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1
Grözinger, Karl E. "»Jüdische Philosophie«". Zeitschrift für Kulturphilosophie 2017, nr 2 (2017): 297–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000107993.
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The beginning of a universal culture of rationality in Judaism did not begin in the so called »Medieval Jewish philosophy« but had its precedents in the Biblical Wisdom Literature and in Rabbinic legal rationality. The Medieval Jewish authors, therefore, did not regard the medieval Philosophy propounded by Jewish authors as »Jewish philosophy« but as a participation of Jews in just another specific phase of universal rationalism. The reason why Jewish authors in the 19th century nevertheless alleged that there existed a specific »Jewish philosophy« at the side of a German, Christian or English philosophy had its reason in the exclusion of Jewish thought from the new leading science of interpretation of human existence in Europe, namely philosophy, by German intellectuals and universities. If we despite this want to retain the term of »Jewish philosophy« we should be aware that there cannot be an essential difference to general philosophy but merely a heuristic pragmatism.
2
Stern, Josef. "Was jüdische Philosophie sein könnte (wenn es sie gäbe)". Zeitschrift für Kulturphilosophie 2017, nr 2 (2017): 273–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000107992.
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In a classic paper, Leon Roth asked »Is there a Jewish Philosophy?« to which he replied No. In this paper, focusing on the case of Medieval Jewish Philosophy, I argue, first, that we cannot characterize Jewish philosophy in terms of the identity, religious or secular, of its philosophers, in terms of a language in which it was written or conducted, in terms of a particular style or school, or in terms of content: as philosophy specifically of Judaism the religion. I then go on to argue that all the medieval Jewish philosophers were doing was Philosophy, although I sketch two different conceptions of what a philosophical interpretation of Judaism and the Jews might be: a Saadyanic model and Maimonides’. However, even though there is no kind of philosophy called »Jewish philosophy« as opposed to simply »Philosophy,« I argue that we can identify (medieval) Jewish philosophy as a philosophical »tradition,« a causally related sequence of philosophers who influence and are influenced by each other and who engage in a distinguishable dialogue or conversation among themselves. In the last part of the paper, I critically discuss various recent arguments that purport to show that there is something paradoxical, self-contradictory, and philosophically illegitimate about the very idea of a Jewish philosophy.
3
Stewart, Tyler A. "Jewish Paideia: Greek Education in the Letter of Aristeas and 2 Maccabees". Journal for the Study of Judaism 48, nr 2 (18.04.2017): 182–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340146.
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The substantial corpus of Jewish literature surviving in Greek shows that some Jews appropriated Greek literature and philosophy in highly sophisticated ways. This article argues that Letter of Aristeas and 2 Maccabees are examples of a Jewish paideia, a Jewish cultural literacy in Greek. This Jewish paideia was indebted to the language, literary forms, and philosophy of Hellas, but was set apart by endorsing the Torah as its foundation text. The difference between Letter of Aristeas and 2 Maccabees is not in their appropriation of Greek paideia but rather in how they endorse the Greek Torah in relation to the ideals of Greek paideia. The Letter of Aristeas invokes the ideals of Greek paideia to substantiate a Jewish paideia while 2 Maccabees places Jewish ideals in competition with those of Athens. Both works, however, articulate a Jewish paideia.
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Tirosh-Samuelson, Hava. "Theology of Nature in Sixteenth-Century Italian Jewish Philosophy". Science in Context 10, nr 4 (1997): 529–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700002805.
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The ArgumentThis paper focuses on several Italian Jewish philosophers in the second half of the sixteenth century and the first third of the seventeenth century. It argues that their writings share a certain theology of nature. Because of it, the interest of Jews in the study of nature was not a proto-scientific but a hermeneutical activity based on the essential correspondence between God, Torah, and Israel. While the theology of nature analyzed in the paper did not prevent Jews from being informed about and selectively endorsing the first phase of the scientific revolution, it did render the Jews marginal to it. So long as Jewish thinkers adhered to this theology of nature, Jews could not adopt the scientific mentality that presupposed a qualitative distinction between the Book of Nature and the Book of Scripture.
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Ludewig, Anna-Dorothea. "Das Bild der Jüdischen Mutter zwischen Schtetl und Großstadt". Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 64, nr 1 (2012): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007312800211679.
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AbstractThe Jewish Mother, or Jiddische Mamme, is one of the most popular images of the Jewess in mid-19th and 20th century. Linked to the biblical Jewish women and mothers, arises a complex negative-grotesque stereotype, which is connected to the traditional image of the Jewess as ,,home-keeper“ and was developed by the Shtetl-literature into a bitter and inapproachable ,,family provider“. Finally, the overprotective and manipulative Jewish Mother is an integral part of American literature, film and comedy. The paper will trace these changes of meaning and also analyse the Jewish Mother in the framework of the different presentations and representations of the Jewish woman.
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Berger, Shlomo. "Interpreting Freud: The Yiddish Philosophical Journal Davke Investigates a Jewish Icon". Science in Context 20, nr 2 (czerwiec 2007): 303–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889707001275.
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ArgumentThe Argentine-based Yiddish philosophical journal Davke functioned as a mediator between general European philosophy and Jewish philosophy. Its editor Shlomo Suskovich wished to introduce readers of Yiddish to the western tradition of philosophy and, at the same time, to show how Jewish thought contributed to abstract thinking. Through topical issues dedicated to central ideas or to giants among Jewish philosophers, particular knowledge could be successfully transmitted to the reading public. Sigmund Freud was honored with such a topical issue. In it the editor wished to show this Jew's contribution to basic philosophical contemplation rather than limit the discussion to his contributions in the field of psychology. In the central article of the issue on Freud, the editor emphasizes that all the articles in the issue, including those which deal with psychoanalysis, focus on Freud's importance to the world of ideas rather than just the world of medicine.
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Davis, Joseph M. "Philosophy, Dogma, and Exegesis in Medieval Ashkenazic Judaism: The Evidence of Sefer Hadrat Qodesh". AJS Review 18, nr 2 (listopad 1993): 195–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400940000489x.
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During the Middle Ages, each Mediterranean land, from one end of the sea to the other, had its Jewish philosophers. There was one region and one Jewish culture, however, that made no contribution at all to the writing of medieval Jewish philosophy. That was Ashkenazic or Northern European Judaism, the culture of the Jews of England, Northern France, Germany, and Eastern Europe north of the Balkans.
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SÁENZ-BADILLOS, Ángel. "Fe, razón y hermenéutica en el pensamiento de los judíos hispanos". Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 3 (1.10.1996): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v3i.9714.
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Faith, reason and hermeneutic in the thought of The Spanish Jews. The history of the Jewish Philosophy differenciates two big tendencies among the Spanish Jews in the Middle Ages: the philosophy and the cabbala. However I think that we must take into consideration other aspects such as the mussulman culture and religion, the living together with the Christian culture and the contact with the European Jews whose problem was similar to the difficulties of the Spanish Jews.
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Barnes, Bruce R. "The Noahide Laws and the Universal Fellowship with God". Rocznik Teologii Katolickiej 20 (2021): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.15290/rtk.2021.20.01.
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This article presents the possibility of a theory of natural law in Judaism from the Jewish perspective by listening to the Jewish tradition of scholarship on religion and philosophy. The first part of this paper is concerned with evidence for a theory of natural law in Judaism. It centers around the Noahide Laws and their influence on Gentile and pre-Simatic Judaism. The second part deals with Moses Maimonides and his ideas concerning the interpretation of natural law for Jews. The third part discusses Jewish scholars who have refuted the work of Maimonides and proposed various theories of natural law. They have been a consistent part of Jewish tradition and provide a path, however narrow, along which Jews may travel towards participation in global issues and work among non-Jewish people.
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Ivry, A. L. "Jewish Philosophy". Bulletin de Philosophie Médiévale 35 (styczeń 1993): 18–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.bpm.3.462.
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Ivry, A. "Jewish Philosophy". Bulletin de Philosophie Médiévale 39 (styczeń 1997): 45–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.bpm.3.534.
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Cofnas, Nathan. "The Anti-Jewish Narrative". Philosophia 49, nr 4 (3.02.2021): 1329–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11406-021-00322-w.
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AbstractAccording to the mainstream narrative about race, all groups have the same innate dispositions and potential, and all disparities—at least those favoring whites—are due to past or present racism. Some people who reject this narrative gravitate toward an alternative, anti-Jewish narrative, which sees recent history in terms of a Jewish/gentile conflict. The most sophisticated promoter of the anti-Jewish narrative is the evolutionary psychologist Kevin MacDonald. MacDonald argues that Jews have a suite of genetic adaptations—including high intelligence and ethnocentrism—and cultural practices that lead them to undermine gentile society to advance their own evolutionary interests. He says that Jewish-designed intellectual movements have weakened gentile identity and culture while preserving Jewish identity and separatism. Cofnas recently argued that MacDonald’s theory is based on “systematically misrepresented sources and cherry-picked facts.” However, Cofnas gave short shrift to at least three key claims: (a) Jews are highly ethnocentric, (b) liberal Jews hypocritically advocate liberal multiculturalism for gentiles/gentile countries but racial purity and separatism for Jews/Israel, and (c) Jews are responsible for liberalism and mass immigration to the United States. The present paper examines these claims and concludes that MacDonald’s views are not supported.
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Illman, Karl-Johan. "What is Jewish in Jewish philosophy?" Nordisk Judaistik/Scandinavian Jewish Studies 21, nr 1-2 (1.09.2000): 65–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30752/nj.69567.
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The aim of this article is to explore understandings of Jewish philosophy. According to Daniel H. Frank, Jewish philosophy is an academic discipline invented in the nineteenth century by scholars intent on gaining a foothold of academic respectability. Once the category Jewish philosophy was created by the German Wissenschaft des Judentums it was associated with general philosophy in order to include certain thinkers and exclude others. The author defines two criteria on what can be defined as Jewish philosophy. The author claims that Jewish in Jewish philosophy is in some reasonable way, 1) the identity of the philosopher and 2) the theme or the subject of his or her philosophy. We can speak of Jewish philosophy without thinking about it as a subdivision of general philosophy. It is then what Jewish philosophers do when they make Jewish tradition or Jewish questions their subject matter.
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Lieberman, Phillip I. "Jews as Producers and Consumers of History in the Medieval Islamicate World". Quaderni di Studi Arabi 16, nr 1-2 (23.12.2021): 292–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667016x-16010012.
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Abstract The Jews of the medieval Islamicate world were avid consumers and producers of history. In this article, I discuss the major modes of historical writing among the Jews of the period and introduce the question of how that historical writing was used by those Jews. In considering the Sitz im Leben of historical writing, I explore the role of internal communal apologetic, anti-sectarian polemic, inter-religious attack, political support and challenge, entertainment, the contextualizing of philosophy, consolation after adversity, and preparation for eschatological redemption. I pay particular attention to the rewriting of Others’ histories – Christian, Islamic, and Jewish sectarian – and the role these often-popular rewritten histories played in medieval Jewish society. This panoply of historical writing challenges an important scholarly view that Jewish consumption of history was minimal and served a limited range of “religious” needs within the medieval Jewish community.
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Ludueña Romandini, Fabián. "LEO STRAUSS AT THE CROSSROADS BETWEEN JUDAISM AND THE THEOLOGICO-POLITICAL PROBLEM". CONTEMPORARY JUDAISM AND POLITICS 10, nr 2 (26.12.2016): 173–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj1002173r.
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This article explores the problem of Judaism in the oeuvre of Leo Strauss (1899-1973) and particularly in his 1962 conference at the University of Chicago delivered under the title of “Why We Remain Jews”. On one hand, Strauss presents the problem of Jewish assimilation in the light of the tension between Judaism as Revelation and philosophy as a reason-founded discipline. On the other hand, this polarity receives a new interpretation when Strauss reads Jewish history as a theologico-political problem. Strauss’s position is determined by his readings of Arabic medieval philosophy as well as by his acceptance of a post-messianic interpretation of Jewish eschatology. Finally, the text presents the hypothesis about the existence of a debate between Strauss’s view of Jewish history and Carl Schmitt’s conception of the biblical katéchon as the political element that gives sense to Western universal history.
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Clementi, F. K. "Between Jew and Nature: Tracing Jewish Ethics in the Ecological Imagination of Bernard Malamud’s Dubin’s Lives". Studies in American Jewish Literature (1981-) 38, nr 1 (marzec 2019): 47–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/studamerjewilite.38.1.0047.
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ABSTRACT The idea that Jews are “ecophobes” is a favorite shtick of American comedy. But does it reflect the truth? This article offers an alternative reading of the Jewish cultural production in twentieth-century American literature that goes beyond the stereotypical image of the “unnatural Jew.” Principally focused on Bernard Malamud’s novel Dubin’s Lives, this article frames Malamud’s work within the context of post-war environmental thought, American Jewish literature, and Jewish environment ethics. I hope to provide an alternative vision of modern American Jewish imagination and its relation to the nonhuman environment. I argue that this relation takes shape in Jewish culture due in part to its historical context: a context marked by Diaspora and assimilation. I enlist Emmanuel Lévinas’s ethics of asymmetry and Hans Jonas’s ontological ethics to show how Judaism and Jewish philosophy can be an ally in the creation or expansion of contemporary environmental ethics. Textual or performative Jews, to whom American literature and humor have accustomed us, are finally “two with Nature” (as Woody Allen says) not because they are Jewish but, perhaps, because they are not “Jewish” enough.
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Freudenthal, Gad, i Mauro Zonta. "AVICENNA AMONG MEDIEVAL JEWS THE RECEPTION OF AVICENNA'S PHILOSOPHICAL, SCIENTIFIC AND MEDICAL WRITINGS IN JEWISH CULTURES, EAST AND WEST". Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 22, nr 2 (10.08.2012): 217–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423912000033.
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AbstractThe reception of Avicenna by medieval Jewish readers presents an underappreciated enigma. Despite the philosophical and scientific stature of Avicenna, his philosophical writings were relatively little studied in Jewish milieus, be it in Arabic or in Hebrew. In particular, Avicenna's philosophical writings are not among the “Hebräische Übersetzungen des Mittelalters” – only very few of them were translated into Hebrew. As anauthor associated with a definite corpus of writings,Avicenna hardly existed in Jewish philosophy in Hebrew (contrary to Averroes). Paradoxically, however, some of Avicenna's most distinctive ideas were widely known and embraced by Jewish philosophers. This is the phenomenon that we dubAvicennian knowledge without Avicenna. In contrast with the philosophical treatises, Avicenna's medical writings were widely and intensively studied by Jews, especially in Hebrew, and remained influential until at least the seventeenth century. The present article presents a comprehensive picture of Avicenna's reception within medieval Jewish cultures in both Arabic and Hebrew and tries to explain the Jews’ complex attitude to Avicenna.
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Splitter, Wolfgang. ",,Wir bitten euch, dieses Geld anzunehmen“ Jüdische Hilfe für die Salzburger und Berchtesgadener Emigranten 1732/33". Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 63, nr 4 (2011): 332–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007311798293566.
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AbstractThe expulsion of the Lutherans from the Catholic Archbishopric of Salzburg and adjacent Berchtesgaden is a prominent example of early modern confessional migration. Until now, however, the liberal support these emigrants enjoyed from Jewish individuals and entire Jewish communities on their way to Brandenburg-Prussia and other Protestant territories has not yet received any scholarly attention of note. Based on contemporary sources, this article analyzes all known cases of Jews aiding these expellees. While anti-Jewish sentiments widely persisted among German Lutherans, pietist theologians cultivated a mission-oriented philo-Judaism, interpreting the Jews' help for the emigrants as a harbinger of a lasting Jewish-Christian rapprochement. The Jews' support challenged classical anti-Jewish stereotypes by turning the traditional roles of Jews and Christians in pre-modern society upside down.
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Seidler, Meir. "Eliah Benamozegh, Franz Rosenzweig and Their Blueprint of a Jewish Theology of Christianity". Harvard Theological Review 111, nr 2 (kwiecień 2018): 242–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781601800007x.
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AbstractIn Jewish philosophy, be it medieval or modern, a comprehensive Jewish theological discourse about Christianity is conspicuously absent. There are, however, two prominent exceptions to this rule in modern Jewish philosophy: The Italian Sephardic Orthodox Rabbi Eliah Benamozegh (1823–1900) and the German-Jewish philosopher Franz Rosenzweig (1886–1929). In both men's thought, Christianity plays a pivotal (and largely positive) role, so much so that their Jewish philosophies would not be the same without Christianity, which has no precedent in Jewish thought. Though Rosenzweig was not aware of his Sephardic predecessor, there are some striking parallels in the two thinker's Jewish theologies of Christianity that have far-reaching interreligious implications. These parallels concern as well the basic paradigm for a positive evaluation of Christianity—the paradigm of the fire (particularist Judaism) and its rays (universal Christianity)—as well as the central flaw both of them attribute to Christianity: a built-in disequilibrium that threatens the success of its legitimate mission. These parallels are all the more striking as two thinkers arrived at their conclusions independently and by different paths: the one (Benamozegh) took recourse to Kabbalah, the other (Rosenzweig) to proto-existentialist philosophy. A comparative study of these two protagonists’ Jewish theologies of Christianity seems thus imperative.An “interreligious epilogue” at the end of the article exposes the contemporary need for a reassessment of the relationship between Judaism and Christianity from a Jewish perspective—especially in light of the deep theological revision that characterizes the approach of the Catholic Church towards Jews and Judaism following “Nostra Aetate”—but at the same time delineates the theological limits of the current Christian-Jewish interreligious endeavor. In this light, the pioneering theology of Christianity in the works of Rosenzweig and Benamozegh might yield some relevant insights.
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Harvey, Steven. "SOME NOTES ON “AVICENNA AMONG MEDIEVAL JEWS”". Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 25, nr 2 (31.07.2015): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0957423915000041.
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AbstractIn an article published in Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 22 (2012), pp. 217–87, by Gad Freudenthal and Mauro Zonta, “Avicenna among Medieval Jews: the reception of Avicenna's philosophical, scientific and medical writings in Jewish cultures, East and West,” the authors promise to present “a preliminary but comprehensive picture of Avicenna's reception by medieval Jewish cultures.” As such, it seemed to offer the “comprehensive study” referred to as a desideratum by Zonta at the conclusion of his groundbreaking and very important survey, “Avicenna in medieval Jewish philosophy” (2002). Zonta explained that such a future “comprehensive study of the many and different interpretations given to his doctrines by Jewish thinkers would allow us to evaluate the real role played by [Avicenna] in medieval thought.” Surprisingly, the recent article adds little that is new to the previous studies of Zonta and others on the subject, and omits useful information found in them. The main point of the present notes is to try to correct several oversimplifications, questionable assumptions, and misleading statements in the article under consideration. Its purpose is to help readers of the article to attain a fuller and more accurate – although certainly not comprehensive – picture of the reception of Avicenna among medieval Jews.
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Lurie, Yuval. "Jews as a Metaphysical Species". Philosophy 64, nr 249 (lipiec 1989): 323–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0031819100044697.
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There are certain remarks in Culture and Value in which Wittgenstein writes about Jews and about what he describes as their ‘Jewish mind’. In these remarks he appears to be trying to make a distinction between two different spiritual forces which operate in Western culture and which give rise to two different types of artists and works of art. On one side of the divide are Jews and works of art imbued with Jewish spirit. On the other side are men of culture and works of art which exhibit a non-Jewish spirit. Among the various remarks made in this context, he offers the following thoughts about the spiritual nature of Jews, their mentality, character and artistic achievements:‘You get tragedy when a tree, instead of bending, breaks. Tragedy is something un-Jewish’ (1). Following Renan he writes: ‘The Semitic races have an unpoetic mentality, which heads straight for what is concrete’ (6). This, he explains, is because Jews are attracted by ‘pure intellectualism’. ‘I think it would be possible now to have a form of theatre played in masks. The characters would simply be stylized human types.’ (In his opinion this suits Karl Kraus's plays and their abstract nature.) ‘Masked theatre is anyway the expression of an intellectualistic character. And for the same reason perhaps it is a theatrical form that will attract only Jews’ (12). ‘The Jew is a desert region, but underneath its thin layer of rock lies the molten lava of spirit and intellect’ (13). ‘It is typical for a Jewish mind to understand somebody else's work better than that person understands it himself.’ But intellect, it seems, is not a mental attribute providing for genius and true creative powers. ‘Amongst Jews “genius” is found only in the holy man. Even the greatest of Jewish thinkers is no more than talented. (Myself, for instance.) … It might be said (rightly or wrongly) that the Jewish mind does not have the power to produce even the tiniest flower or blade of grass; its way is rather to make a drawing of the flower or blade of grass which has grown in the soil of another's mind and to put it into a comprehensive picture. We aren't pointing to a fault when we say this and everything is all right as long as what is being done is quite clear. It is only when the nature of a Jewish work is confused with that of a non-Jewish work that there is any danger, especially when the author of the Jewish work falls into the confusion himself, as he so easily may. (Doesn't he look as proud as though he had produced the milk himself?)’ (18–19).
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Dvorkin, I. "Jewish philosophy as a Direction of the World philosophy of Modern and Contemporary Times". RUDN Journal of Philosophy 23, nr 4 (15.12.2019): 430–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-2302-2019-23-4-430-442.
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This article represents an analysis of the Jewish philosophy of the Modern and Contemporary as the holistic phenomenon. In contrast to antiquity and the Middle Ages, when philosophy was a rather marginal part of Jewish thought, in Modern Times Jewish philosophy is formed as a distinct part of the World philosophy. Despite the fact that representatives of Jewish philosophy wrote in different languages and actively participated in the different national schools of philosophy, their work has internal continuity and integrity. The article formulates the following five criteria for belonging to Jewish philosophy: belonging to philosophy itself; reliance on Jewish sources; the addressee of Jewish philosophy is an educated European; intellectual continuity (representatives of the Jewish philosophy of Modern and Contemporary Periods support each other, argue with each other and protect each other from possible attacks from other schools); working with a set of specific topics, such as monism, ethics and ontology, the significance of behavior and practical life, politics, the problem of man, intelligence, language and hermeneutics of the text, Athens and Jerusalem, dialogism. The article provides a list of the main authors who satisfy these criteria. The central ones can be considered Baruch (Benedict) Spinoza, Moshe Mendelssohn, Shlomo Maimon, German Cohen, Franz Rosenzweig, Josef Dov Soloveichik, Leo Strauss, Abraham Yehoshua Heshel, Eliezer Berkovich, Emil Fackenheim, Mordechai Kaplan, Emmanuel Levinas. The main conclusion of the article is that by the end of the 20th century Jewish philosophy, continuing both the traditions of classical European philosophy and Judaism, has become an important integral part of Western thought.
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Schoeps, Julius H. "Das (nicht-)angenommene Erbe. Zur Debatte um die deutsch-jüdische Erinnerungskultur". Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 57, nr 3 (2005): 232–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570073054396037.
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AbstractThis essay shows how Jewish identity in pre-1933 Germany defined itself and how the widely known concept of German-Jewish symbiosis came into question after the organized murder of the European Jews. The search for a German-Jewish legacy in postwar Germany as well as in the countries in which the Jewish émigrés found a new home will be explored. Moreover, the Eastern European cultural roots of Jews who migrated from Russia to Germany in the 1990s will also be discussed.
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Katz, Claire. "Jewish Philosophy Today". Philosophy Today 50, nr 1 (2006): 3–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/philtoday200650156.
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Meyer, Thomas. "Die Geschichtlichkeit der jüdischen Philosophie". Zeitschrift für Kulturphilosophie 2017, nr 2 (2017): 323–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000107994.
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Since the term »Jewish Philosophy« was established by Leopold Zunz in 1818, the meaning of »Jewish Philosophy« is, to say the least, controversial. This article examines past and contemporary definitions and debates about »Jewish Philosophy « from a historical and systematical point of view to clarify the setting of these controversies from the 19th Century up to the present. The article argues for a functional understanding of »Jewish Philosophy« and the texts it deals with.
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Cohn-Sherbok, Dan. "Jewish Faith and the Holocaust". Religious Studies 26, nr 2 (czerwiec 1990): 277–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034412500020424.
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Throughout their long history suffering has been the hallmark of the Jewish people. Driven from their homeland, buffeted from country to country and plagued by persecutions, Jews have been rejected, despised and led as a lamb to the slaughter. The Holocaust is the most recent chapter in this tragic record of events. The Third Reich's system of murder squads, concentration camps and killing centres eliminated nearly 6 million Jews; though Jewish communities had previously been decimated, such large scale devastation profoundly affected the Jewish religious consciousness. For many Jews it has seemed impossible to reconcile the concept of a loving, compassionate and merciful God with the terrible events of the Nazi regime. A number of important Jewish thinkers have grappled with traditional beliefs about God in the light of such suffering, but in various ways their responses are inadequate. If the Jewish faith is to survive, Holocaust theology will need to incorporate a belief in the Afterlife in which the righteous of Israel who died in the death camps will receive their due reward.
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Hamdoona, Ariij, i Omar Sedeeq. "Allah (Al-Mighty) in the Perception of the Jewish Philosopher Philon Alexandari (Date. 50 AD) : A Critical Descriptive Study". Islamic Sciences Journal 14, nr 9 (31.01.2024): 170–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/jis.23.14.9.1.8.
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Philon Alexanderi was one of the first Jewish philosophers, born in (20 B.C.) in a notable Jewish family of a distinguished position in the Alexandrian Jewish community. He studied philosophy and was strongly influenced by the views of Plato that he was called Plato of the Jews.
Accordingly, he interpreted the Torah metaphorically, by reconciling philosophy and religion. He made many travels, the most important of which was that to Emperor Caligula in Rome to convince him not to erect idols in Jewish temples. In our research, we present Philon's thought about the existence of Allah Al-Mighty, His nature, what He is, and His attributes.
The most prominent thing in his philosophy about Allah Al-Mighty is that he said monotheism, contrary to the doctrine of pluralism that was prevalent at the time, as he derived the saying of monotheism from his Jewish faith, but he contradicted the people of his religion for he believed that Allah Al-Mighty is not only the God of the Children of Israel, rather, He is the God of the whole world.
Added to that is his saying of -Logos- the word of Allah Al-Mighty which came based on his theory of God, whereby he saw that God cannot create evil – he was influenced by Plato - but rather created the Logos and entrusted him with the creation of matter that Philon considered a source of evil and sins. The Logos doctrine later affected the Christian religion, but it was not accepted by the Jewish rabbis, as some considered it as a departure from the Jewish faith, and that Philon was a Christian in secret. Philon died around the year 50 AD.
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Schulte, Christoph. "Kabbala als jüdische Philosophie". Zeitschrift für Kulturphilosophie 2017, nr 2 (2017): 343–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.28937/1000107995.
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Among early modern Christian kabbbalists such as Pico della Mirandola and Christian Knorr von Rosenroth, Kabbalah counts as part of philosophia perennis and esoteric Jewish philosophy. Bruckers differentiation between Kabbalah as esoteric Jewish philosophy and Maimonides as exoteric Jewish philosophy is taken up by Tiedemann and Hegel, and is well known to Schelling and Molitor. In opposition to this taxinomy among Christian philosophers, Jewish philosophers and scholars of »Wissenschaft des Judentums« like Salomon Munk, Manuel Joel, Hermann Cohen or Julius Guttmann exclude Kabbalah from the canon of Jewish philosophy proper, exemplified by Yehuda Halevi or Maimonides. It is only after World War I that Gershom Scholem inaugurates the modern research of Kabbalah as »mysticism«, juxtaposed to philosophy and to the rationalistic traditions inJudaism.
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Jeffcoat Schedtler, Justin P. "Perplexing Pseudepigraphy". Journal of Ancient Judaism 8, nr 1 (19.05.2017): 69–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00801005.
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The fragments of the “Pseudonymous Greek Poets” constitute a collection of genuine and spurious quotations of renowned Greek poets – Homer, Hesiod, Aeschylus, etc. – on topics current in Hellenistic Jewish philosophy. The functions of these fragments are most often considered in terms used to characterize Hellenistic Jewish literature more broadly, i. e.: missionary literature, an apologetic defense of Judaism for a non-Jewish audience, an affirmation of Judaism for a Jewish audience, or a testament to the superiority of Judaism in the Hellenistic world. Each of these readings is guided by the presumption that Jews viewed the Hellenistic world as a foreign entity in need of some degree of “assimilation,” “resistance,” or “reconciliation,” and that Hellenistic Jewish literature reflects this process. This paper undermines this premise, demonstrating that the pseudonymous Greek fragments functioned instead to situate Hellenistic Jewish principles – as well as those who shared them – as part and parcel of broader Hellenistic trajectories.
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MALAGUTI, Francesco. "GIORDANO BRUNO AND JEWISH THOUGHT: RECEPTION AND REINTERPRETATION". International Journal of Theology, Philosophy and Science 5, nr 8 (27.05.2021): 64–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.26520/ijtps.201.5.8.64-84.
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This article is focused on the philosopher Giordano Bruno (1548-1600) and the references to Jewish culture in his oeuvre. We discuss about Bruno’s reception of Jewish thought and describe this subject in a comprehensive way. We highlight Bruno’s view on the Jews and their religion, also explaining the reasons behind his polemic against the Jewish people. Furthermore, we underline the influence of the Kabbalistic tradition and Jewish philosophy on various aspects of Brunian thought. Specifically, we discuss about the use of the letters of the Hebrew alphabet in Bruno’s works on the art of memory, the relation between Brunian infinitist cosmology and Kabbalistic concepts such as ensoph and the ten sephirot, the relation between Brunian thought and the philosophical theories of Avicebron, Moses Maimonides, Hasdai Crescas and Leo the Hebrew.
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Abdalameer Nayyef Al- HUDEEB, Faeza. "THE IMPACT OF ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY ON JEWISH PHILOSOPHY MUSA BIN MAIMON (MODEL)". International Journal of Education and Language Studies 04, nr 01 (1.03.2023): 15–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2791-9323.1-4.2.
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Arab culture influenced Jewish intellectual life in all its aspects. It affected Hebrew literature, Arabic grammar, modern Hebrew poetry and modern Hebrew prose, but the most influential was in the field of Jewish philosophical thought. Islamic Spain was influenced by various philosophical and religious fields, and Islamic thought began to be evident in Jewish philosophical thought. A number of thinkers appeared in Spain, among them: Ibn Asra, Ibn Arabi, and Ibn Rushd, and they were credited with mixing philosophy with religion. The works of Ibn Rushd and Maimonides are the ideal picture of the so-called Arab-Hebrew thought. In the eleventh century, Jewish philosophy entered a new phase influenced by Islamic philosophical literature and Islamic ideas. Maimonides is considered one of the most important Jewish thinkers. He was famous in medicine, philosophy and astronomy and was influenced by Islamic civilization and Islamic thought. Maimonides composed many books in Arabic but wrote them in Hebrew letters. Search objective: Show the impact of Arab culture on the Hebrew culture in the era of Andalusia or in the Middle Ages. Research Structure An introduction that talks about Arab culture in general, the body of the research: The impact of Arab culture on Jewish culture, the conclusion of the research..
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Bohak, Gideon. "How Jewish Magic Survived the Disenchantment of the World". Aries 19, nr 1 (2.01.2019): 7–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700593-01901002.
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Abstract Jewish magic is thriving in present-day Israel, in spite of the supposed disenchantment of the modern world. To see how it survived from Antiquity and the Middle Ages to our own days, this essay surveys the development of Jewish magic in the modern period. It begins with the Jews of Europe, where the printing of books of popular medicine and “practical Kabbalah,” and the Enlightenment’s war on magic, led to the transformation and marginalization of many Jewish magical texts and practices, but did not entirely eradicate them. It then turns to the Jews of the Islamicate world, who were much less exposed to the impact of printing or the ideology of Enlightenment, and whose magical tradition therefor remained much more conservative than that of their European brethren. When the Jews of many Jewish communities finally met, before and especially after the establishment of the Jewish State, the Jews of European origin tried to disenchant the world of their “Oriental” brothers, but were only partly successful in this endeavor. And with the rise of postmodern cultural sensitivities, and of New Age religiosities, even this attempt was mostly abandoned, and the Jewish magical tradition is now more vigorous, and more visible, than the founders of Zionism would ever have imagined. Finally, while claiming that in the Jewish case modernity did not lead to the disenchantment of the world, this essay also claims that the same might be true of other magical traditions, whose history often was neglected by historians of Western esotericism.
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Homolka, Walter. "Jesus der Jude Die jüdische Leben-Jesu-Forschung von Abraham Geiger bis Ernst Ludwig Ehrlich". Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 60, nr 1 (2008): 63–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007308783360561.
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AbstractThe article provides an overview of Jewish Life-of-Jesus research from Abraham Geiger to Ernst Ludwig Ehrlich. Julius Wellhausen's assessment that Jesus was not Christian but Jewish encountered a Jewish community that was striving for civic equality in the course of the Enlightenment and that saw itself impaired by the idea of the ,,Christian state". The ensuing Jewish concern with the central figure of the New Testament was not of fundamental nature, but rather followed from an apologetic impulse: the wish to participate in general society without having to give up Jewish identity. Since then, many Jewish thinkers of the modern era have studied Jesus. The essay outlines the history of ,,bringing Jesus home" to Judaism, which has been observed since the nineteenth century. Jesus returns as exemplary Jew, as hortatory prophet, as revolutionary and freedom fighter, as big brother and messianic Zionist. The foremost intention though was that Jews wanted to remain Jews and nevertheless be part of Christian society. How fortunate, therefore, that Jesus was Jewish.
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Zank, Michael. "Zwischen den Stühlen? On the Taxonomic Anxieties of Modern Jewish Philosophy". European Journal of Jewish Studies 1, nr 1 (2007): 105–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247107780557191.
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AbstractAs a subfield of Jewish Studies modern Jewish philosophy is haunted by challenges arising from the culturally specific circumstances and original goals pursued by the Jewish philosophers of the past that are no longer immediately accessible. This essay looks at systematic and historical aspects of Jewish philosophy with the aim of determining ways of retrieving the plausibility of a taxonomically problematic field operating at the intersections of philosophy, history, religion, and Judaism.
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Faraco, Humberto R. Nύñez. "Dialogue and Existence in Jorge Luis Borges’s ‘The Secret Miracle’: A Buberian Reading". Comparative Critical Studies 20, nr 1 (luty 2023): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2023.0463.
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This article offers a Buberian reading of Jorge Luis Borges’s story ‘The Secret Miracle’ (‘El milagro secreto’), a work that deals with the persecution of the Jews following Hitler’s invasion of Czechoslovakia in March 1939. Borges read and translated Buber in his youth, at a time in which he had become interested in Jewish mysticism and Jewish culture in general. By examining Borges’s tale in relation to key notions in Buber’s moral philosophy, this article seeks to produce an interpretation of ‘The Secret Miracle’ as a tribute to the Jewish people. Reference to other works dealing with Nazism is made in order to highlight the influence of Buber on Borges’s moral-philosophical thought.
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Adorisio, Chiara. "The Debate Between Salomon Munk and Heinrich Ritter on Medieval Jewish and Arabic History of Philosophy". European Journal of Jewish Studies 6, nr 1 (2012): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247112x637605.
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Abstract In the middle of the nineteenth century, the German historian of philosophy Heinrich Ritter and the Jewish scholar and Orientalist Salomon Munk had a debate on the history of Jewish Philosophy. This debate is an example of how Salomon Munk’s work functioned to point up the reciprocal influences between Jewish, Arab and Christian Thought in the Middle Ages. Munk, who was a scholar within the Wissenschaft des Judentums, a Jewish movement that promoted the scientific study of Judaism, criticized Ritter’s History of Philosophy. In fact, Munk noticed that in his work, Ritter mentioned only a few references to Jewish thinkers like Maimonides. Ritter’s response was that Christian historians of philosophy knew too little about this subject in order to give a qualified judgment. Nevertheless, later on, in the second edition of his History of Philosophy, Ritter added many important details on Al-Gazali, Ibn-Badja and Ibn-Roschd after the reading of Munk’s articles. Ritter also shaped an entirely new paragraph on the history of Jewish philosophy in the Middle Ages using above all Munk’s seminal studies on Avicebron’s Fons Vitae.
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Shikhova, Irina, i Iulii Palihovici. "Jewish epigraphy: new discoveries in the Republic of Moldova". JOURNAL OF ETHNOLOGY AND CULTUROLOGY 32 (grudzień 2022): 76–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.52603/rec.2022.32.09.
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Jewish ethnology of modern post-Soviet Republic of Moldova is a young science. Over the past thirty years, it has had to catch up with world ethnological science, filling gaps in the study of Jewish history, including the Pogrom and the Holocaust, and in Jewish education, and in Jewish philosophy, and in archivism, etc. Field research practically remained outside of scientific interests and opportunities. And only in recent years this line of research has become more active, primarily in projects for mapping and studying Jewish cemeteries held by the authors. During the period 2019–2022, findings that significantly clarify the history of the Jews in Moldova were made in Chisinau, Soroca, Onițcani (Criuleni), Iagorlâc, Gherșunovka (both – the left bank of Dniester River), and others. Each of these finds, most of which are dated back to the 18th century – a period, much less studied from a Jewish point of view – opens a new page in the Jewish history of Moldova and gives impetus to new research, both historical and field, epigraphic.
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FERRE, Lola. "Los judíos, transmisores y receptores de la sabiduría medieval". Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 7 (1.10.2000): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v7i.9441.
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The transmission of philosophy and sciencie in the Jewish communities of the Middle Ages can be approached from two perspectives. From one, the Jews are seen as the conveyors of knowledge between different cultures, and from another as transmitters amongst the various Hebrew communities, giving the Jewish people the dual role of transmitters as well as receptors. In this paper we analyze both of them in an extensive period: from the VIII century until the late XV, and with a geographical range stretching from Baghdad to southern Europe.
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Andriejauskienė, Julijana. "Estera Eljaševaitė ir žydų liaudies universiteto idėja tarpukario Kaune". Lietuvos istorijos metraštis 2020/2 (2.12.2020): 113–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.33918/25386549-202002005.
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ESTHER ELYASHEV AND THE IDEA OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE’S UNIVERSITY IN INTERWAR KAUNAS This article dwells on newly found documents held in the Judaica collection of the Martynas Mažvydas National Library of Lithuania which were part of the collection of personal documents of Esther Elyashev-Veisbart (1878–1941). She was a literary critic, journalist and teacher, studied philosophy at the universities of Leipzig, Heidelberg and Bern, and defended a doctoral dissertation in philosophy. In St Petersburg, she worked together with the famous historian and leader of the folkist movement Simon Dubnow. In 1921, she moved to Kaunas, where she sought to establish the Jewish People’s University. Esther became the chair of the board of the Society for the Dissemination of Higher Education among the Jews, and founded higher Jewish courses in Kaunas, which were transformed into the Jewish People’s University in 1926. Esther’s initiative illustrates a common transnational trend, typical of many Jewish communities in Central and Eastern Europe. Furthermore, these educational initiatives are evidence of certain important factors regarding the situation of national minorities in interwar Lithuania: although Jewish folkists identified with the states (societies) in which they lived much more than the Zionists, like most other states in the region, interwar Lithuania was a nationalising nation-state. Therefore, public figures such as Esther Elyashev were looking for opportunities for the education of their ‘own’ community outside the framework of state institutions.
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Fisher, Cass. "The Posthumous Conversion of Ludwig Wittgenstein and the Future of Jewish (Anti-)Theology". AJS Review 39, nr 2 (listopad 2015): 333–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009415000082.
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In recent years Jewish philosophers and theologians from across the religious spectrum have claimed that the philosophy of the Austrian-born British philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein is a crucial resource for understanding Jewish belief and practice. The majority of these thinkers are drawn to Wittgenstein's work on account of the diminished role that he ascribes to religious belief—a position that affirms the widespread view that theology has played a minimal role in Judaism. Another line of thought sees in Wittgenstein's philosophy resources that can illuminate the forms and functions of Jewish theological language and bolster the place of theological reflection within Jewish religious life. This article undertakes a critical analysis of the reception of Wittgenstein's philosophy among contemporary Jewish thinkers with the goal of delineating these alternative responses to his work. The paper concludes by arguing that the way in which Jewish thinkers appropriate Wittgenstein's philosophy will have profound consequences for the future of Jewish theology.
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Sleptsova, V. V. "Jewish Religious and Philosophic Thought through the Lens of Analytical Philosophy". Concept: philosophy, religion, culture 6, nr 3 (27.09.2022): 171–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2022-3-23-171-178.
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The reviewed Jewish Philosophy in an Analytic Age is a unique collection of essays that combine analytical philosophy to the Jewish religion. Analytical approach has been widely applied to Christianity since the 1980s and marked the legitimization of analytical philosophy of religion. This turn is primarily associated with the names of Alvin Plantinga, Richard Swinburne and others. At the same time the texts by Jewish religious philosophers are rarely, if ever, considered through the prism of analytical philosophy of religion and analytical theology. This collection of essays is not only valuable because of its exceptional nature: the authors of the essays touch upon important topics of religious philosophy, such as the correlation of the freedom of choice and a divine knowledge of the future, the epistemological distinction of faith and belief, moral justification for lying, the problem of evil, etc. The extensive Discussion part, written by Tzvi Novick from the Theology Department of the University of Notre Dame, presents the author’s attitude towards the approach taken in the book. Readers are encouraged to think of the very essence of Jewish philosophy and possibly review its understanding. The analytical approach found in the essays sometimes transcends the boundaries of the analytical philosophy of religion, contributes to the modernization of Jewish religious and philosophical works, and introduces these texts to the domain of modern analytical philosophy. The latter is achieved through analytical generalization of Jewish texts, making them universal. The abovementioned features make the book worth reading by scholars, researches, and all those interested in the modern philosophy and the study of Jewish religion.
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Luneva, Anna A. "“Insiders” and “Outsiders” in Early Christianity in the Light of New Anthropological Theories". Chelovek 33, nr 1 (2022): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s023620070019080-5.
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The article represents the problem of the development of early Christian anti-Judaism using the methods of Cognitive Science of Religion and Social Anthropology. This approach allows us to consider the early Christians anti-Jewish writings of 2nd — 3rd CE from another angle and to explain the reasons of emerging of anti-Judaism in a new way. In the works of early Christian authors Jews were always shown as “Others” (Outsiders) opposed to “Us” (Insides) — Christians. The image of Jew was stereotyped and passed through the Christian writings. Jews were characterized as deicides and apostates with worthless rites. They also caused troubles for Christians. At the same time Christians were depicted as new, eternal Israel, their New law replaced the Old law of Jews. For Christians “Us” were those, who rejected carnal sacrifices of Jews, circumcision and Shabbat day. Cognitive Science and Social anthropology explains humiliation of “Others” and exaltation of “Us”, pointing out that inter-group conflict emerge while groups have a common goal. At the same time, fear of “Other” makes inner-group connections stronger. Stereotypes and prejudices are the result of such inter-group communication. Stereotypes transmit, develop and strengthen within the group. Jewish-Christian relations of Antiquity are one of the examples of the conflict inter-group communication. Ancient anti-Jewish treatises demonstrate the growing of antipathy to Jews by Christians under the forming stereotypes.
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Rothschild, Zalman. "Sovereignty, Reason, and Will: Carl Schmitt and Hasidic Legal Thought". Journal of Law and Religion 37, nr 2 (maj 2022): 319–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2022.14.
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AbstractThe decisionistic strand in Jewish legal philosophy is often neglected by scholars focused on the more common rational explanations for Jewish law. This article brings attention to decisionism in Jewish legal thought by analyzing the legal philosophy of Shneur Zalman of Lyady, the founder of the Habad Hasidic movement. The author uses the legal and political thought of Carl Schmitt—arguably modernity’s most influential decisionist—to help elucidate Shneur Zalman’s decisionistic legal thought and thereby put into sharper focus an otherwise underappreciated current in Jewish legal philosophy.
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Adorisio, Chiara. "Philosophy of Religion or Political Philosophy? The Debate Between Leo Strauss and Julius Guttmann". European Journal of Jewish Studies 1, nr 1 (2007): 135–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187247107780557263.
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AbstractThe article reconstructs and examines the debate between Leo Strauss (1899–1973) and Julius Guttmann (1880–1950) on the interpretation of the essence of Jewish medieval philosophy. Is Jewish medieval philosophy characterised by being essentially a philosophy of religion or, as Strauss objected in his critique of Guttmann, is it better understood if we consider that Jewish medieval rationalists conceived the problem of the relationship between philosophy and Judaism primarily as the problem of the relationship between philosophy and the law?Though both Guttmann and Strauss seem to discuss in their works the question of the interpretation of medieval Jewish philosophy in a historical way, their arguments were in fact rooted in a theoretical and philosophical interest. Strauss and Guttmann followed different philosophical methods, had different personal attitudes toward Judaism and faith, but both tried to learn from medieval and ancient philosophy to understand the problems of modern and contemporary rationalism.
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Peretz, Dekel. "Generation Enraged". European Judaism 56, nr 2 (1.09.2023): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2023.560208.
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Abstract How does the increasing diversification of both the Jewish and general population in Germany influence Jewish self-positioning in German society? It seems that especially young Jews no longer perceive themselves in a binary relationship to the majority society alone, but as part of a heterogeneous, post-migrant society. The journal Jalta – Positionen zur jüdischen Gegenwart [Yalta – Positions on the Jewish Present], published between 2017 and 2020, served as an important mouthpiece for the young generation's rage and desires. This study identifies and expounds upon three sets of relationships within German society that Jalta wishes to redefine: relationships within Jewish communities, relationships between Jews and the majority society, and relationships of Jews to other minorities.
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Seton-Rogers, Cynthia. "The Exceptions to the Rule". European Judaism 51, nr 2 (1.09.2018): 6–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2018.510203.
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Abstract History has largely ignored Anglo-Jewish history in the years between the expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290 and their readmittance in 1656 by Cromwell. This article revisits that period and disputes the misconception that the Period of Expulsion left England without any Jews for nearly 400 years. Although the small Jewish population ebbed and flowed with the rising and waning tides of English anti-Jewish hostilities, it nevertheless persevered. This article highlights some of the more well-known and thus well-documented of these Jews, the majority of whom were Crypto-Jews of Spanish or Portuguese origin.
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Ivry, Alfred L. "Commission VIII: Jewish Philosophy". Bulletin de Philosophie Médiévale 45 (styczeń 2003): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.bpm.1.3003.
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Harvey, Steven, i Resianne Fontaine. "Commission VII: Jewish Philosophy". Bulletin de Philosophie Médiévale 49 (styczeń 2007): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.bpm.2.305762.
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Weiss, Tzahi. "Beyond the Scope of Philosophy and Kabbalah". Religions 12, nr 3 (28.02.2021): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12030160.
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The turn of the thirteenth century is a formative period for the historiography of medieval Jewish thought. These years saw the dissemination of the Hebrew translations of the Maimonidean corpus, alongside the simultaneous appearance of the first Kabbalistic treatises, in the same geographical regions. This concurrent appearance led scholars to examine Jewish theological discourse mainly via two juxtaposed categories: “Philosophy” and “Kabbalah”. In this paper, I will return to that formative moment in order to demonstrate that exploring Jewish history of ideas beyond the scope of these categories could be very advantageous in improving our understanding of both categories and the Jewish theological inner-dynamics in this period as a whole. I will draw attention to a contemporary theological attitude, which is neither Kabbalistic nor philosophical, which I will define as a medieval form of Jewish binitarianism. My argument in this paper will be composed of two parts—first, outlining the nature of this medieval Jewish theological trend, and second, showing how a precise definition of this belief within its context alters crucial notions and understandings in the common scholarly historiography of medieval Jewish thought.
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Zurawski, Jason M. "Mosaic Paideia: The Law of Moses within Philo of Alexandria’s Model of Jewish Education". Journal For The Study of Judaism 48, nr 4-5 (11.10.2017): 480–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12340153.
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AbstractPaideia is one of Philo’s most consistent preoccupations. It was so thoroughly foundational for the Alexandrian that he built it into nearly every aspect of his philosophy and worldview. Paideia was the tool needed to acquire virtue and wisdom, eradicate the passions, become an ideal citizen of the world, and secure the immortal life of the soul. The following explores the role of the Mosaic law within Philo’s overall theory of education, looking at what made the law such a unique pedagogical resource, how it functioned at various levels of education, what its relationship was to the other forms of education Philo deemed necessary—the curriculum of encyclical paideia and the study of philosophy—and, ultimately, what Philo’s idealized vision of Jewish education can tell us about his deeper concerns for his fellow Alexandrian Jews and his understanding of Jewish identity in the Mediterranean diaspora.