Artykuły w czasopismach: „Justin Martyr”

1

Parvis, Paul. "Justin Martyr". Expository Times 120, nr 2 (listopad 2008): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524608097821.

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Boyarin, Daniel. "Justin Martyr Invents Judaism". Church History 70, nr 3 (wrzesień 2001): 427–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3654497.

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The historiography of Judaism in the rabbinic period (together with its implications for the history of Christianity) had been, until quite recently, founded on the assumption that the kind of historical information that rabbinic legends could yield was somehow directly related to the narrative contents that they displayed, which were understood as more or less reliable depending on the critical sensibility of the scholar. This scholarship was not, of course, generally naïve or pious in its aims or methods. A recurring question within such research had to do with the question of the credibility of a given text or passage of rabbinic literature or the recovery of its “historical kernel.” For the method or approach that I take up, all texts are by definition equally credible, for the object of research is the motives of the construction of the narrative itself, that is taken to attest to the political context of its telling or retellingrather than to the context of the narrative's content. All texts inscribe the social practices within which they originate, and many also seek to locate the genealogy of those social practices in a narrative of origins, producing a reversal of cause and effect. This reversal is a mode of narration that is particularly germane to the project of replacing traditional patterns of belief and behavior (“We have always done it this way”) with new ones that wish nevertheless to claim the authority, necessarily, of hoary antiquity—in short, to the invention of orthodoxies.

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Munier, Charles. "Justin, Philosopher and Martyr, Apologies". Revue des sciences religieuses, nr 84/3 (1.09.2010): 401–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rsr.335.

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Sena Pera, Juan Pablo. "Justin: teacher, philosopher and martyr". Romanitas - Revista de Estudos Grecolatinos, nr 7 (6.11.2016): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.17648/rom.v0i7.14528.

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On this essay, we will present to the reader Justin Martyr, a IIcentury Christian philosopher and theologian. To accomplish this task,we will give a brief summary of the use of the term διδάσκαλος in theGreek poetic and philosophical literature, in Flavius Josephus and theNew Testament. Onwards, we will reconstruct the essential elements ofJustin’s philosophical school at Rome. Aditionally, we will present Justin’sbiographical data and a critical analysis of his legal procedure andconviction, as transmited by the Acta Iustini, Rescencion A. Finally, we willdo a stylistic analysis of Justin’s Apology.

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Ndoumaï, Pierre. "Justin Martyr et le dialogue interreligieux contemporain". Articles spéciaux 66, nr 3 (19.01.2011): 547–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/045338ar.

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Cet article examine la crédibilité et la pertinence du rôle conféré à Justin Martyr dans le dialogue interreligieux contemporain. En effet, le concept du Logos spermatikos qu’il a introduit dans la théologie chrétienne est reconnu depuis Vatican II comme la justification de l’ouverture vis-à-vis des religions non chrétiennes. En examinant le dialogue pratiqué par Justin en personne, l’auteur de cet article parvient à la conclusion que l’ouverture des chrétiens engagés dans le dialogue interreligieux contemporain va au-delà de celle de Justin.

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Lieu, J. "Review: Justin Martyr and the Jews". Journal of Theological Studies 54, nr 1 (1.04.2003): 306–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/54.1.306.

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Ulrich, Jörg. "Justin". Evangelische Theologie 79, nr 5 (1.09.2019): 343–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/evth-2019-790505.

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AbstractAmong the polyphonic theology of the »church fathers« of the first centuries, Justin, who lived from about 100-165, who led a Christian school in Rome and died there as a martyr, contributes an important voice. He is concerned with the conversation between Christianity and pagan philosophy as well as Judaism, and in this seeks to prove the supremacy of Christianity. To accomplish this, he also emphasizes the proximity between Christianity and Platonism. His theology can be analyzed and structured in terms of ethics, anthropology, the doctrine of God and the Logos, demonology, and eschatology. The Christian tradition received and discussed Justin and his ideas up until the fourth century, while the pagan world opposed him, most strongly through the critical response of the philosopher Celsus.

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Helleman, Wendy Elgersma. "JUSTIN MARTYR AND THE LOGOS: AN APOLOGETICAL STRATEGY". Philosophia Reformata 67, nr 2 (2.12.2002): 128–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22116117-90000259.

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This article focuses on Justin Martyr’s apologetical intent in his use of the term ‘logos’, recognizing ambiguity and word-play. The lengthy, complex discussions of Justin’s use of ‘logos’ (from early Christian debates on subordinationism, to more recent claims of A. Harnack regarding Justin’s ‘Hellenization’), have neglected the apologetical aspect. The author highlights the epistemological character of Justin’s central part/whole argument. Accordingly, both the position which understands Justin affirming a general revelation that gives more than partial access to truth outside of Christ (H. Chadwick), as well as one which affirms an unbridgeable chasm in knowledge of truth between Christians and unbelievers (R. Holte) is rejected. While only Christ, as ‘logos’, gives the complete revelation of God, Justin denies that this truth was totally veiled to unbelievers; they are without excuse in unjustly persecuting Christians.”

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Ulrich, Jörg. "Ethik als Ausweis christlicher Identität bei Justin Martyr". Zeitschrift für Evangelische Ethik 50, nr 1 (1.02.2006): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.14315/zee-2006-0105.

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Abstract Ethics have Iong been a neglected matter in schalarship on early Christian apologetics. However, a closer Iook at the composition of the texts of Justin Martyr teaches us how important the references to Christi an ethics actually are in the run of his argument. The external reason forthat lies in the fact that Justin wants to prove the legal proceedings against the Christians in the Roman empire to be unjust and absurd. The inner reason is that he interprets Christianity as »true philosophy«: in view of the understanding of »philosophy~< in his pagan environment, this brings about fundamental ethical implications. Both his apologies and the dialogue with Trypho show how Justin employs ethical convictions as a criterio for Christian identity and as a trait of difference between Christianity and Paganism on the one hand, and between Christianity and Judaism on the other.

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van Winden, J. C. M., Charles Munier i Miroslav Marcovich. "L'Apologie de Saint Justin, Philosophe et Martyr". Vigiliae Christianae 50, nr 1 (1996): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1584012.

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Widdicombe, Peter. "Justin Martyr and the Fatherhood of God". Laval théologique et philosophique 54, nr 1 (1998): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/401137ar.

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Munier, Charles. "La méthode apologétique de Justin le martyr". Revue des Sciences Religieuses 62, nr 2 (1988): 90–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rscir.1988.3093.

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EDWARDS, M. J. "ON THE PLATONIC SCHOOLING OF JUSTIN MARTYR". Journal of Theological Studies 42, nr 1 (1991): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/42.1.17.

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Sanchez, S. J. G. "Justin Martyr: un homme de son temps". Sacris Erudiri 41 (styczeń 2002): 5–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.se.2.300484.

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Price, R. M. ""Hellenization" and Logos Doctrine in Justin Martyr". Vigiliae Christianae 42, nr 1 (1988): 18–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007288x00291.

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Droge, Arthur J. "Justin Martyr and the Restoration of Philosophy". Church History 56, nr 3 (wrzesień 1987): 303–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166060.

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Our knowledge of the life of Justin “the Martyr” depends almost entirely on what he himself tells us, especially in the introduction to theDialogue with Trypho, where he recounts his journey to the true philosophy, Christianity. It appears that he was born in the late first or early second century at Flavia Neapolis in Samaria into a Greek-speaking family. Although he refers to himself in one passage as a Samaritan by race (Dial. 120.6), this background seems unlikely, since there is no evidence that he was familiar with any Samaritan religious traditions. Rather, it appears that his ancestors were originally Greek or Roman colonists who settled in Flavia Neapolis after its establishment by Vespasian in A.D. 72. In any case, he certainly was not Jewish, for he did not encounter the Jewish scriptures until later in life.

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17

Stanton, G. "Review: Justin apologiste chretien. Travaux sur le Dialogue avec Tryphon de Justin Martyr". Journal of Theological Studies 55, nr 2 (1.10.2004): 710–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/55.2.710.

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Dell’Osso, Carlo. "Ch. Munier, Justin martyr. Apologie pur les chrétiens". Augustinianum 47, nr 2 (2007): 397–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm200747225.

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Munier, Charles. "La méthode apologétique de Justin le martyr (suite)". Revue des Sciences Religieuses 62, nr 4 (1988): 227–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rscir.1988.3104.

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Carl F. Baechle. "Justin Martyr and His Worlds (review)". Journal of Early Christian Studies 16, nr 4 (2008): 614–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.0.0230.

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Lorraine Buck. "Justin, Philosopher and Martyr. Apologies (review)". Journal of Early Christian Studies 18, nr 2 (2010): 334–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.0.0325.

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WARTELLE, André. "Une bibliographie de saint Justin, Philosophe et Martyr". Revue d'Etudes Augustiniennes et Patristiques 32, nr 1-2 (styczeń 1986): 138–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rea.5.104534.

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den Dulk, Matthijs. "Justin Martyr and the Authorship of the Earliest Anti-Heretical Treatise". Vigiliae Christianae 72, nr 5 (29.10.2018): 471–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341342.

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Abstract Justin Martyr is commonly regarded as the “inventor of heresy,” an assessment that is based to a considerable extent on his authorship of the earliest-known, now lost anti-heretical treatise mentioned in Justin’s First Apology 26. Justin’s authorship of this treatise has often been assumed, but rarely argued, and it has been contested by a number of scholars. This study evaluates the grammatical, literary, and historical aspects of this question and argues, against recent claims to the contrary, that the hypothesis that Justin was involved in the production of this important document best accommodates the available evidence.

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Shedinger, Robert F. "A Note on the Variant Form of the Shema in the Writings of Justin Martyr". Harvard Theological Review 93, nr 2 (kwiecień 2000): 161–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000016758.

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In three places in the extant works of Justin Martyr, Justin quotes the Shema (Deut 6:4–5) in a variant form found in no known Jewish witness to this common Jewish liturgical prayer. In place of the familiar tripartite formula “with all your heart, and with all your soul, and with all your strength,” Justin preserves the bipartite formula “with all your heart and with all your strength” (⋯ξ ὃλης τ⋯ς καρíας σου καì ⋯ξ ὃλης τ⋯ς ἰσχύος σου). William L. Petersen, in several publications, has suggested that Justin may preserve “the oldest recoverable version of the Shema, a version which deviates from that found in either the present Hebrew Bible (MT or LXX) or the New Testament.” Since Justin's variant form of the Shema occurs in three places in his own works as well as a few other early Christian sources, the bipartite formula cannot simply be a mistake but must preserve an authentic alternate tradition. But is it the “earliest recoverable version” as Petersen suggests? This assertion is problematic on two counts.

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Thorsteinsson, Runar M. "The Literary Genre and Purpose of Justin's Second Apology: A Critical Review with Insights from Ancient Epistolography". Harvard Theological Review 105, nr 1 (21.12.2011): 91–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781601100054x.

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The Apologies of Justin Martyr are among our most important sources for the state and development of early Christianity in the second century. In the Apologies, Justin, who is often said to have initiated the first serious dialogue between Christianity and Greco-Roman philosophy, attempts to define and explain to the outside world what the Christian teaching and way of life are, and what they are not. Because of this normative tenor of the writings, modern readers sometimes tend to approach their content as more-or-less timeless articulations that are only vaguely connected to the historical circumstances in which they were written. But as with most writings from antiquity, the content of Justin's Apologies, including questions of theology, philosophy, and ethics, is intimately bound to their historical context, as recent scholarship on Justin has shown very well. However, the historical questions of the literary genre, intended audience, occasion, and purpose of the Apologies are still debated among scholars, including the question of the exact relationship between the First and the Second Apology. To critically deal with these questions, all of which are interrelated, is of utmost importance for our understanding of Justin Martyr and his writings, and thus of second-century Christianity in general.

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Crepey, Cyrille. "Marc Aurèle et Justin Martyr : Deux discours sur la raison". Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses 89, nr 1 (2009): 51–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rhpr.2009.1374.

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Story, Cullen I. K. "The Cross as Ultimate in the Writings of Justin Martyr". Ultimate Reality and Meaning 21, nr 1 (marzec 1998): 18–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/uram.21.1.18.

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Müller, Mogens. "Justin som bibelteolog". Dansk Teologisk Tidsskrift 81, nr 3 (6.05.2019): 160–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/dtt.v81i3.113901.

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Justin Martyr (dead ca. 165) is the earliest known Christian author to develop a Biblical theology. At the same time, he is the last one to acknowledge the Old Testament as Scripture. Especially in his Dialogue with the Jew Trypho, but already in the two Apologies Justin quotes Jewish Holy Scripture extensively. He is the first Christian author to refer to the Septuagint legend about the translation of the Pentateuch, which he extends also to include the translation of the other parts of the Old Testament. Justin is not only convinced about the infallibility of Scripture: he also maintains that the Christians are alone competent to know its real meaning because only they possess the Holy Spirit. The article looks upon Justin as a Bible theologian, focusing on what the Old Greek translation, the Septuagint, contributed to the development of his theology. The rendering ‘virgin’ in Isaiah 7,14 became a point of departure for his distinguishing in a series of Old Testament stories between the eternal, invisible God and another god, an ἕτερος θεός, who acted in a figure visible to humans and who was the pre-existent Christ. In his selection of Old Testament texts, Justin seems to have aimed at giving content to the saying in Luke 24,44. Thus, he delivers proof from Scripture for the belief that the promised Messiah must be identified with Jesus. As to the question of how Justin became acquainted with Old Testament Scripture, the article defends the view that it was mainly through independent reading. Thus, he did not use any already existing collections of testimonia. Rather, he created one. To the old question of how Justin could quote the same text in different versions, the preferred answer in this article is that the Dialogue mainly consists of older manuscripts, which Justin had, in an old age, mechanically worked together, not so much in order to convince Jews as to offer a manual for Christians who might be tempted by a Jewish understanding of Scripture.

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Colín, Miguel Flores. "Justin, Philosopher and Martyr. Apologies, Paul Parvis and Denis Minns, (Eds.)". Mayéutica 35, nr 80 (2009): 430–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica2009358033.

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Muto, S. "Y. Shibata: Justin Philosopher and Martyr : A source of Christian Metaphysics". THEOLOGICAL STUDIES IN JAPAN, nr 46 (2007): 151–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5873/nihonnoshingaku.2007.151.

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Bobichon, Philippe. "« Fonctions et valeurs des noms dans les écrits de Justin martyr »". Apocrypha 11 (styczeń 2001): 93–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.apocra.2.300748.

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LOGAN, ALASTAIR H. B. "JUSTIN, PHILOSOPHER AND MARTYR: APOLOGIES by Denis Minns and Paul Parvis". New Blackfriars 91, nr 1035 (12.08.2010): 611–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-2005.2010.01383_2.x.

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Bucur, Bogdan G. "The Angelic Spirit in Early Christianity: Justin, the Martyr and Philosopher". Journal of Religion 88, nr 2 (kwiecień 2008): 190–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/525564.

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BOBICHON, Philippe. "Autorités religieuses juives et « sectes » juives dans l'oeuvre de Justin Martyr". Revue d'Etudes Augustiniennes et Patristiques 48, nr 1 (styczeń 2002): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rea.5.104844.

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Foster, Paul. "Book Review: The Greek Text of the Works of Justin Martyr". Expository Times 118, nr 4 (styczeń 2007): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524606074407.

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Wartelle, André. "Saint Justin philosophe et martyr : De la Résurrection. Introduction et traduction". Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé 1, nr 1 (1993): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/bude.1993.1535.

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Briggman, Anthony. "Measuring Justin's Approach to the Spirit: Trinitarian Conviction and Binitarian Orientation". Vigiliae Christianae 63, nr 2 (2009): 107–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x377274.

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AbstractOver the last hundred years scholars have debated the degree to which Justin Martyr distinguishes the activity and identity of the Word and the Spirit. The incomplete analyses of previous studies did not perceive Justin's regular failure to distinguish the activity of the Spirit from that of the Word, which reveals the presence of a binitarian orientation. In addition, combining the work of E.R. Goodenough and C. Oeyen permits us to recognize the presence of a Spirit-Christology in 1 Apol 33 and Dial 87-88. The failure to distinguish the identities of the Word and the Spirit in these two passages are instances in which Justin subordinates his Trinitarian convictions to binitarian logic.

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Petersen, William L. "Textual Evidence of Tatian's Dependence upon Justin's 'AΠOMNHMONEYMATA". New Testament Studies 36, nr 4 (październik 1990): 512–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500019706.

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Because of their early date (mid-second century) and interesting variants, the gospel citations of Justin Martyr — he almost always refers to his source as άπομνημονεύματα τν άποστόλων (‘memoirs of the apostles’), and only rarely as a ‘gospel’ — have long attracted scholars’ attention. It is self-evident that the citations contain numerous variant readings and are frequently harmonized; the dispute has been over what best explains this phenomenon. Semisch and Zahn said that the variant readings and harmonizations were due to lapses of Justin's memory. Credner argued that Justin's non-standard citations were the result of his reliance upon extracanonical gospels. Bousset opined that Justin had access to presynoptic traditions; this explained both the similarities and the differences between Justin's text and the later (revised) synoptic text. Von Engelhardt suggested that Justin used a post-synoptic gospel harmony. This position found support in the researches of Bellinzoni, who investigated the ‘sayings of Jesus’ genre in Justin. He noted passages cited more than once in exactly the same harmonized form, suggesting a written document, and passages paralleled in other early Christian sources in very similar harmonized form. Bellinzoni interpreted this as indicating that Justin had used a gospel harmony, which was also used by other early Christian writers. He noted that Justin's variant citations and harmonizations seemed especially close to those found in the Pseudo- Clementine Homilies and Recognitions. Bellinzoni concluded that this harmony was post-synoptic, excluded John, and ‘had great influence on the later manuscript tradition of Matthew, Mark and Luke’. In the last paragraph of his book, Bellinzoni speculated that the harmony used by Justin might have links with the Diatessaron: ‘Tatian was a pupil of Justin, … It is now apparent that the concept of a gospel harmony did not originate with Tatian.’

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Edwards, M. J. "Justin Martyr and his Worlds. Edited by SARA PARVIS and PAUL FOSTER." Journal of Theological Studies 59, nr 2 (26.07.2008): 781–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/fln073.

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BOBICHON, P. "Les enseignements juif, païen, hérétique et chrétien dans l'oeuvre de Justin Martyr". Revue d'Etudes Augustiniennes et Patristiques 45, nr 2 (styczeń 1999): 233–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.rea.5.104802.

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FRANZMANN, MAJELLA. "Justin Martyr and His Worlds - Edited by Sara Parvis and Paul Foster". Journal of Religious History 36, nr 1 (27.02.2012): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9809.2011.01122.x.

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Pretila, Noël. "Justin Martyr and His Worlds. Edited by Sara Parvis and Paul Foster". Heythrop Journal 52, nr 1 (8.12.2010): 127–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2010.00624_14.x.

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Burns, Dylan M. "Care or Prayer? Justin Martyr’s Dialogue with Trypho 1.4 Revisited". Vigiliae Christianae 68, nr 2 (3.04.2014): 178–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341172.

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Abstract Justin Martyr reports (and rejects) the curious argument that the practice of prayer is mutually exclusive with God’s providential care for individual beings. Pépin has demonstrated that the same argument, probably of Middle-Platonic provenance, is extant in Maximus of Tyre. A closer look shows its ambiguous stance towards Stoicism, with which it might have some affinity (in Maximus’ use) but could also target (in the use known to Justin); the problem is that we possess little data on Stoic prayer. The approach of early Christian philosophers to prayer, however, shows deep indebtedness to Stoic ideas about providence and freedom in an attempt to theorize and defend traditional Christian practice. Thus even this brief survey of early Christian material not only reveals the Stoic hue of emerging Christian philosophy, but also that the Stoa probably had similar ideas as did Christian thinkers about the consonance of providence and prayer.

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Denning-Bolle, Sara. "Christain dialogue as apologetic: The case of Justin Martyr seen in historical context". Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 69, nr 2 (marzec 1987): 492–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/bjrl.69.2.7.

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Granados, JosÃ©. "Justin Martyr and His Worlds â Edited by Sara Parvis and Paul Foster". Religious Studies Review 35, nr 4 (grudzień 2009): 272–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2009.01387_16.x.

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Cherubini, Beatrice. "Remarques sur le personnage Marcion dans l’interprétation de Justin Martyr : un pseudoprophète (ψευδοπροφήτης) ?" Apocrypha 22 (styczeń 2011): 233–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.apocra.1.102658.

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Lorraine Buck, P. "Justin martyr: Apologie pour les chretiens. Introduction, traduction, et commentaire. By CHARLES MUNIER. * Justin: Apologie pour les chretiens. Edited by CHARLES MUNIER." Journal of Theological Studies 59, nr 1 (6.02.2008): 337–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/flm151.

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48

Paget, James Carleton. "Clement of Alexandria and the Jews". Scottish Journal of Theology 51, nr 1 (luty 1998): 86–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003693060005002x.

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Did Justin Martyr really have a conversation with Trypho the Jew as he states that he did in hisDialogue with Trypho?And even if he did not, does this text, indirectly at least, give evidence of genuine contact between Christians and Jews? When Tertullian in hisAdversus Judaeosreviled Jews for their failure to understand the scriptures in the way he did, was he in fact reviling Jews known to him who actually disagreed with him? Or put another way, do the accusations he makes against Jews give evidence of an ongoing debate with that ancient community?

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Misiarczyk, Leszek. "David Rokéah, Justin Martyr and the Jews, Leiden - Boston - Koln 2002, Brill, ss. 157". Vox Patrum 42 (15.01.2003): 584–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.7182.

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Holmes, Michael. "Book Review: JUSTIN MARTYR IN CURRENT PERSPECTIVE Sara Parvis and Paul Foster (eds), Justin Martyr and His Worlds (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2007. $35.00. pp. 246. ISBN 978—0—8006—6212—7)". Expository Times 120, nr 1 (październik 2008): 46–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246081200011205.

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