Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Kayastha”

Scribes in early modern South Asia relied on their skill in writing to secure the support of powerful courtly patrons. The rapid expansion of emerging regional states in the eighteenth century created new opportunities to apply these skills to administration, land-holding, and politics. This article examines the changing professional identity of the Kayastha scribal household in eighteenth-century western India. I focus on the ascendancy of the Chitnis household of Satara in the context of the growth and diversification of Kayastha employment under the Maratha sovereign Shahu Bhonsle (1682–1749). By consolidating portfolios of titles, appointments, and rights to property, ambitious scribes and secretaries, as epitomised by the career of Govind Khanderao Chitnis (d. 1785), were able to pursue riskier and more lucrative political assignments and form networks of kinsmen and associates across Maratha governments. Yet greater scrutiny and competition for state largesse, not least from within the Chitnis household itself, forced members of later generations to adopt creative and sometimes risky strategies to defend their claims to property. This article explores how the profound dislocations of political transformation in eighteenth-century South Asia enabled distinctive modes of individual and collective self-fashioning amongst skilled, upwardly mobile groups.

AbstractThis paper argues that our understanding of the transition to colonialism in South Asia can be enriched by examining the formation of revenue collection systems in north India between 1750 and 1850. It examines agrarian revenue systems not through the prism of legalism or landholding patterns, but by looking at the paper and record-based mechanisms by which wealth was actually extracted from India's hinterlands. It also examines the Kayastha pensmen who became an exponentially significant component of an Indo-Muslim revenue administration. They assisted the extension of Mughal revenue collection capabilities as qanungos (registrars) and patwaris (accountants). The intensity of revenue assessment, extraction and collection had increased by the mid 1700s, through the extension of cultivation and assessment by regional Indian kingdoms. The East India Company, in its agrarian revenue settlements in north India, utilized this extant revenue culture to push through savage revenue demands. These Kayastha pensmen thus furnished the ‘young’ Company with the crucial skills, physical records, and legitimacy to garner the agrarian wealth which would fund Britain's Indian empire. These more regular patterns of paper-oriented administration engendered a process of ‘bureaucratization’ and the emergence of the modern colonial state.

In this paper, we describe a new tardigrade species, Richtersius tertius sp. n., from Greece. The description is based on morphological and morphometric analysis using light and scanning electron microscopy as well as genetic analysis based on four molecular markers (DNA sequences of three nuclear, i.e., 18S rRNA, 28S rRNA, ITS-2 and one mitochondrial COI fragment). Morphological and morphometric differences, together with genetic comparisons, provide independent verifications of Richtersius tertius sp. n. as a species new to science. Phenotypically, the new taxon differs from Richtersius coronifer (Richters, 1903) and Richtersius ziemowiti Kayastha, Berdi, Miaduchowska, Gawlak, Łukasiewicz, Gołdyn, Jędrzejewski et Kaczmarek, 2020 mainly by the morphology and size of cuticular pores, present only in hatchlings (first instars), as well as some morphometric characters. The results presented herein contribute further to the recognition of the morphological variability and biodiversity within Richtersius, with Richtersius tertius sp. n. being the third species formally described within the genus.

Relationship between fertility and mortality is well known, which exists among different populations of the world. This is known as a genetic phenomenon that has been operating in all human populations. This study examines fertility and mortality differentials among the Paundra Kshatriya community living in a peri-urban setting of West Bengal, India. Altogether, 249 Paundra Kshatriya women were interviewed. A subsample was drawn from this sample, numbering 98, who have completed their reproductive span. Differential fertility is 0.3134 and differential mortality is 0.1393, whereas, index of total selection intensity is 0.4964 according to Crow’s (1958) formula and 0.5980 according to Johnston and Kensinger’s (1971) formula in the study population. The higher value according to Johnston and Kensinger’s (1971) formula is probably because of inclusion of embryonic deaths in the latter. Findings of the present study reveals that differential fertility (If: 0.3134) contribute more than the differential mortality (Im: 0.1393) towards the total opportunity for selection (I=0.4964) in the study population. Paundra Kshatriya is placed with other populations of West Bengal like Jale, Tili, Muslim, Kayastha, Paschtya Vaidya Brahmin, Duley Bagdi, Namasudra and Lepcha in this respect.

Health is wealth. Everybody wants a healthy life, but it is challenging to maintain a healthy life in the present era due to faulty diet habits and lifestyles. A drug is mentioned in Ayurveda designated as Mata (mother) as beneficial to health to fulfil this purpose. In the absence of a mother or when a person becomes independent to live, even in the mother's absence, Haritaki (Terminalia chebula Ritz) is sufficient to care for or maintain physical-psychological equilibrium. It has a broad spectrum of pharmacological activities associated with the biologically active compound. This drug belongs to the family Combretaceae, used extensively in the Indian system of medicine like Ayurveda, Unani, Siddha, Tibetan and Homeopathy. Fruit is the main helpful part, named with several Sanskrit names like Abhaya, Amruta, Shiva, Pathya, Shreyasi, Kayastha and called Chebulic myrobalan in English. The detailed description of the plant, its seven varieties of fruit, medicinal uses as a single drug and in combination with different adjuvants in respect to the allotted seasons, different doses forms, various diseases condition, pharmacodynamic properties and systemic pharmacological actions, therapeutic uses, side effects and contraindications mentioned in classics are gathered here in this review article to highlight the multifaceted use and important use of this noble drug.

Abstract Global epitranscriptomic methylation of mRNA at the N6 position (m6A) is reported to be altered in B-cell and tumor development. However, the mechanistic underpinnings of its role in the pathogenesis of Diffuse large B cell lymphoma (DLBCL) are unknown. It is well established that the B-cell receptor (BCR) pathway is a primary oncogenic driver in aggressive B-cell lymphomas. We previously reported that the Ataxia Telangiectasia Mutated (ATM)/Hu Antigen R (HuR)axis, as well as Eukaryotic Translation Initiation Factor 4A (eIF4A), modulate BCR signaling. However, the impact of RNA modifications on BCR induction is still poorly understood. Addressing this burgeoning question, we noted enhanced expression of AlkB Homolog 5 (ALKBH5), an m6A demethylase, in naïve B-cells treated with BCR mimetics. Similarly, mRNA levels of ALKBH5 were reported to be modestly enhanced in IgM-treated human B-cells (GSE156195). Consistently, immunization of C57BL/6 mice with sheep red blood cells (SRBC) significantly enhanced ALKBH5 in splenic B-cells. Next, evaluating the impact of BCR induction in lymphomagenesis, we observed a robust increase in the demethylase expression in BCR mimetic-treated DLBCL cells. Notably, increased expression of ALKBH5 was observed in a murine EµMyc model and primary DLBCL tumors. In coherence, the enhanced transcript levels of ALKBH5 in TCGA-DLBCL have prognostic implications. To gain functional insight, we depleted ALKBH5, which resulted in a robust reduction of BCR pathway proteins. Unexpectedly, the mRNA levels of CD79a and BLK were minimally modified, while the SYK, BTK, and CARD11 messages were reduced. Further studies are ongoing to evaluate the potential mechanism of mRNA transport and/or stability. Citation Format: Bandish B. Kapadia, Anirban Roychowdhury, Forum Kayastha, Nahid Nanaji, Jolene Windle, Ronald B. Gartenhaus. ALKBH5 emerges as a novel regulator of the BCR pathway [abstract]. In: Proceedings of the American Association for Cancer Research Annual Meeting 2023; Part 2 (Clinical Trials and Late-Breaking Research); 2023 Apr 14-19; Orlando, FL. Philadelphia (PA): AACR; Cancer Res 2023;83(8_Suppl):Abstract nr LB049.

En 1765, la saisie du Dewani du Bengale par l’East India Company y amorça la mise en place d’un nouveau système aux nombreuses déclinaisons. Celui-ci reprenait certains éléments de l’ancien régime moghol et son fonctionnement reposait sur la participation d’Indiens. Ce fut notamment le cas au niveau foncier avec le Permanent Settlement (1793) qui fit des zamindar, fermiers traditionnellement chargés de lever les impôts agricoles, de véritables propriétaires terriens. Ainsi libérés de leur attachement aux terres, ceux-ci émigrèrent massivement à Calcutta où ils prospérèrent en tant qu’intermédiaires entre la puissance britannique et la population locale. Ils avaient ainsi accès à des opportunités inédites qui leurs permettaient de se différencier du reste de la population locale en acquérant une connaissance de l’anglais, en s’enrichissant grâce aux activités britanniques et en adoptant des comportements inspirés des mœurs anglaises. Au début du XIXe siècle, ces individus appartenant principalement aux jati de Brahmanes, Baidya et Kayastha formèrent la nouvelle élite bengalie des bhadralok.Alors que cette nouvelle élite investit tout le spectre social, culturel et politique de la scène bengalie contemporaine, les modèles historiographiques dominants se sont focalisés largement sur son anglicisation au détriment des autres aspects de ses activités, et encore moins de la façon dont elle composait avec les hiérarchies traditionnelles de la société hindoue. En effet, les étudiant par le prisme moderniste et en s’appuyant principalement sur des sources coloniales, les historiens ont tendance à décrire les Bhadralok comme un bloc monolithique composé d’Indiens de hautes castes dont les comportements visaient uniquement à s’angliciser et qui se servaient ainsi de leur statut de caste pour légitimer leur statut de classe. Ainsi, l’utilisation de ce prisme pour interpréter les sources ne rend compte que d’une partie des comportements des Bhadralok. Toutefois, en consultant des sources coloniales telles que des documents administratifs officiels, des productions scientifiques contemporaines, des recensements, des sources judiciaires ; mais également des sources locales en bengali telles que des sources littéraires, des traités religieux, ainsi que des généalogies, nous avons observé que les Kayastha bengalis, également membres des Bhadralok, étaient considérés comme des Satsudra et n’appartenaient donc pas aux hautes castes. Nous nous sommes demandé comment leur appartenance aux Bhadralok interagissait avec ce statut de caste inférieur et avons remarqué que ce nouveau statut de Bhadralok leur permettait de renégocier leur place au sein de la hiérarchie des castes. Pour approfondir ce constat, nous avons relu un ensemble de sources, qu’elles soient rédigées en anglais ou en bengali, afin d’y percevoir les signes des renégociations de caste menées par les Kayastha appartenant aux Bhadralok. Nous avons ainsi montré que les Kayastha saisirent d’abord les opportunités de projeter un statut de haute caste, puis qu’ils cherchèrent à légitimer ce statut en fabriquant des preuves scripturaires de leur appartenance au varna de Ksatriya, pour enfin en obtenir la reconnaissance par la population bengalie à travers l’équivalent de jugements de caste tels que les recensements décennaux et les verdicts prononcés par les tribunaux britanniques. En 1885, date à laquelle s’arrête cette thèse, les Kayastha n’étaient pas encore reconnus comme des Ksatriya.Nous invitons donc à remettre en question les connaissances établies à propos des Bhadralok en resituant leurs comportements dans le contexte singulier de la société bengalie du XIXe siècle, et ainsi en fournir une meilleure compréhension
In 1765, the seizure of the Dewani of Bengal by the East India Company marked the implementation of a new system of governance that took various forms. This was based on certain elements of the old Mughal regime and relied on the participation of Indian elites, as was the case with the Permanent Settlement (1793) which made the zamindar, traditionally a rent farmer under the Mughal system, into true landowners. Thus freed from their attachment to the land, these rural elites emigrated massively to Calcutta where they prospered as intermediaries between the British power and the local population. There, they had access to unprecedented opportunities that enabled them to differentiate themselves from the rest of the local population by acquiring a knowledge of English, enriching themselves through British-sponsored activities and adopting behaviours inspired by English customs. In the early nineteenth century, these individuals, mainly from the Brahmin, Baidya and Kayastha jatis, began to emerge as a new Bengali elite known as the Bhadralok.While this new elite is hugely visible in the social, cultural and political spectrum of the contemporary Bengali scene, the dominant historiographical models have focused largely on its anglicisation to the detriment of other aspects of its activities, and even less on how it interacted with the traditional hierarchies of Hindu society. Indeed, studying them through the prism of modernism and relying mainly on colonial sources, historians describe the Bhadralok as a monolithic entity made up of high-caste individuals whose identity was defined solely by their anglicisation and who thus used their caste status to legitimise their class status. Thus, using this prism to interpret the sources only captures a part of the Bhadralok’s behaviour. However, by also consulting local sources produced largely in Bengali, we observed that the Bengali Kayasthas, also members of the Bhadralok, were considered to be Satsudras and therefore did not belong to the upper castes. We wondered how their belonging to the Bhadralok interacted with this lower caste status and noted that their new-found Bhadralok status enabled them to renegotiate their place within the caste hierarchy. To investigate this further, I re-read a range of sources, including colonial sources such as official administrative documents, contemporary scientific productions, censuses and judicial sources, as well as local Bengali sources such as literary sources, religious treatises and genealogies, for signs of caste renegotiations led by Kayasthas belonging to the Bhadraloks.I have thus shown that the Kayasthas first seized opportunities to project a high-caste status, then sought to legitimise that status by constructing scriptural evidence of their membership to the Ksatriya varna, and finally obtained its recognition by the Bengali population through the equivalent of caste judgements such as the decennial censuses and verdicts handed down by the British courts at the turn of the twentieth century – shortly after the period under consideration in this thesis. This thesis is thus a plea to reconsider established knowledge about the Bhadralok by resituating their behaviour in the singular context of nineteenth-century Bengali society, and thereby provide a better understanding of it

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2004.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 48-51).

Abstract This is the first-ever complete, annotated English translation of Ishvarchandra Vidyasagar’s 1871 tract calling for colonial government legislation to abolish the practice of high-caste polygamy, or Kulinism, among Hindu communities in Bengal. The original work is structured around Vidyasagar’s detailed replies to a series of seven objections that had been raised around the idea of prohibiting Kulin marriage practices within Brahmin and Kayastha caste communities. In the course of answering these objections, Vidyasagar draws upon tools and strategies he had deployed successfully when advocating government legislation to promote Hindu widow marriage. Readers will discover once again Vidyasagar’s unique ability to gather, translate, and comment on a range of classical and early modern works of Hindu legal literature. At the same time, however, Against High-Caste Polygamy also employs an additional set of discursive and rhetorical tools in order to press its case. Vidyasagar not only publishes new kinds of statistical data that he had gathered regarding the prevalence of plural marriages in Bengal, he also provides a kind of sociological depiction and analysis of the status and fate of women married into polygamous families. Using his impressive skills at narrative, he provides numerous moving anecdotes to bring home to his readers the harsh conditions faced by many young wives and widows of his day. All of this is supported by his ground-breaking attempt to recount the historical origins and subsequent degradation of Kulin customs, drawing in part on genealogical sources that were only just beginning to come in for critical scrutiny in the late-colonial moment. The work is rich with concrete data and imaginative social descriptions and concludes with a supplementary discussion of the opinions of two prominent Sanskrit scholars who sought to oppose Vidyasagar’s proposal.

This chapter deals with untouchability in India, a condition progressively enunciated under Brahmanic law. It is dedicated to the work of B. R. Ambedkar who was an untouchable despite which became the father of India’s constitution. His incisive work on caste in the 1930s–40s had only a limited impact on the caste system. There are assertions that sudhras, the lowest caste, had not been primitive, aboriginal or native to the region since they had been allowed upanayana or initiation rituals, but had lost those rights in war with the Aryans. This resulted in their post-war condition of untouchability. The ascendancy of the brahmins saw 17 categories at its highest point as their control over kshatriyas grew through war and cast-iron rules. As Brahminic dominance became total, even royal ceremonies including coronations remained unaccomplished without Brahmins performing the rites. Early social reformers of the 19th and 20th centuries essentially failed to eradicate attitudes towards untouchability from the mind of the average Indian. The clamour to be included in a higher caste continued through the judiciary, for example, by kayasths, a sub-caste from the states of Bengal and Bihar, to be included among kshatriyas. Even contemporary writers invoke caste.