Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front”

The inhabitants of the overseas departments and collectivities of France have, of late, been reconsidering their relationships both to each other and to the former imperial metropole. In 2011 Mayotte, previously classified as an overseas collectivity, acceded to full French and European status as an overseas department of France following a referendum. This decision to, in the words of the social scientist François Taglioni, further ‘anchor’ the island in the republic has commonly been understood as a pragmatic decision as much as an ideological one. It was a way of distancing Mayotte from the political turmoil in neighbouring independent Comoros, as well as an indicator of the improbability of a small island nation achieving full sovereignty in a multipolar, resource hungry world. The narrative that self-determination must necessarily be obtained through national independence is still prevalent in the language of certain independence movements, including that of the Kanak people of New Caledonia. But it has been repeatedly tested at the ballot box, not least in November 2018 when New Caledonians voted in a referendum on their constitutional future. This referendum – and the further two due to follow it before 2022 – will be observed with interest by other self declared nations in waiting. Some anticipate, not a reclaiming of local sovereignty in the event of independence, but rather a transferral of economic hegemony from France to China, a prospect hinted at by Emmanuel Macron during a visit to Nouméa in 2018. However, the demographic minority status of the Kanak people whom the independentist Kanak and Socialist Liberation Front (Front de libération nationale kanak et socialiste;FLNKS) claims to represent, coupled with divisions within the movement, means it is very hard to predict the contours of a future independent New Caledonian state.

The French-ruled territory of New Caledonia, or Kanaky, as Indigenous pro-independence campaigners call their cigar-shaped islands, voted on their political future on 4 November 2018 amid controversy and tension. This was an historic vote on independence in a ‘three-strikes’ scenario in the territory ruled by France since 1853, originally as a penal colony for convicts and political dissidents. In the end, the vote was remarkably close, reflecting the success of the pro-independence Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) in mobilising voters, particularly the youth. The referendum choice was simple and stark. Voters simply had to respond ‘yes’ or ‘no’ to the question: ‘Do you want New Caledonia to attain full sovereignty and become independent?’ In spite of prophecies of an overwhelming negative vote, the ‘no’ response slipped to a 56.4 percent vote while the ‘yes’ vote wrested a credible 43.6 percent share with a record turnout of almost 81 percent. New Caledonia is expected to face two further votes on the independence question in 2020 and 2022. The author of this article reported as a journalist on an uprising against French rule in the 1980s, known by the euphemism ‘les Évènements’ (‘the Events’). He returned there three decades later as an academic to bear witness to the vote and examine the role of digital media and youth. This article reflects on his impressions of the result, democracy and the future.

The Albanian Communist Party was born as a Bolshevik-style party, endowed with a non-Bolshevik but social democratic program, such as popular democracy. To shed light on the factors that determined the arrival of the communist regime in Albania, it is necessary to start the analysis from its roots, that is, since the establishment of the communist regime in Albania. For his part, although the communist regime was established in Albania immediately after the end of World War II, the roots of the phenomenon must be sought from the beginning of the war, even a few months earlier when Albania was invaded on April 7, 1939, by fascist Italy. When Albania was invaded by fascist Italy, no one inside or outside the country predicted, nor could have predicted, that at the end of World War II, the Albanian Communist Party would take power into its own hands. There were subjective and objective reasons for this. First of all, when World War II broke out, Albania was the only country in the Balkans that did not have a Communist Party. However, the absence of the Communist Party was largely a subjective factor. The establishment of the communist regime in Albania was for objective reasons a completely paradoxical phenomenon. Albania, the youngest state in Europe, at the same time its most backward state, with a population of one million and forty thousand inhabitants, had no developed industry, ie no working class in the eyes of the proletariat, as conceived by Marxist doctrine. According to Marxist definitions, Albania was a micro-bourgeois country, that is, without capitalist owners and capitalist institutions, to the extent that they justified the socialist revolution. In addition, the Albanian population was overwhelmingly still illiterate. There were only a few isolated nuclei or communist groups with few members composed mainly of artisans and students, who were further characterized by ideological perversion and worse still by political rivalries between them. The question before historians is this: How can it be explained that despite all these disadvantages, the Albanian Communist Party, which was founded two and a half years after the occupation of the country by fascist Italy, on November 8, 1941, managed to face the war against the occupiers within three years. Nazi fascists and against internal nationalist factors, to take political power in Albania at the end of the Second World War? In addition, how is it that the Albanian Communist Party, unlike its Eastern European counterparts, seized political power on its own, without the presence of Soviet armies, which are not known to have invaded Albania? Albania's position during the Second World War and especially the National Liberation War must be judged by ourselves, regardless of who led it. We must judge it as we do in every historical event. The communist dictatorship that was established in Albania should not blind us to the judgment we give in the national liberation war. The communist regime is not a necessary offspring of the National Liberation War. In my opinion, the establishment of the communist regime is the result of mistakes made during the national liberation war, it is a consequence of the poverty of the political culture of the Albanian people, the lack of traditional political parties, the naivety of the Communist Party leaders, the illusions of united nationalists with the National Liberation Front, of myopia, of the leaders of the National Front, which were used by Enver Hoxha to realize under the umbrella of patriotic war his dictatorial ambitions. Received: 25 December 2023 / Accepted: 25 February 2024 / Published: 23 April 2024

AbstractThis article analyzes the revolutionary diplomacy of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) through the prism of Nicaraguan and Western European relations during the final decade of the Cold War. It contends that —despite the FSLN's ideological affiliation with Third World national liberation movements, Cuba, and the socialist bloc—the campaign to influence Western European foreign policies was central to the Sandinista government's international strategy. By pushing Western European governments to play a prominent role in Central America's violent Cold War conflicts, the Sandinistas sought to undermine US power in the isthmus and alter the inter-American dynamics that shaped their region's history up to the late 1970s. Furthermore, by building financial ties with Western European countries, the FSLN could avoid complete financial dependency on the Soviet bloc and strengthen Nicaragua's image as a nonaligned state. The Sandinistas’ campaign to challenge US hegemony in Central America through a pragmatic outreach to Western Europe was largely successful, but it came at the cost of implementing domestic reforms that ran counter to their own ambitions. Ultimately, this prompted the FSLN to hold elections in 1990, which resulted in their removal from power.

At the time of the First Round of the Gando Communist Party Incident, the majority of the individuals involved were in their 20s to 30s, with a significant number hailing from Hamgyeong Province. They received education on the Korean Peninsula and in Gando, and some had studied abroad in China, Russia, and Japan. Many of these individuals engaged in various social activities while working in the fields of education and media. Some of them also made efforts to stabilize the Korean community following The Gando Massacre. Those involved in this incident had been actively engaged in the independence movement since the March 1st Movement. They participated in the March 1st Movement on the Korean Peninsula and in Gando, and subsequently joined various organizations of National Movement and Socialist Movement, leading the independence movement in the early 1920s through activities such as independence movement fund-raising, anti-Japan armed struggle, and socialist movement both within and outside the Korean Peninsula. From immediately after the First Round of the Gando Communist Party Incident until liberation, they continued their independence movement in various ways. Some of them died while enduring hardships in prison, and some also persisted in their struggle even while incarcerated. Independence activists involved in the incident participated in the formation of Dongmanguyeokguk, a subordinate organization of the Korean Communist, and actively engaged in the organizational activities of the National United Party based on the National Cooperation Front. In other words, Dongmanguyeokguk was not only an integrated organization for various socialist groups but also a group with the character of the National United Party in the Dongman area, involving independence activists engaged in the national movement.

Abstract: After declaring the country's independence from Portugal in June 1975, the Mozambique Liberation Front focused its efforts on building a modern nation-state and implementing a development strategy to pave the way for a socialist society. The initial lack of cadres for building and managing a postcolonial national state and the new state economy led it to request the international cooperation and solidarity of the Global Left. The aim of this paper is to analyze the notions and practices of international solidarity among leftist Chilean and Argentine exiles who assumed the role of professional-technical cooperators in independent Mozambique between 1976 and 1986. The working method is based on a qualitative analysis of the information obtained from oral sources, documents of the period, and specialist literature.

It is now six years since the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) toppled the regime of Nicaraguan dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle. Even today, the nature of the FSLN - its road to power, its political complexion and orientation, and its objectives - remains the subject of heated debate. Some still argue that the Sandinista regime is a nationalistic, non-aligned, although radical, Third World government. Others emphasize the Marxist-Leninist overtones characterizing its seizure and consolidation of power, its foreign relations, and its efforts to introduce socialist transformation to Nicaraguan society.Basically, there are two exaggerated views of Nicaraguan foreign policy: one depicts Nicaragua as a communist pawn of Moscow and Havana; the other views Nicaragua as a classical non-aligned Third World nation. Neither school of thought reflects the complex reality of Nicaraguan politics and foreign policy.

The article defines the preconditions and main directions of cooperation between the USSR and Nicaragua in the conditions of the Sandinista revolution in 1979–1990. The topic of the article is relevant for studies of Soviet foreign policy in Latin America in economic, military, ideological and socio-cultural aspects, and it also allows to identify the prerequisites for the return to cooperation between the Russian Federation and Nicaragua in the post-Soviet period of history. The article applies the paradigm of neorealism in international studies, which makes it possible to determine the resources of influence, interests and institutional framework of the USSR’s foreign policy towards Nicaragua, to compare the declared and real tasks of foreign policy. Comparative-historical and structural-functional methods are used.The course of the Soviet foreign policy towards revolutionary Nicaragua had both geopolitical and ideological motivations. Nicaragua was a promising springboard for the establishment of revolutionary regimes in other countries of Central America. The country also occupied a key position for the construction of an inter-oceanic canal, an alternative to the Panama Canal. In Soviet literature of the 1980s the Sandinista revolution was seen as national-liberation, anti-imperialist, but not socialist. Soviet experts positively assessed the strategic alliance of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) with the supporters of the revolution among the believers. Sandinism was regarded as an effective, albeit controversial, revolutionary ideology. The periodization of the Soviet foreign policy towards Nicaragua during 1979–1990 is substantiated: the establishment of cooperation relations (1979–1981), the highest point in cooperation (1982–1987), the curtailment of cooperation as the national reconciliation policy (1987–early 1990) was unfolding. The main factor in the dynamics of bilateral relations were the strategic interests of the USSR in Central America, which changed dramatically under the influence of perestroika. The defeat of the FSLN in the 1990 elections was largely the result of the Soviet foreign policy deideologization and the collapse of socialism in the Eastern European countries.

De tekenaar Frans van Immerseel publiceert reeds in dienst van de Vlaamse collaboratiepers voor hij als vrijwilliger naar het oostfront vertrekt. In zijn werk kunnen verschillende categorieën worden onderscheiden. Hij bezorgt tekeningen in een martiale, vitalistische stijl als illustraties bij bijdragen in De SS Man. Voorts is hij de auteur van karikaturen die de evolutie van de oorlog becommentariëren. Tussendoor publiceert hij een kort, apolitiek stripverhaal. Tenslotte verschijnen in De Arbeidskameraad twee reeksen realistische tekeningen over Vlaanderen.Zowel inhoudelijk als vormelijk onderscheidt zijn werk zich nauwelijks van dat van voor of na de oorlog, behalve dan dat er een uitgesproken nationaalsocialistische gezindheid uit naar voren komt. Niet zelden recycleert hij tekeningen en hij past ze aan naargelang de eisen die door de tijd of de uitgever worden gesteld. Na de bevrijding worden de oorlogstekeningen als het ware uit zijn oeuvre weggeknipt of na de nodige cosmetische ingrepen weer in omloop gebracht. ________Frans Van Immerseel and the art of collaborationThe designer Frans Van Immerseel already published work in the service of the Flemish collaboration press before he left as a volunteer for the Eastern Front. Various categories may be distinguished within his work. For his illustrations to contribute to The SS Man he provided drawings in a martial vitalistic style. He is also the author of caricatures commenting on the evolution of the war. At the same time he published a short apolitical comic strip. Finally two series of realistic drawings about Flanders were published in De Arbeidskameraad.Both in form and in content his work hardly varies from that of before or after the war, except for the fact that it shows a very clear cut national socialist mentality. He frequently recycled drawings and adapted them according to the demands of the time or the publisher. After the liberation his war drawings were in a manner of speaking deleted from his work or put back into circulation after undergoing the required cosmetic adjustments

The article deals with copying Soviet alcohol legislation by the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine on the region's territory. All this happened during Transcarpathia's preventive Sovietization in 1944 – 1945, from the liberation of Transcarpathia from Hungarian-German invaders on October 28, 1944. It should be noted that officially Subcarpathian Rus' was part of Czechoslovakia before signing the agreement on the reunification of Transcarpathian Ukraine with the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. The treaty was signed on June 29, 1945, and ratified by the Provisional National Assembly of the Czechoslovak Republic on November 22, 1945, and the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR on November 27, 1945. The Transcarpathian region was created by the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet Decree on January 22, 1946. The next day the legislation of the USSR was introduced here. It should be noted that the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine copied the experience of the Soviet Union regarding alcohol policy. It consisted of establishing a monopoly on the production and sale of alcoholic beverages, complete state control over the production of wine and vodka products. One of the first laws of the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine was decrees on the nationalization of distilleries and the brewery of Count Schönborn-Buchheim in Pidhoryany. Later, church distilleries were nationalized. Thus, a half dozen enterprises for the production of alcohol were nationalized in Transcarpathian Ukraine. By separate resolutions, the People's Council regulated the prices of alcohol, vodka, and beer. We also briefly consider the industrial capacity of enterprises for the production of vodka, alcohol, beer, and point out the potential opportunities for winemaking in Transcarpathian Ukraine. After the signing of the reunification agreement, on July 6, 1945, a separate resolution of the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine established a trust of the alcohol and vodka industry at the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine food industry department, to which the distilleries of Transcarpathian Ukraine were subordinated. That was one of the steps in preparation for implementing the industrial complex of Transcarpathia to the All-Union. The resolution of the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine controlled «the production of alcoholic beverages and the prosecution of production without permits». At the same time, the leadership of the People's Council of Transcarpathian Ukraine often resorted to using the products of distilleries for their purposes, the military council of the 4th Ukrainian Front, «security police», etc.

This case study is the first comprehensive analysis of the German Democratic Republic’s activities in South Yemen, the only Marxist state in the Arab World and at times the closest and most loyal ally to the Soviet Union in the Middle East during the Cold War. The dissertation analyzes East German Foreign Policy as a case of Socialist state- and nation-building and in doing so produces one major hypotheses: The case of South Yemen may be considered both, an ‘exceptional case’ and the possible ‘ideal type’ of the ‘general’ of East German foreign policy and thus points to what the GDR’s foreign policy could have been, if it hadn’t been for the numerous restraints of East German foreign-policy-making. The author critically engages with the normative and empirical dimensions of the ‘Limits of Foreign Policy’ by including a constructivist perspective of foreign policy. Apart from the case study itself, the dissertation provides the reader with a thorough overview of forty years of East German foreign policy with a focus on the interests and influence of The Soviet Union as well as the first introduction and methodological approach to East Germany's foreign policy in the Middle East. The empirical side of the analysis rests on archival documents of the German Foreign Office, the German National Archive and the former Ministry of State Security of the GDR. These documents are reviewed and published for the first time and are complemented by personal interviews with contemporary witnesses. The interdisciplinary approach integrates and expands methods of both History and Political Science, applicable to other cases. Conducted research is intended to contribute to academic discourse on South Yemen’s unique history, divided Germany’s role in the Cold War, East German foreign policy, but also the long-term impact of Socialist foreign-policy-making in the Global South which so far has been neglected almost completely in academia.
Graduate
miriam.mueller@fu-berlin.de

The second chapter is a general introduction, both geographical as well as historical, to the ‘Tirap’ area where the Tangsa live in Assam. It also contains a description of the ethnic diversity of the area, where tribal groups such as the Tangsa, the Singpho, the Sema Naga and the Tai Phake live together with other communities such as the Nepali, the Ahoms and the Tea-tribes; Also discussed are the problems that the older tribal groups face as a result of the large number of new settlers coming to the area, the consequent gradual polarisation that is taking place there, and the state’s reaction to the prevailing situation, which finds expression in two events—first in the organization of the annual state-sponsored multi-ethnic Dihing-Patkai Festival in that area and secondly in the recent formation of a Development Council for eight ethnic groups (including the Tangsa). The coming of Baptist Christianity amongst the Tangsa and a brief summary of militant activities of the two insurgent organizations, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) and the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA), active in the region, are also discussed. The final section introduces the problems that arise due to the Assamese hegemonic attitudes towards the smaller ethnic groups living in Assam.

This chapter recounts Thanh's time in serving the National Liberation Front (NLF), the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), and eventually the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (SRV). It talks about Thanh's work with the foreign relations office in Hanoi and her assignment to escort journalists Wilfred Burchett and Madeleine Riffaud after the Geneva Accords. It also describes Thanh's duty of being a translator and assistant to Mme Nguyen Thi Binh, on the Central Committee of the NLF, where she traveled the world to meet with women's peace groups. The chapter looks into how Thanh was eventually assigned to the Vietnam mission to the United Nations. It also delves into Thanh's diplomatic career, in which she made immense personal sacrifices and was dubbed “Political Mother” by the Saigon sisters.