literature and deepening knowledge of the Kurdish oral tradition. What is more, Kurdish literature can be treated as an example of cultural and language revitalization, which – according to Justyna Olko – is based on acting in and through the heritage language. Following Doreen Massey's concept of a progressive sense of place, I identify Uzun and Dicle's strategy as linking the local to the universal, suggesting that Kurdish literature should be analyzed within the context of a political geography beyond nationalism.

Abstract This article investigates the activities of Kurdish women aimed at protecting and revitalising Kurdish language, which include collecting and publishing folklore, translating into Kurdish, and writing literature in Kurdish. Throughout the 20th century, countries like Turkey, Syria, Iran, and Iraq, in varying degrees, imposed restrictions on the use of Kurdish. Our primary focus is on Turkey because this country has been most repressive toward Kurdish language since the establishment of the Republic in 1923, but also due to a recent increased visibility of women language activists and folklore collectors. According to Fishman, language revitalisation does not only pertain to caring for a language but brings about a complete, self-defining way of life. Through language revitalisation, Kurdish women not only build an alternative to the state policy of denial, they also win respect and freedom within their communities. Drawing from Martha Nussbaum’s capability approach and from Sara Ahmed’s understanding of how emotions function through language and its circulation, we demonstrate how collecting and publishing Kurdish language and culture in ‘small circles’ enables Kurdish women to assert their citizenship rights.

Bitlis is an ancient city where the Armenians were one of the oldest inhabitants. In 1878-79 the population of province was nearly 400.000, of which Armenians were 250.000. The population of Bitlis was 30.000, of which Armenians were 10.000. The Armenians had a great investment on the economic, trade and cultural life of the province as well as on the development of crafts and the penetration of the capitalistic relations. Armenians lived mainly with Kurds and Yezidis. During the Genocide the Armenians were forced to leave Bitlis. One of the main cultural ways of Armenians was Armenian Turkish literature. There was also handwritten and printed literature in Armenian as well as in Kurdish. It was made by the Armenians for the Kurds keeping Kurdish folklore, philosophical and literary heritage. We could find published textbooks in Kurdish, the authors of which were Armenians. Armenian Kurdish Bible, Gospels and other religious books were published by American missionaries.

Yek ji pênaseyên herî manadar û balkêş ên mîtosê ew e ku ew zanîna seretayî, çîrokên afirandinê û endîşeya li ser hebûnê ye. Ya ku mîtosê xurt kiriye û zinde girtiye jî bawerîya pê ye. Sîmir û manaya wê jî hebûneke mîtolojîk a Kurdo-Îranî ye ku li ser afirandinê û xisûsen di afirandina her heyînekê da tecellîya herî nêzîk a Xweda ye. Raz û sirreke xwedayî ye. Kan û çavkanîya bereketê ye û hêj gelek manayên din lê barkirî ne. Ew hîn di vegotinên mîtolojîk da jî weku teyrekê hatiye şayesandin û mirovan ew wisa xeyal kiriye ku xwedî perên biheybet, hêlîneke ezamet, dinyayeke derveyî vê dinyayê qasidek e ji bo mirovan. Nêzî heman tesewurên mîtolojîk di folklora Kurdî da jî Sîmir fîzîkî weku teyrekê lê bi gelek mana, raz û temsîlan dagirtî heta roja me hatiye neqilkirin. Bi rêbazeke analîtîk di vê xebatê da ev mana û temsîlên Sîmir ên di folklora Kurdî da hatine nirxandin. Ji aliyekî va manayên Sîmir ên mîtîk hatiye zelalkirin û ji aliyê din va rengvedana van manayan di folklora Kurdî da hatiye destnîşankirin. Di encama lêkolîneke bi vî rengî da em gihiştine wê qenaetê ku Sîmir ferr/îlahî ye, Sîmir çavkanîya hebûnê ye û Sîmir bi hêz û zana ye. Sîmir di folklora Kurdî da jî weku rêber, pêşbîn, kahîn, perwerdekar, hekîm, alîkar, hêzdar û totema lehengan û heta weku ferîşte û ne ji vê dinyayê lê qasideke di navbera vê dinyayê û dinyayên din da ye.

Di nav mîtan de mexlûqateke herî berbiçav û pir tê qalkirin, dêw e. Dêw bi piranî weku mexlûqatên şênber ên gir, tirsnak, bihêz û weku mirovan tên şayesandin. Carinan jî ne weku mexlûqeke şênber lê weku xul, saw, xof, hîseke razber hatine pênasekirin. Xisûsen di nav miletên Îranî de berî Zerdeştiyê heyînên baş û heta Xwedavend dihatin hebandin û digel Zerdeştiyê ew hevalkar û temsîlkarên Ehrîmen hatin pênasekirin. Carinan bi navên taybet hatine binavkirin û carinan weku temsîleke giştî bi navê “Dêw” hatine binavkirin. Herwiha bi gelek navên cuda di heman xisûsîyetê de qala mexlûqên weku perî, pîra cadû, elk, hût hwd. tê kirin ku hem di gelek lêkolînan de weku form û tezahurên dêwan hatine qebûlkirin hem jî di lêkolîna me de ev yek bi awayekî zelal hat destnîşankirin. Ev nav û nûçik, bawerî, pênase û şayesandinên kevnar û mîtîk di nav folklora Kurdî da jî bi awayekî xurt hatiye veguhastin û heya roja me hatine. Me di vê xebatê de di nav çarçoveya folklora Kurdî de lêkolîna dêw û peywendîya wan a bi sêhrê re, tezahurên wan, cureyên wan û temsîlên wan kir. Palpişta vê lêkolînê mîta KurdoÎranî ye ku çavkanîya sereke kitêba pîroz a Zerdeştiyê Avesta ye. Helbet gelek xebat û berawirdkariyên ku di wî warî de hatine kirin jî bûne palpişta xebata me. Xebata me li ser du çiqan pêk hatiye ku yek jê rasterast weku mexlûqatek dêw in. Çiqa duyem jî form û tezahurên dêwan ên bi navê Perî, Pîra Cadû, Kula Stûbizengil, Elk, Meyreman, Xapxapok, Reşê Şevê, Rotê Şevê, Dêlegur, Gurê Manco, Xermexozan, Psîka Girnexok, Gornepaş, Zibên, Sibat, Kabûs û hwd. in. Ev mexlûqat di vê xebatê de hem hatine tesnîfkirin û ravekirin hem jî di nav folklora Kurdî de çawa û di çi peywendê de hatibin pênasekirin, bizarkirin û şayesandin bi nimûneyên xwe hatine nîşandan. Weku encameke sereke pir bi eşkere xuya bû ku dêw û formên dêwan çi bi navê xwe û çi jî bi nav û nûçikên cuda di nav folklora Kurdî de bi awayekî pir zindî hatine veguhastin û gihiştine roja me.

National epics are very important in the expression of social identities that we gain insights into society through research on them. This type of knowledge, although not based on historical documents, is in some way show us the emotional tendencies, hopes, perceptions of the past and future of that social group. As religious, social classes, gender, and ethnic groups emerge within society, so we see that folklore narratives reflect this diversity of society. Each folk epic, contains many social characteristics both from its own time and before its own time and transmits them to the future. Therefore the study of folk epics is also a study of society. Through reading and analytical research on these texts we also gain a lot of information about the reflexes of that society. In this study, we will look at some variants of the Epic of Derwêşê Evdî and Edulê and try to show how these types of folklore texts become the subject of societal claims of identity. These variants that we will examine in our study were compiled from the Kurdish Muslim community and the Yezidi Kurds.

The stories have been the subject of many researches in world literature and Kurdish literature in general. By definition, a story is a short, prose narrative that narrates a real or near-real event in a literary style. The story differs from the novel with its brevity and simple plot and few protagonists. In the story, the boundaries of the scene are generally explored, the narrator examines the subject in depth and the narration is clear.The story of Mr. Halil and Mrs. Perishan also took a literary form and became a product of Kurdish Folk Literature and folklore. Story; It passes in the Serhad region, in the region between Doğubayazid district and Subhangöl. Its main heroes are Mr. Halil, the nephew of Behlül Pasha, and Mrs. Perishan, the daughter of Omer Agha, the leader of the National Tribe. In the story, there is love on the one hand, and betrayal, absence and misery on the other. In this study, the variants of the story will be examined in terms of the narrator and its content, language, heroes, the place where the event took place and the way it happened.

Հայ մեծ գրող և գիտնական Խաչատուր Աբովյանի պատմա-ազգագրական երկերի շարքում առանձնահատուկ տեղ է գրավում 1846 թ․ ստեղծված ,Քրդեր ևեզիդիներե գերմաներեն ուսումնասիրությունը (“Die Kurden und Jeziden”), որ պատվիրված է եղել կոմս Ալեքսանդր Խրիստոֆորովիչ Բենկենդորֆի կողմից։ Հոդվածը նվիրված է այս երկի ստեղծման պատմությանն ու իրական շարժառիթներին։ Իր ծավալուն հետազոտության մեջ Աբովյանը մանրամասն տեղեկություններ է հաղորդել քրդերի ու եզիդիների ծագման, դավանանքի, կրոնական ծեսերի, արտաքին տեսքի, լեզվահնչյունային համակարգի մասին։ Սրանով է սկսվում ոչ միայն քրդերի ու եզիդիների ազգաբանական ուսումնասիրությունը, այլև ավելի լայն առումով՝ քրդագիտությունն ու եզիդագիտությունը։ Մեզ է հասել այս աշխատության սևագիր տարբերակը։ Այն չունի ընդհանուր խորագիր, բաղկացած է երկու՝ “Die Kurden”ու “Jeziden” գլուխներից և քրդական ու եզիդիական ժողովրդական երգերի մի ժողովածուից՝ գերմաներեն տողացի թարգմանությամբ։ Ըստ էության, այս ստեղծագործությամբ Աբովյանը ժամանակի անխնա ճիրաններից կորզել ու մեզ է հասցրել Արևելքի բանահյուսության շատ հետաքրքրական նմուշներ, որով արդեն չափազանց կարևորվում է նրա աշխատությունը։ Որքան էլ Աբովյանի գրած էջերը քրդերի ու եզիդիների մասին մատնում են հեղինակի մարդասիրությունը, համակրանքն այս վայրի, բայց հպարտ, քաջարի ու գեղեցիկ մարդկանց նկատմամբ, միևնույն է, սա նախևառաջ ոչ թե գրական յուրահատուկ գործ էր Արևելքի այս ժողովուրդների մասին, այլ հույժ կարևոր պետական նշանակության տեղեկատվություն, որն ուներ կիրառական գործառույթ, բայց, ցավոք, նախատեսված չէր ամբողջ ծավալով հրատարակելու համար։ In parallel to writing fiction the great Armenian enlightener Khachatur Abovyan also engaged in scientific work and produced a number of historical and ethnographic studies. One of the prominent studies that was written in German, was “Die Kurden und Jeziden” (1846), that was commissioned by Count Alexander Kh. Benkendorf. In this comprehensive study Abovyan provides detailed information on the origin, religion, rituals, appearance and the linguo-phonetic system of Kurds and Yazidis. This is the first step not only in the ethnic studies of Kurds and Yezidis but also more generally in Kurdology and Yazidology. It is the draft of this work that has reached us. It does not have a general title and is comprised of Chapters called “Die Kurden” and “Jesiden”, as well as a collection of Kurdish and Yazidi folk songs providing the literal German translations of the song lyrics. In essence, this work of Abovyan has saved from the ruthless claws of time and transferred to us very interesting samples of Eastern folklore and this very fact makes his work extremely important. Although the pages written by Abovyan about Kurds and Yazidis are a testimony of the author’s humanity and sympathy towards these wild but proud, brave and beautiful people, first and foremost this was not meant to be a unique piece of literature about the peoples of East but very important information of national value which had an applicable function but, unfortunately, was not meant for publication in full volume. Параллельно созданию художественных произведений, великий армянский просветитель Хачатур Абовян занимался также научной работой, написав ряд историко-этнографических исследований. Среди них выделяется написанный на немецком языке труд “Die Kurden und Jeziden” (1846), который был заказан графом Александром Христофоровичем Бенкендорфом. В своем объемистом исследовании Абовян сообщает подробные данные о происхождении, вероисповедовании, религиозных обрядах, лингво-фонетической системе языка, о внешнем облике курдов и езидов. По сути этим начинается не только этнографическое исследование курдов и езидов, но и в более широком смысле – курдоведение и езидоведение. До нас дошел лишь черновой вариант данного труда. Он не имеет общего заглавия, состоит из глав “Курды”, “Езиды”, а также сборника курдских и езидских народных песен, в дословном немецком переводе. Фактически этим произведением Абовян спас от забвения и донес до наших дней весьма интересные образцы фольклора Востока, и уже это делает его труд чрезвычайно важным. Страницы о курдах и езидах, написанные Абовяном, хотя и выдают гуманизм, симпатию автора к этим диким, но гордым, отважным и красивым людям, все равно, это прежде всего не своеобразное литературное произведение об этих народах Востока, а особо важная информация государственного значения, которая имела практическую функцию, но, к сожалению, не была предназначена для издания в полном объеме.

Wêje û ax digel ku wekî du têgehên ji hev dûr xuya dikin jî, her tim bandor li hev kirine û ev bandor ji aliyek ve karaktera wêjeyê diyar kiriye û ji aliyê din de watedayinên têgiha axê li gorî nêrînên xwe fireh an teng kiriye. Mebesta me ji têgiha axê ev e ku ew axa ku komeke civakê li serê dijî, bi têkiliya xwe ya bi wê re jiyanek ava dike û ji encama vê têkiliya hevberî çand derdikeve meydanê, ku ev çand li ser zemînê erdnîgariyekê ava dibe. Digel ku pirî caran em welatan ji axeke yekpare teşekulbûyî dizanin jî ya rast di nava sînorên welatekî de gelek erdnîgariyên serbixwe an jî ji hev cuda hene ku carina çanda wan wekî çanda du miletên cuda ji hev dûr e. Ev ne realîteyeke wilo ye ku divê em veşêrin an nebînin. Lewre veşartina her realîteyê di têgihîştina civakê û ferdên wê civakê de kêmsiyekê peyda dike. Herêma Kafkasyayê tevî paşxaneya Serhedê, yek ji wan herêman e ku em dikarin wê wekî herêmeke xwerû îfade bikin lê digel vê xwerûtiyê ew di nava xwe de jî xwedî gelek taybetmendiyên ji hev dûr e. Folklor, Êzdyatî, Sîstema Sovyetê, Serhildan hin têgeh in ku bêtirî di nava vê erdnîgariyê de û bi periyodeke dîrokî ve girêdayî watedar dibin. Wêjeya ku li Kafkasyayê der çûye û romanên ku hatine nivîsîn di nava vê realîteyê de bi van têgihan nixumîne ku ev hemî me ber bi dem û devereke taybet ve dibin.

Հայկական ժողովրդական «Սարի աղջիկ» (թուրքերեն՝ “Sarı gelin”, ադրբեջաներեն՝ “Sarı gəlin” («Շեկ նորահարս», «Շեկլիկ աղջիկ») երգը տարածված է ոչ միայն հայերի, թուրքերի և ադրբեջանցիների շրջանում, այլև որպես հայկական ժողովրդական երգ` թարգմանված, փոխադրված կամ բնօրինակով երգում են տարածաշրջանի այլ ժողովուրդներ՝ պարսիկները, քրդերը, հույները և այլք: Երգի ազգային պատկանելության շուրջ երկարատև և բուռն վեճեր են եղել ադրբեջանցիների հետ, որոնք ժողովրդական հանրահայտ այս ստեղծագործությունը իրենցն են համարում, թեև նրա հայկականության մասին բարձրաձայնել են անգամ թուրք հայտնի արվեստի գործիչներ: Այնուամենայնիվ, երգի թուրքերեն տարբերակի բնագիրն է նաև ակնհայտորեն վկայում, որ այն երգ է հայուհու մասին, ստեղծված է հայկական միջավայրում՝ հայ հեղինակի կողմից: Հաշվի առնելով նաև երաժշտագիտական քննությունը, որով հաստատվում է, որ մեղեդին հարազատ է հայկական ժողովրդական երգամտածողությանը, ունի հայկական ֆոլկլորում բազմաթիվ տարբերակներ, ինչի մասին վկայում են բերված հրապարակում-ները (ամենահինը գրանցել է Կոմիտասը՝ 1891 թվականին), ակնհայտ է դառնում երգի հայկական լինելու հանգամանքը: Армянская народная песня «Сари ахчик [Девушка гор]» (на турецком и азербайджанском – «Sarı gelin [Светловолосая невеста]» популярна не только среди армян, турок и азербайджанцев. В переводе, в переложении или в оригинале ее как армянскую народную песню поют персы, курды, греки и другие народы.Вокруг национальной принадлежности песни велись долгие и острые споры с азербайджанцами, которые считают это популярное произведение своим, хотя даже известные турецкие деятели искусства подтвердили ее армянское происхождение. Оригинальный текст турецкой версии песни тоже проясняет, что эта песня об армянке и создана в армянской среде. С учетом проведенного музыковедческого анализа, подтверждающего, что мелодия песни родственна армянскому народному песенному мышлению и имеет множество вариантов в армянском фольклоре, о чем свидетельствуют цитируемые публикации (самая старая из них записана Комитасом в 1891 г.), можно констатировать, что эта песня – армянская. The Armenian folk song “Sari aghjik [Mountain girl]” (in Turkish and Azerbaijani: “Sarı gelin [Fair-haired bride]”) is popular not only among Armenians, Turks and Azerbaijanis. In translation, transcription or in the original it is sung as an Armenian folk song by Persians, Kurds, Greeks, and other peoples. There were long and heated debates around the national affiliation of the song with Azerbaijanis, who consider this popular work their own, even though some well-known Turkish art workers confirmed its Armenian origin. The original text of the Turkish version of the song also makes it clear that the song is about an Armenian girl and was created in an Armenian environment. Taking into account the results of the musicological analysis, which confirm that the melody of the song is akin to the Armenian folk song thinking and has many variations in Armenian folklore as evidenced by the cited publications (the oldest of them was recorded by Komitas in 1891), we can state that this song is Armenian.

Entre les mondes arabe (Irak, États du Golfe…), turc (Turquie, Azerbaïjan, Turkmenistan) et européen (par la trouée du Caucase et de la mer Caspienne), l’Iran forme un ensemble distinct dont la population est fortement attachée à sa spécificité. Cette forte originalité au sein du Moyen-Orient, les Iraniens la doivent à leurs origines symbolisées par leur langue, le persan, une langue indo-européenne, à la doctrine religieuse qu’ils professent en majorité, le chiisme, qui s’oppose au principal courant de l’islam, le sunnisme, enfin, paradoxalement, à leur forte occidentalisation due à un courant d’échanges continus depuis la fin du XIXème siècle et que n’a pas interrompu la Révolution islamique. Ces trois constituants de l’identité iranienne sont contrebalancés par des facteurs de division de la société, plus ou moins accusés selon les époques. Le premier constituant de l’identité iranienne, revendiquée par la population, c’est l’ancrage du pays dans une histoire plurimillénaire, la conscience d’appartenir à un des plus anciens États du monde, de la continuité d’une civilisation qui a su assimiler les envahisseurs successifs. Les Iraniens sont d’origine aryenne. Irân-vej, en langue pehlevi, l’ancienne langue iranienne parlée sous les Sassanides (224-651 ap. J.-C.), c’est le pays des Aryens. Les occidentaux ont préféré, à travers l’histoire, le nom qu’avaient donné les Grecs au pays, « Perse », du nom de la grande tribu qui avait fondé l’Empire achéménide au VIème siècle avant J.-C. Diplomates et voyageurs utilisèrent le mot « Perse » jusqu’en 1935 quand l’empereur Reza chah imposa le nom officiel d’Iran, déjà utilisé dans la population, et récusa le nom de Perse qui connotait des légendes anciennes et ancrait le pays dans un passé folklorique. Encore aujourd’hui les occidentaux ont tendance à utiliser « Perse » quand ils se réfèrent à des aspects valorisants (archéologie, cuisine, poésie…), réservant « Iran » pour évoquer des thématiques plus inquiétantes (Révolution, terrorisme). Venus des steppes froides d’Asie intérieure, les Iraniens sont, à l’origine, des nomades indo-européens qui se sont fixés, aux IIème et au Ier millénaires avant J.-C sur le haut plateau( entre 800 et 1000 mètres) entouré de montagnes qui constitue la majeure partie de l’actuel Iran. Le genre de vie qui a dominé jusqu’aux invasions turco-mongoles (XIème-XIIIème siècles) était celui d’agriculteurs sédentaires pratiquant de courts déplacements pastoraux à l’intérieur des vallées. Les invasions médiévales ont entraîné la « bédouinisation » (X. de Planhol) de populations jusque là sédentaires si bien que l’Iran est devenu le plus grand foyer mondial de pastoralisme nomade. Ces bouleversements au fil de l’histoire, précédés par la conquête arabe au VIIème siècle, n’ont pas fait disparaître pour autant la langue persane ni fait refluer un folklore spécifiquement iranien. La nouvelle année (noruz) que célèbre la population est une année solaire qui débute à l’équinoxe de printemps et compte 365 jours. La vie en Iran est ainsi rythmée par deux calendriers antagonistes, le calendrier solaire pour le quotidien et le calendrier lunaire musulman pour les cérémonies religieuses. Noruz est aussi fêté dans les anciennes possessions et l’aire d’influence de l’Iran (sarzamin-e Iran : le « territoire » de l’Iran, Iran-e bozorg : le grand Iran) où le persan, sous l’appellation dari en Afghanistan et tajik au Tajikistan, est une langue officielle. La prise en considération de l’unité et du fort sentiment national iraniens ne doit pas masquer l’hétérogénéité et les facteurs de division au sein du pays. Et tout d’abord la diversité ethno-linguistique. Si environ 85% de la population parle le persan, ce n’est la langue maternelle que de 50% des locuteurs. D’importantes minorités occupent les marges du pays : au nord-ouest, les Turcs azeri, qui forment environ 20% de la population iranienne ; à l’ouest les Kurdes ; au sud, des Arabes ; au sud-est les Baloutches. Cette diversité ethno-linguistique se double d’une diversité religieuse, chez les Baloutches, une partie des Kurdes et une partie des Arabes qui sont sunnites. Les revendications identitaires de ces minorités se déclinent avec une intensité très variable, se bornant tantôt à des manifestations culturelles, prenant parfois un tour plus politique avec des demandes d’autonomie ou encore s’accompagnant d’actions violentes (ainsi au Baloutchestan et dans une moindre mesure au Kurdistan). S’ajoutent à ces différences culturelles et à ces revendications identitaires de forts contrastes en matière de genre de vie. La vie paysanne, en net déclin (on ne compte plus que 26% de population rurale selon le recensement de 2016), se caractérise par de fortes traditions communautaires, notamment pour la gestion de l’eau amenée traditionnellement des piémonts par des galeries drainantes souterraines (les qanât). Les pasteurs nomades forment de grandes tribus (tels, au sud de l’Iran, les Bakhtyâri et les Qashqa’i) qui se singularisent par rapport aux Bédouins des déserts du Moyen-Orient par les traits suivants : il s’agit d’un nomadisme montagnard menant les pasteurs et leurs troupeaux des plaines vers les sommets au printemps et inversement à l’automne ; les tribus regroupent des centaines de milliers d’individus soumis à des « chefferies centralisées » (J.-P. Digard) et ont formé des états dans l’État rigoureusement hiérarchisés. Mais c’est le mode de vie urbain qui est depuis une quarantaine d’années majoritaire. La ville avec son bâzâr, sa grande mosquée, ses services est particulièrement valorisée. La population de Téhéran (9 millions d’habitants) et de son agglomération (15 millions) a crû considérablement depuis le début du XXème siècle (environ 200 000 habitants en 1900). Banlieues et cités périphériques regroupent des « paysans dépaysannés » (P. Vieille) (pour un exemple de ces cités périphériques voir S. Parsapajouh). La ville elle-même est fortement stratifiée socialement. Ainsi, à Téhéran, s’opposent un nord riche où réside une bourgeoisie occidentalisée et les quartiers populaires et pauvres du sud de la ville. Le second constituant de l’identité iranienne, c’est le chiisme. Ce courant religieux remonte aux premiers temps de l’islam quand il fallut choisir un successeur au prophète. Les chiites, contrairement aux sunnites, optèrent pour le principe généalogique et choisirent pour diriger la communauté le gendre et cousin de Mohammed, Ali (shi’a signifie partisan - de Ali). Selon les dogmes du chiisme duodécimain, la version du chiisme dominante en Iran, seuls les 12 imam-s (Ali et ses descendants) ont pu exercer un pouvoir juste et légitime. Le douzième imam a disparu en 874 et dans l’attente de la parousie de cet « imam caché » toute forme de gouvernement est nécessairement imparfaite. Ce dogme prédispose à une vision critique du pouvoir. Au cours de l’histoire certains ont préféré cultiver de l’indifférence à l’égard de la vie politique et se réfugier dans la spiritualité, d’autres au contraire faisant fond sur les virtualités contestataires du chiisme ont prôné une opposition au pouvoir, voire un gouvernement dirigé par les clercs, comme l’ayatollah Khomeyni et ses partisans le firent lors de la révolution islamique (1979-1980) – ce qui est une innovation dans le chiisme duodécimain. La constitution de la République islamique a entériné cette position doctrinale en institutionnalisant le velayat-e faqih « la souveraineté du docte ». C’est lui, le « guide », qui exerce le pouvoir suprême et auquel sont subordonnés le Président de la République et le gouvernement. Un autre trait original du chiisme duodécimain est l’exaltation du martyre ; celle-ci trouve son origine dans l’ « histoire-mythe » de la passion du troisième imam, Hoseyn, tué, avec la plupart des membres de sa famille, dans des circonstances atroces par les troupes du calife omeyyade (sunnite), Yazid, en 680 à Kerbala, dans l’actuel Irak. La commémoration de ce supplice s’exprime à travers des rituels dolorisants qui atteignent leur paroxysme le 10 moharram (premier mois de l’année musulmane), jour de achoura (anniversaire de la mort de Hoseyn) : processions de pénitents se flagellant, prônes, cantiques et mystères rappellent ce drame. Cette tradition martyriste et les rituels qui lui correspondent sont un véritable ciment de la culture populaire. Le mythe de Kerbala, opposant bourreaux et victimes, exaltant le sacrifice de soi a été, dans l’histoire de l’Iran moderne et singulièrement lors de la révolution islamique, une grille de lecture de la réalité socio-politique et un modèle d’action pour la lutte. Un troisième composant de l’identité iranienne, c’est l’occidentalisation, entretenue par une diaspora de deux à trois millions d’individus installés, pour la plupart, aux Etats-Unis. Le sport est un des révélateurs les plus vifs de cette occidentalisation, voire de la mondialisation de la société iranienne. Le sport traditionnel en Iran, c’est la lutte qui s’adosse à la pratique coutumière du zourkhane (littéralement maison de force) où l'on s'adonne, dans un cadre de sociabilité conviviale, à divers exercices athlétiques. Or, aujourd’hui, le football détrône la lutte ; des joueurs sont recrutés par des clubs européens, des entraîneurs étrangers sont appelés à diriger l’équipe nationale qui brille dans les compétitions internationales et suscite un engouement sans pareil. Des revendications s’expriment dans les stades ou autour des matchs de football. Il en est ainsi des revendications féminines. Contraintes à une tenue stricte, soumises à des inégalités de droits (en matière d’héritage, de divorce, de voyage, etc.), les femmes sont aussi interdites dans les stades où se déroulent des compétitions d’hommes, en particulier lors des matchs de football. La contestation de cette interdiction est devenue un leitmotive des revendications féminines et à chaque grand match des femmes tentent de s’introduire dans le stade. Le football est sans doute un des domaines où la tension est la plus vive entre le régime islamique, soucieux de la séparation des sexes, de la discipline et de la bienséance prude, et la « société civile » urbaine plus ouverte aux modes de vie occidentaux. Les rituels de moharram tels qu’ils sont pratiqués par les jeunes dans les grandes villes d’Iran témoignent aussi de cette quête de modernité. L’évocation du drame de Karbala suscite une sincère affliction chez ces jeunes mais ils l’expriment à travers des attitudes et des moyens nouveaux : le matériel utilisé, la retransmission du rituel sur un écran géant, les manifestations juvéniles torse nu, qui rappellent celles des jeunes supporters dans les stades de football européen ou encore des adeptes de rave parties, le chantre s’apparentant à un DJ spectaculaire… tout cela emprunte à une culture mondialisée, et parfois underground. Ces exemples, parmi bien d’autres, montrent la complexité des manières d’être dans le monde iranien tiraillées entre modèles nationaux, religieux et mondiaux