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1
Felsen, David. "The politics of the Italian budgetary process". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368869.
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Çetin, Elif. "Political debates, policy objectives and outcomes in British and Italian immigration politics, 1997-2010". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708065.
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Mascitelli, Bruno. "A re-evaluation of the causes of the Italian political crisis 1992-94 /". Connect to thesis, 2005. http://eprints.unimelb.edu.au/archive/00001490.
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Ferrari, Chara Francesca. "Translating stereotypes Italian television and the cultural politics of reformatting /". Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1467887551&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Aramaki, Michiko. "Family, paesani and networks : politics and economy of Montreal Italians". Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28413.
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Focusing on Montreal Italian social networks, this thesis examines the ideological nature of ethnicity, and its functioning in political processes in urban Quebec. The ideological dynamics of ethnicity are revealed in the process of the creation and re-creation of belief in "Italian family", as a distinctive 'Italian' culture. This first separates Italians into different families and regional groups of paesani, but then brilliantly unites Italians into one group according to necessity. In political processes, various Italian associations and presidents are connected to formal politics through the mediation of Italian political brokers. The extensive construction of suburban residences created Italian economic elites and affected other sectors of the economy. Significantly, Italians attempt to keep business within Italian networks. This 'nationalistic' aspect of networks aims to maximize interests within the group. Such dynamic Italian politico-economic networks extend to the further level of formal politics in which federalist Liberals and separatist Parti Quebecois are principal rivals.
6
Finn, Sarah. "'Padre della nazione italiana' : Dante Alighieri and the construction of the Italian nation, 1800-1945". University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. Italian Studies, 2010. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2010.0085.
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Dante Alighieri is, undoubtedly, an enduring feature of the cultural memory of generations of Italians. His influence is such that the mere mention of a dark wood or lifes journey recalls the poet and his most celebrated work, the Divina Commedia. This study, however, seeks to examine the construction of the medieval Florentine poet, exemplified by the above assertion, as a potent symbol of the Italian nation. From the creation of the idea of the Italian nation during the Risorgimento, to the Liberal ruling elites efforts after 1861 to legitimise the new Italian nation state, and more importantly to make Italians, to the rise of a more imperialist conception of nationalism in the early twentieth century and its most extreme expression under the Fascist regime, Dante was made to play a significant role in defining, justifying and glorifying the Italian nation. Such an exploration of the utilisation of Dante in the construction of Italian national identity during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries aids considerably in an understanding of the conceptualisation of the Italian nation, of the issues engendered by the establishment of the Italian nation state, and the evolution of these processes throughout the period in question. The various images of Dante revealed by this investigation of his instrumentalisation in the Italian process of nation-building bear only a fleeting resemblance to what is known of the poet in his medieval reality. Dante was born in 1265 to a family of modest means and standing in Florence, at that time the economic centre of Europe, and one of the most important cities of the Italian peninsula. His writings disclosed, however, that he was little impressed by his citys prestige and wealth, being instead greatly disturbed by its political discord and instability, of which he became an unfortunate victim. The violent partisan conflict in Florence and the turbulent political condition of the Italian peninsula in the late thirteenth century had a decisive influence on Dantes life and literary endeavours.
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Bellamy, Richard. "Modern Italian social theory : ideology and politics from Pareto to the present /". Stanford : Calif. : Stanford university press, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb34951175x.
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GoÌmez, GutieÌrrez Juan JoseÌ. "Italian Communist Party cultural policies during the post-war period 1944-1951". Thesis, Open University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.270093.
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Thomas, Frances Ellen. "Michelangelo, the Medici Principate and Fiorentinismo : the politics of culture in mid-sixteenth-century Florence". Thesis, University of Leeds, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366229.
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D'Agresti, Attilio. "Silvio Berlusconi and the Americanization of Italian Politics: a Political Analysis Through The Commentaries of Il Corriere Della Sera". Connect to resource online, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1210604921.
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Di, Paola Pietro. "Italian anarchists in London (1870-1914)". Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2004. http://eprints.lincoln.ac.uk/2586/.
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This thesis is a study of the colony of Italian anarchists who found refuge in London in the years between the Paris Commune and the outbreak of the First World War. The first chapter is an introduction to the sources and to the main problems analysed. The second chapter reconstructs the settlement of the Italian anarchists in London and their relationship with the colony of Italian emigrants. Chapter three deals with the activities that the Italian anarchists organised in London, such as demonstrations, conferences, and meetings. It likewise examines the ideological differences that characterised the two main groups in which the anarchists were divided: organisationalists and anti-organisationalists. Italian authorities were extremely concerned about the danger represented by the anarchists. The fourth chapter of the thesis provides a detailed investigation of the surveillance of the anarchists that the Italian embassy and the Italian Minster of Interior organised in London by using spies and informers. At the same time, it describes the contradictory attitude held by British police forces toward political refugees. The following two chapters are dedicated to the analysis of the main instruments of propaganda used by the Italian anarchists: chapter five reviews the newspapers they published in those years, and chapter six reconstructs social and political activities that were organised in their clubs. Chapter seven examines the impact that the outbreak of First World Word had on the anarchist movement, particularly in dividing it between interventionists and anti-interventionists; a split that destroyed the network of international solidarity that had been hitherto the core of the experience of political exile. Chapter eight summarises the main arguments of the dissertation.
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Eyck, David ten. "The development and composition of Ezra Pound's Adams Cantos". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251509.
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Manuzi, Martin B. "Politics and the Italian state industrial sector, 1933-1980 : with two case studies". Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.325398.
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Cimino, Roberta. "Italian queens in the ninth and tenth centuries". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/5359.
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This thesis investigates the role of queens in ninth and tenth century Italy. During the Carolingian period the Italian kingdom saw significant involvement of royal women in political affairs. This trend continued after the Carolingian empire collapsed in 888, as Italy became the theatre of struggles for the royal and imperial title, which resulted in a quick succession of local rulers. By investigating Italian queens, my work aims at reassessing some aspects of Italian royal politics. Furthermore, it contributes to the study of medieval queenship, exploring a context which has been overlooked with regard to female authority. The work which has been done on queens over the last decades has attempted to build a coherent model of early medieval queenship; scholars have often privileged the analysis of continuities and similarities in the study of queens' prerogatives and resources. This thesis challenges this model and underlines the peculiarities of individual queens. My analysis demonstrates that, by deconstructing the coherent model established by historiography, it is possible to underline the individual experiences, resources and strengths of each royal woman, and therefore create a new way to look at the history of queens and queenship. The thesis is divided into four main thematic sections. After having introduced the subject and the relevant historiography on the topic in the introduction, in Chapter 2 I consider ideas about queenship as expressed by narrative and normative sources. Chapter 3 deals with royal diplomas, which are a valuable resource for the understanding of queens' reigns. Chapter 4 analyses queens' dowers and monastic patronage. Chapter 5 examines the experience of Italian royal widows. Finally, the conclusive chapter outlines the significance of this thesis for the broader understanding of medieval queenship.
15
Contini, Alice. "Italian racialized women and feminist activism : Exploring discourses of white women in Italian feminist activism work". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Genus, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-175386.
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The starting point of this study is the common assumption that the Italian society is based on a patriarchal ideological system in which racism is often normalized. The binary distinction between women and men in Italian society has evolved into discussions and awareness raising on genderbased violence or violence against women. As intersectionality has become a central point in Italian contemporary feminism, this study uses the analysis of topics related to the historical creation of the idea of Italian-ness, migration and the influence of right-wing politics in current gender related issues as the basis of a feminist Critical Discourse Analysis. With this in mind, using intersectional theory, postcolonial feminism, and studies of whiteness, the study aims at exploring as to which extent the discourses of three white Italian women, who identify as feminist activists, influence the presence of racialized Italian women in their work. This study should create academic data and contribute to a research that is extremely limited on these topics.
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Rigoletto, Sergio. "The politics of masculinity : male subjectivity and social conflict in Italian cinema of the 1970s". Thesis, University of Reading, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.529961.
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The 1970s have been largely seen as the starting point of a period of crisis for Italian cinema, marked by the increasing financial difficulties of its film industry and the gradual dissolution of its long and authoritative tradition of political engagement. This thesis interrogates this rhetoric of crisis and assesses the impact of the political and social unrest of this period on cinema. Its focus is on gender. In particular, it demonstrates how masculinity repeatedly functions in a number of films of this period as a crucial component in the articulation of critical commentaries about the nation and its socio-political lacerations. This thesis places films in their historical context and in relation to contemporary debates about politics, national identity and gender. It assesses the impact of these debates on cinematic representations of masculinity and examines the strategies used by a number of filmmakers to make sense of the social upheavals of the 1970s. The thesis develops an understanding of the characteristics, functions and implications of a number of cinematic narratives about men and their dilemmas at this particular historical moment. Through in-depth analysis of selected films, this thesis examines the rhetoric of male crisis of the 1970s and explores its relation to anxieties about modernization, the sexual liberation movements and the legacy of 1968. Each chapter shows how Italian cinema of the 1970s develops a commentary on the sociopolitical conflicts and tensions of this period through male points of view. This thesis examines the limits of this gendered perspective as well as some of the opportunities that it raises for understanding questions of agency and gender power in relation to the cinematic medium. Finally, it assesses the political potential for resistance and dissidence of some of these films and the way in which they attempt to challenge dominant gender paradigms of cinematic visibility.
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Krause, Elizabeth L. "Forward vs. Reverse Gear: The Politics of Proliferation and Resistance in the Italian Fascist State". University of Arizona, Department of Anthropology, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/112060.
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Gender serves as a useful category for historical analysis of the project of Italian fascist state-building, how it proceeded and how it became trapped in its own paradox. Fascist policies played upon nonnative and limited gender stereotypes of women as mothers and prolific bearers of children, yet in the process the dictatorship constructed women as political subjects for the first time in the history of the Italian state. This paper focuses on the fascists' demographics campaign-the Duce's politics of proliferation-and identifies the places in which subjects of fascism consciously chose to. act in opposition to fascist ideologies. Resistance is discussed in terms of everyday acts of noncompliance with fascist directives regarding reproduction. The strategies of legitimation that the fascists used are explored.
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Stanton, Alexandra. "Evaluating the specificity of contemporary Italian feminism : the theory of sexual difference and the social-symbolic practice of entrustment". Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2005. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1824.
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This study focuses on the particular course taken by the theory of sexual difference (il pensiero della differenza sessuale) in Italy. It examines Italian feminism as a current which has received hitherto little international attention. The first part of the thesis situates Italian feminism in relation to the more familiar French and Anglo-American contexts in order to consider its distinctiveness. The main body of the study then considers the historical and political emergence of contemporary Italian feminism, the elaboration of a social-symbolic practice called "entrustment" ("afdamento "), beginning in 1983, and the hegemony achieved by the theory of sexual difference amongst the majority of feminist groups. Here, I develop the central argument of the thesis: it is the elaboration of entrustment which has first occasioned contemporary Italian feminism, as a whole, to engage with a theory of sexual difference adapted to the highly politicised Italian context. The last section of the thesis critically evaluates entrustment and the symbolic order of the Mother created by it, and considers the debates surrounding such a social-symbolic practice. Adriana Cavarero provides an original point of view on contemporary Italian feminism since she is both a fierce critic of entrustment and one of the leading exponents of il pensiero. The final chapter thus utilises Cavarero's theory in order to postulate that entrustment is best considered as part of a plural but common Italian strategy of "practising" relationships between women. Sexual difference now becomes the political practice of restructuring the order of representation so that feminine sexual difference can be included.
19
Costambeys, Marios James. "Piety, property and power in eighth-century central Italy : the rise of the Abbey of Farfa in its social and political context, c. 690-787". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272818.
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Landon, William J. "Language, politics and patriotism : Niccolò Machiavelli's 'Secular Patria' and the creation of an Italian national identity". Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/24809.
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This is a study about Florence, Italy and the possibility for peninsular unification as set out in the pages of Niccoló Machiavelli’s Il Principe and the Discorsi. Many scholars have viewed these works as irreconcilable; the first focusing on principalities and the second upon republican government. Indeed, the political vocabulary which makes up these works is different. Il Principe concentrates on the actions of the prince and is not a study of politics in general where the Discorsi certainly are. This may be due to considerations of genre; the former being one in a long line of advice books for princes and the latter being a good example of the Florentine civic humanist tradition. However, scholars have yet to examine Machiavelli’s use of the term ‘patria’ in both works. This Dissertation argues that ‘patria’ provides a definite link between Machiavelli’s two famous treatises, bridging the gap that some believe separates them. Such an interpretation of ‘patria’ has interesting implications. For example, Machiavelli’s concept of the ‘secular patria’ may have provided, at least in theory, the means by which Italy could be united. For, when he wrote Il Principe and particularly its rousing conclusion, Florence was in a special place of prominence. It not only had a Medici prince ruling it, but a Medici Pope in Rome. This Florentine/Roman link through the Medici family represented an occasione which Machiavelli desperately wanted Lorenzo de’ Medici and Pope Leo X to seize. If they would act decisively, following the example of Cesare Borgia and Pope Alexander VI, it seems that Machiavelli believed they could unite Italy under a secular republican government as described in the Discorsi. The different aspects of this plan include a national ‘citizen army’, an ‘end to exile’ and possibly linguistic unification. When Machiavelli’s use of the term ‘patria’ is examined within the confines of Il Principe and the Discorsi, similarities appear between those and a work which the vast majority of scholars - both Italian and Anglophone - attribute to him - the Discorso o dialago intorno alla nostra lingua. An examination of that work cannot prove Machiavelli’s authorship or the date in which it was written, but it is possible to demonstrate that Machiavelli could have authored the treatise around the same time he authored the final Chapter to Il Principe.
21
Spedalieri, Francesca. "Seeing the Unseen, Staging the Unspoken: The Gender Politics and Political Language of Emma Dante’s Theatre in the Berlusconi Era (1994-2011)". The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1480594504188268.
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Ferrero-Regis, Tiziana, i n/a. "Public History, Private Memories: Historical Imagination in the New italian Cinema 1988-1999". Griffith University. School of Film, Media and Cultural Studies, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20050209.083648.
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The concern with the following arguments started during a study of national and international cinemas, from the desire to account for a cinema that internationally was doing well, but was undervalued domestically. The aims were to account for the renewal of Italian filmmaking from 1988, the New Italian cinema, and understand the conditions behind this renewal. The thesis identifies in the historical theme and in the recurrence of features from Italian cinema history elements of coherence with previous cinema production. The first consideration that emerges is that a triangulation between a new generation of filmmakers, their audience and recent history shaped the recovery of Italian cinema from 1988. A second consideration is that no discussion of Italian cinema can be separated from a discussion of that which it represents: Italian society and politics. This representation has not only addressed questions of identity for a cohort of spectators, but on occasions has captured the attention of the international audience. Thus the thesis follows a methodologic approach that positions the texts in relation to certain traditions in Italian filmmaking and to the context by taking into consideration also industrial factors and social and historical changes. By drawing upon a range of disciplines, from political history to socio-psychological studies, the thesis has focussed on representation of history and memory in two periods of Italian film history: the first and the last decade of twentieth century. The concern has been not so much to interpret the films, but to understand the processes that made the films and how spectators have applied their knowledge structures to make meaning of the films. Thus the thesis abstains from ascribing implicit meanings to films, but acknowledges how films project cultural contingencies. This is because film is shaped by production conditions and cultural and historical circumstances that make the film intelligible. As Bordwell stated in Making Meaning, "One can do other things with films besides 'reading' them" (1989, p. xiii). Within this framework, the thesis proposes a project that understands history film within the norms that govern Italian filmic output, those norms that regulate conditions of production and consumption and the relation between films from various traditions.
23
Ferrero-Regis, Tiziana. "Public History, Private Memories: Historical Imagination in the New italian Cinema 1988-1999". Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366053.
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The concern with the following arguments started during a study of national and international cinemas, from the desire to account for a cinema that internationally was doing well, but was undervalued domestically. The aims were to account for the renewal of Italian filmmaking from 1988, the New Italian cinema, and understand the conditions behind this renewal. The thesis identifies in the historical theme and in the recurrence of features from Italian cinema history elements of coherence with previous cinema production. The first consideration that emerges is that a triangulation between a new generation of filmmakers, their audience and recent history shaped the recovery of Italian cinema from 1988. A second consideration is that no discussion of Italian cinema can be separated from a discussion of that which it represents: Italian society and politics. This representation has not only addressed questions of identity for a cohort of spectators, but on occasions has captured the attention of the international audience. Thus the thesis follows a methodologic approach that positions the texts in relation to certain traditions in Italian filmmaking and to the context by taking into consideration also industrial factors and social and historical changes. By drawing upon a range of disciplines, from political history to socio-psychological studies, the thesis has focussed on representation of history and memory in two periods of Italian film history: the first and the last decade of twentieth century. The concern has been not so much to interpret the films, but to understand the processes that made the films and how spectators have applied their knowledge structures to make meaning of the films. Thus the thesis abstains from ascribing implicit meanings to films, but acknowledges how films project cultural contingencies. This is because film is shaped by production conditions and cultural and historical circumstances that make the film intelligible. As Bordwell stated in Making Meaning, "One can do other things with films besides 'reading' them" (1989, p. xiii). Within this framework, the thesis proposes a project that understands history film within the norms that govern Italian filmic output, those norms that regulate conditions of production and consumption and the relation between films from various traditions.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Film, Media and Cultural Studies
Full Text
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Faherty, Douglas M. "Italian foreign policy : trends for the twenty-first century /". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FFaherty.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Daniel J. Moran. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-76). Also available online.
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Perrotti, Assunta Luisa. "The politics of EC decision making : the case of State aid to the Italian public sector steel industry". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310430.
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Faust, Veronica T. "'Music has learn'd the discords of the state' the cultural politics of British opposition to Italian Opera, 1706-1711 /". Diss., Connect to the thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10066/664.
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Agnoletto, Stefano. "Building an economic ethic niche : Italian immigrants in the Toronto construction industry (1950s-1970s) : a case study". Thesis, Kingston University, 2013. http://eprints.kingston.ac.uk/28226/.
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The focus of the thesis is on labour, business, social and cultural history of Italian immigration to post WWII Toronto. In particular, this study addresses fundamental issues such as ethnic niching, unionization, urban proletarianization and entrepreneurship. From this perspective, this investigation addresses and analyses a list of key questions. How did a mass of former peasants, unskilled workers, artisans and merchants become urban wage-earners or small business entrepreneurs in an urban and Capitalist society? How did the process of unionization work? How did an economic ethnic niche develop? What role did 'ethnicity' play in the processes of both urban proletarianization and unionization as well as entrepreneurship? What made immigrant unionization and entrepreneurship successful or a failure? What other factors impinged on these processes? Lastly, what impact did these processes have on the host society? In addressing these questions the thesis focuses on the role played by a specific industry in enabling immigrants to find their place in the new host society. More specifically, the research has looked at the construction industry that, between the 1950s and the 1970s, represented a typical economic ethnic niche for the Italian community. In fact, tens of thousands of Italian males found work in this sector as bricklayers, labourers, carpenters, plasterers and cement finishers, while hundreds of others became small employers in the same industry. The analysis of the cultural and structural factors that were at the origin of the Italian niche of the construction industry is the central point of this study.
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Leist, Marnie. "The Virgin and Hell: An Anomalous Fifteenth-Century Italian Mural". Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2005. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?acc%5Fnum=ucin1120757484.
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Kennedy, Claire, i n/a. "The Transformation of the Democratic Party in Italy 1989-2000: A Case Sudy in Venice". Griffith University. School of Arts, Media and Culture, 2006. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20070208.095410.
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The fall of the Berlin Wall and the announcement by the leader of the Italian Communist Party (PCI), Achille Occhetto, that the time had come to shed its communist name and identity inaugurated a decade of uncertainty and change for the party. As the Party of the Democratic Left (PDS), it faced the challenge of developing its post-communist identity amid the upheaval in the Italian political system that followed the Tangentopoli (Bribesville) scandal. The transition to the 'Second Republic', spurred by widespread anti-party sentiment, brought new electoral systems and forms of coalition-making, a changed array of allies and opponents, a personalisation of certain political roles, and changed relationships between the national and local dimensions of politics. In 2000, now called the Left Democrats (DS), the party was the largest component in the nationally governing coalition and even provided the prime minister. Yet the rise to the pinnacle of power had been accompanied by decreasing electoral support. In over ten years of post-communist life, the party had failed to achieve the real breakthrough hoped for by Occhetto: to unite the Italian left in a single party that dominated government or opposition, as in other Western European countries. The primary aim of this thesis is to contribute to understanding the party's fortunes through a case study of the way the turbulent years from 1989 to 2000 were experienced in the Venetian provincial federation. This decade of change has so far not been examined from a local perspective, yet local studies were particularly fruitful in the analysis of the PCI, as they allowed exploration of the ways party debates were perceived, and decisions made at national level were implemented, 'on the ground' in specific contexts. I have not chosen the Venetian federation as a microcosm of the experience in the periphery as a whole but as an interesting and relevant component of the full picture. The Venetian party enjoyed greatly increased responsibilities in government at sub-national levels in the second half of the 1990s, due to successful alliance strategies, but decreasing electoral support. I seek to explain the local party's electoral and power outcomes in terms of a combination of external and internal factors: on one hand, the opportunities and constraints presented by the changing environment; and, on the other, internal dynamics that hampered the party in responding to those challenges. In particular I stress the significance of the crisis precipitated by Occhetto's proposal to transform the party in 1989 and the constraints on the local party's legitimacy and visibility in the competitive environment that developed in the Second Republic. I attribute these constraints to the mixed electoral systems operating at sub-national levels, intra-coalition rivalry, and a striking case of an individual enjoying personal power and influence in the local political system. As a secondary theme, I analyse change in the party type that accompanied these outcomes, in light of theories on general trends in party transformations in Western Europe. I identify rapid changes in the local party's aims, functions and organisational roles and relationships, and in its relationship with the national leadership. I argue that this process of change, consistent with the transformation of a mass party into an electorally focused party, was accelerated at local level by the changing competitive environment and the sudden increase in government responsibilities. The introduction in chapter 1 sets the party's story in context and outlines the aims and argument of the thesis. Chapter 2 introduces the local case study in light of existing analyses of the party's development, the tradition of local studies of the PCI, and theories on party types and transformations. The central chapters are dedicated to the case study, which is based largely on interviews with members of the federation's leadership groups in various periods. The organisation of the material reflects my division of the federation's story into distinct phases, each reflecting a stage in the development of both the party's alliance strategy and the local political system. In the concluding chapter, I discuss the implications of the case study findings for the party as a whole and make a claim for the continuing validity of local studies of Italian political parties.
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Kennedy, Claire. "The Transformation of the Democratic Party in Italy 1989-2000: A Case Sudy in Venice". Thesis, Griffith University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367283.
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The fall of the Berlin Wall and the announcement by the leader of the Italian Communist Party (PCI), Achille Occhetto, that the time had come to shed its communist name and identity inaugurated a decade of uncertainty and change for the party. As the Party of the Democratic Left (PDS), it faced the challenge of developing its post-communist identity amid the upheaval in the Italian political system that followed the Tangentopoli (Bribesville) scandal. The transition to the 'Second Republic', spurred by widespread anti-party sentiment, brought new electoral systems and forms of coalition-making, a changed array of allies and opponents, a personalisation of certain political roles, and changed relationships between the national and local dimensions of politics. In 2000, now called the Left Democrats (DS), the party was the largest component in the nationally governing coalition and even provided the prime minister. Yet the rise to the pinnacle of power had been accompanied by decreasing electoral support. In over ten years of post-communist life, the party had failed to achieve the real breakthrough hoped for by Occhetto: to unite the Italian left in a single party that dominated government or opposition, as in other Western European countries. The primary aim of this thesis is to contribute to understanding the party's fortunes through a case study of the way the turbulent years from 1989 to 2000 were experienced in the Venetian provincial federation. This decade of change has so far not been examined from a local perspective, yet local studies were particularly fruitful in the analysis of the PCI, as they allowed exploration of the ways party debates were perceived, and decisions made at national level were implemented, 'on the ground' in specific contexts. I have not chosen the Venetian federation as a microcosm of the experience in the periphery as a whole but as an interesting and relevant component of the full picture. The Venetian party enjoyed greatly increased responsibilities in government at sub-national levels in the second half of the 1990s, due to successful alliance strategies, but decreasing electoral support. I seek to explain the local party's electoral and power outcomes in terms of a combination of external and internal factors: on one hand, the opportunities and constraints presented by the changing environment; and, on the other, internal dynamics that hampered the party in responding to those challenges. In particular I stress the significance of the crisis precipitated by Occhetto's proposal to transform the party in 1989 and the constraints on the local party's legitimacy and visibility in the competitive environment that developed in the Second Republic. I attribute these constraints to the mixed electoral systems operating at sub-national levels, intra-coalition rivalry, and a striking case of an individual enjoying personal power and influence in the local political system. As a secondary theme, I analyse change in the party type that accompanied these outcomes, in light of theories on general trends in party transformations in Western Europe. I identify rapid changes in the local party's aims, functions and organisational roles and relationships, and in its relationship with the national leadership. I argue that this process of change, consistent with the transformation of a mass party into an electorally focused party, was accelerated at local level by the changing competitive environment and the sudden increase in government responsibilities. The introduction in chapter 1 sets the party's story in context and outlines the aims and argument of the thesis. Chapter 2 introduces the local case study in light of existing analyses of the party's development, the tradition of local studies of the PCI, and theories on party types and transformations. The central chapters are dedicated to the case study, which is based largely on interviews with members of the federation's leadership groups in various periods. The organisation of the material reflects my division of the federation's story into distinct phases, each reflecting a stage in the development of both the party's alliance strategy and the local political system. In the concluding chapter, I discuss the implications of the case study findings for the party as a whole and make a claim for the continuing validity of local studies of Italian political parties.Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Arts, Media and Culture
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Elliott, Janis. "The Last Judgement scene in central Italian painting, c.1266-1343 : the impact of Guelf politics, papal power and Angevin iconography". Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/36355/.
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The dissertation recontextualizes the iconographical developments of the Last Judgement scene in Central Italian mural painting in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries by exploring the theological and political contexts in which these scenes were produced. Two striking events mark the evolution of the Late Medieval Last Judgement scene: first, the revival of the 'complete' Last Judgement after a period of contraction, and second, the separation of Heaven and Hell from the Last Judgement. Both of these features reflect an increasing anxiety about the fate of the soul in the afterlife: a fate which, by the end of the thirteenth century, had moved from the end of time itself to the moment of an individual's death. The first chapter concerns Pietro Cavallini's fresco in S.Cecilia in Trastevere (c.1293), its place within the Roman tradition of Last Judgement scene, and its role as the earliest surviving monumental example of the 'complete' Last Judgement. Chapter II concerns the frescoes of S.Maria Donnaregina in Naples (c.1317-23), patronized by the Angevin queen, Maria of Hungary. In 1266 the Papacy conferred on Charles I of Anjou the Kingdom of Naples in exchange for defense of the Papal States, and the Angevins became the chief administrators of civil and penal justice throughout the Papal States and independent Guelf city-states. A discussion of Angevin iconography establishes a connection between Angevin self-image and the Last Judgement scene. Chapter III is devoted to Giotto's Last Judgement at the Arena Chapel in Padua (c.1305) and its imitator at S.Maria Maggiore in Tuscania (c.1320). The chapter includes a discussion of thirteenth-century papal decrees concerning the fate of the soul in the afterlife, the appearance of the penitent patron at the foot of the cross, and the possibility of a Papal-Angevin-Guelf influence on the production of both of these frescoes. Chapter IV on the "Angevin Connection" begins with a reinterpretation of the iconography of the Florence Baptistery mosaics (c.1271-1330) in terms of their patronage by the Church and the exclusively Guelf Guild of the Calimala. The first instance of the separation of Paradise and Inferno from the Last Judgement, in the Magdalen Chapel of the Bargello in Florence (c.1322), is discussed in light of the civic function of the chapel and of Angevin control of the office of podesta. The relief panels of the façade of Orvieto Cathedral (c.1290-1330) are also considered in view of Papal and Angevin domination of that city. In Chapter V the influence of the Magdalen Chapel's separation of Heaven and Hell is linked to the increasing secularization of the Last Judgement scene as evidenced in the Campo Santo, Pisa (c.1330) and the nave of S.Croce, Florence (c.1330). The revival of the 'complete' Last Judgement scene in Late Medieval Central Italy was the result of theological changes concerning the afterlife, the rise of the penitential movement, and the formation of the Papal-Angevin-Guelf alliance for whom the triumphant scene of judgement became emblematic. The individual's anxiety about the fate of his soul at the moment of death and the appropriation of the Last Judgement for use in secular contexts affected the separation of Heaven and Hell from the Last Judgement and brought about the secularization of a traditionally sacred scene.
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Maxson, Brian. "The Many Shades of Praise: Politics and Panegyrics in Fifteenth-Century Florentine Diplomacy". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2011. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6187.
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Fifteenth-century diplomatic protocol required the city of Florence to send diplomats to congratulate both new and militarily victorious rulers. Diplomats on such missions poured praise on their triumphant allies and new rulers at friendly locations. However, political realities also meant that these diplomats would sometimes have to praise rulers whose accession or victory opposed Florentine interests. Moreover, different allies and enemies required different levels of praise. Jealous rulers compared the gifts, status, and oratory that they received from Florence to the Florentine entourages sent to their neighbors. Sending diplomats with too little or too much social status and eloquence could spell diplomatic disaster. Diplomats met these challenges by varying the style, structure, and content of their speeches. Far from formulaic pronouncements of goodwill, diplomatic orations varied from one speech to the next in order to meet the demands of the complex diplomatic world into which they fit. Contextualizing these orations reveals the subtle reservations of diplomats praising a hostile ruler, the insertion of specific citations to flatter specific audiences, and the changing intellectual and stylistic interests of humanists throughout the fifteenth century. This essay will examine the different shades of flattery practiced by Florentine diplomats and the contexts that explain these variations.
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Jiménez, Carmona Susana. ""Fragmente-Stille, an Diotima" de Luigi Nono: escuchar lo imposible". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671778.
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This thesis presents an analysis of Luigi Nono’s Fragmente-Stille, an Diotima, as a starting point to investigate that this piece for string quartet provides in terms of the notions of sound and silence, the temporary and spatial constructions that it has given rise to, its connections with different compositions and texts written by the composer, its resonances in the postulations of other authors (musicians, writers and philosophers), and the political implications that every work of art entailsEn aquesta tesi ens acostem a Fragmente-Stille, an Diotima de Luigi Nono per a, partint de la seva anàlisi, anar rastrejant el que posa en joc aquesta obra per a quartet de cordes: les concepcions del so i del silenci implicades, la construcció espaciotemporal que genera, els seus vincles amb les altres obres i els textos del compositor, les ressonàncies amb els pensaments d’altres autors (músics, escriptors, filòsofs) i les implicacions polítiques que comporta tota aposta de món que és una obra d’art
Doctorat en Ciències Humanes, del Patrimoni i de la Cultura
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Crawford, Pamela Ann Elizabeth. "Le Sacre du Printemps (the Ballets Russes, 1913) and Italian futurism : thematic confluence and the politics of social tension, stylistic repulsion and aesthetic dehumanisation". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2016. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/17714/.
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This research has used methodologies of both comparative and transdisciplinary analysis to test the hypothesis that there was thematic confluence between selected works of the Ballets Russes and the Italian Futurists prior to the formal collaboration of the two artistic groups in 1917. The key point for this study is Sergei Diaghilev’s production of Le Sacre du Printemps (Le Sacre) performed in Paris and London in 1913. In the context of widespread scholarly acknowledgement of the significance of radical changes in the spheres of gender and sexuality at the moment of colonialism and imperialism in this period, this thesis identifies three sites of potential thematic confluence while contributing to the field a focus on the presence of ‘blackness’ as an unrecognised and under-analysed dimension of the politics and reception of Le Sacre and of Futurism. The first thematic confluence to be examined addresses the political and social tensions which were features of the European society at the awkward end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentiet-centuries. My study focuses, however, on issues of gender and sexuality articulated in the explorations of masculinity, homosexuality, women’s emancipation and reproduction. With an emphasis on the narratives of Futurist and Ballets Russes works, and drawing upon the interplay between currents in literary and religious philosophy, the thesis explores how these themes were represented in works of art and considers the role of the sacrificed virgin or Chosen One in Le Sacre with respect to anti-procreative practices and other forms of resistance. The thesis then explores the theme of ‘stylistic repulsion’ that refers to the complex and hierarchical relationship which European societies had with the subjects European countries were colonising in overseas territories. The works of the Futurist leader Fillipo Marinetti are for example, examined for their conflicted relationship between Europe and specifically Africa. In reviewing attitudes to people from outside Europe in relation to the narrative of Le Sacre, I explore the potential impact on the making and reception of Le Sacre — and in particular to its score composed by Igor Stravinsky — in relation to the presence in World Fairs and exhibitions of non-Occidental people who were made to perform their difference and culture in the period 1880-1920. This gives rise to an analysis of an interpretation of works of art which I argue were mediated by the presence of the colonised within European society and according to ever evolving constructs of race and power. The thesis then addresses the theme of ‘dehumanisation’, a term associated with the machinic in Futurism and Nijinsky’s choreographic aesthetic in Le Sacre. The Futurist Variety Theatre Manifesto (1913) proposed a dynamic of unifying connection between audience and performer but also exhibited forms of political dehumanisation in their manifestoes and theatre practice. These are reviewed with respect to the aesthetic and aural strategies which promoted sensorial interplay between audience and performer in Le Sacre. They are also aligned with the ambiguities in interpretations of the sketched record of Le Sacre made by French artist Valentine Gross and Vaslav Nijinsky’s choreography of the work, together with his declaration of the absence of human beings in Le Sacre. The thesis aims to demonstrate the value of an enriched social history of art in transdisciplinary engagement with postcolonial theory, musical and dance history and the relations between performance and reception.
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Però, Davide. "The politics of identity in left-wing Bologna : an ethnographic study of the discourses and practices of the Italian left in the context of migration". Thesis, University of Sussex, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.299027.
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Pirisino, Claudio. "Autour de la "regìa". La mise en scène en Italie : 1893-1943. Protagonistes, histoires, débats". Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA153.
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Cette thèse s'inscrit dans une dynamique de recherche qui seulement récemment a commencé à remettre en discussion une doxa de l'historiographie théâtrale un peu simpliste: dans le contexte italien, l'avènement de la mise en scène moderne serait un phénomène tardif, par rapport à d'autres Pays, comme par exemple l'Allemagne, la France, la Russie. Ce « retard » trouverait son origine dans la persistance d'une tradition autoréférentielle de l'acteur. Le système dans lequel il se produit - un système de troupes nomades, en l'absence d'un pôle théâtral hégémonique comme pouvait l'être Paris pour la France - serait inévitablement réfractaire à l'intrusion d'une figure artistique perçue comme étrangère: le metteur en scène. Il faudrait attendre l'après-guerre pour assister en Italie à l'affirmation de ce qu'on appelle la regìa. Ce lieu commun de l'historiographie a véhiculé une série d'équivoques et d'approximations qui aplatissent un phénomène comme l'affirmation de la mise en scène moderne, nourrissant ainsi un discours téléologique de progrès qualitatif.Une série de recherches menées à partir des années 2000 nous invite cependant à considérer la mise en scène comme un aspect de l'art théâtral dans toute sa complexité. Des concepts comme ceux de proto-regia (proto-mise en scène, Perrelli, 2005), de continuité/discontinuité (Sarrazac-Consolini, 2010), montrent les limites d'une définition univoque de cet art. Sous cette lumière, le contexte italien apparaît alors comme un terrain en friche. Une étude récente a justement montré la sensibilité du système italien envers l'œuvre des maîtres européens de la scène, en tournée dans la Péninsule entre 1911 et 1940 (Schino, 2008).Nous nous proposons alors de revenir d'une part sur la construction de l'idée du « retard », et sur les raisons qui ont fait de la mise en scène un véritable graal, d'une autre part nous souhaitons souligner de quelle façon cet art émerge en Italie justement à partir de la présupposée cause du retard: l'acteur. L'avènement de la mise en scène ne serait donc pas une épiphanie brusque, mais un art qui s'exprime de manière différente, selon le modus operandi des artistes et en fonction des caractéristiques du système théâtralThis doctoral thesis challenges the simplistic doxa in theatre historiography that views genesis of theatre direction in Italy as a late phenomenon in comparison to other countries such as Germany, France, and Russia. This “delay” is thought to be due to the actor’s persistent self-referential tradition. According to the doxa, the Italian theatre system would have been resistant to the introduction of the new role of director, which was perceived as extraneous. This situation would have been caused in Italy by the popularity of wandering companies and the absence of a dominant theatrical focal point such as Paris was in France. The phenomenon of a strictly speaking regìa would have only emerged after the Second World War. This view has led to a series of misinterpretations and misunderstandings that oversimplify the phenomenon of the development of modern direction, favouring a teleological argument of qualitative progress. However, a number of studies carried out from the 2000’s encourage us to consider the direction as a complex aspect of the theatrical art. Concepts such as ‘proto-direction’ (Perrelli, 2005) and continuity/discontinuity (Sarrazac-Consolini, 2010), show the limits of an univocal definition of this art. In light of these studies, the Italian panorama appears as an uncharted territory. A recent study of the European directors’ tours in Italy for the years from the 1911 to 1940, has actually demonstrated the Italian system’s responsiveness (Schino, 2008).My research investigates the origin of the concept of “delay”, and the reasons by which theatre direction in Italy came to be considered by scholars as some sort of grail. I also highlight how direction in Italy emerges from the main source of the supposed delay itself: the actor. Indeed, the appearance of theatre direction is not abrupt; but rather a multifaceted art, which changes according to artists’ modus operandi and is dependent on the characteristics of the theatrical system
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Duc, Séverin. "Un champ de forces et de luttes à la Renaissance : L’État de Milan (1515-1530)". Thesis, Paris 4, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA040185.
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Désireux de conquérir et de dominer le Milanais, François Ier (1515-1521) Francesco II Sforza (1522-1525) et Charles Quint (1526-1530) sont tous trois confrontés à un terreau politique à haut potentiel centrifuge, ce que nous appelons un « champ de forces et de luttes ». Notre enquête comparative de leur exercice successif de la domination met en lumière trois stratégies originales d’exercice direct, de délégation du pouvoir et d’intégration/médiation par les élites ou le popolo. Car chacun des princes et de leurs serviteurs conçoivent, à leur façon, leur propre pouvoir, les limites juridiques, géographiques et symboliques de celui-ci, et de celles des sujets dominés. Chacun a sa cartographie propre des rapports de force en ses terres d’origines, à Milan, en Italie, et en Europe. Très important, chaque modèle n’est pas statique mais en production, en tant que fruit d’une dialectique continue entre son héritage et une réalité chaque jour inédite, entre ses forces internes et l’influence extérieure, entre ce qu’il croit, et dit être, et ce qu’il exprime au quotidien. Dans ce contexte, la capacité d’adaptation du politique, ses modalités et ses limites face à l’inconnu et l’inédit devient cruciale afin de faire prévaloir ses attentes et défendre ses gains politiquesEager to conquer and dominate the State of Milan, Francis I (1515-1521) Francesco II Sforza (1522-1525) and Charles V (1526-1530) all three face a political ground with high centrifugal potential, what we call a "field of forces and struggles". Our comparative survey of their successive exercise of domination highlights three original strategies of direct exercise, delegation of power and integration/mediation by the elites or the Popolo. In their own way, each of the princes and their servants conceive their own power, its legal, geographic and symbolic limits, and the quality of dominated subjects. Each has its own mapping power relations in its origins land whether in Milan, France and Spain. Very importantly, each model is not static but in production, as a result of continuous dialectic between its heritage and a reality each day renewed, between its internal forces and external influences, between what he believes, and said to be, and that it expresses every day. In this context, the policy of adaptability, its terms and limits of the unknown and the unexpected becomes crucial to uphold its expectations and defend its political gains
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Blasingame, Katrina S. ""I never/knew/a Florentine more kind and honest" (3.1.43-45) : the influence of Italian politics and nationality on English alterity through an economic reading of "Othello" /". Available to subscribers only, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1079667511&sid=27&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Jeffers, Leah Rachel. "Fashion and Court-Building in the Sixteenth-Century Florentine Ducal Court: Politics, Agency, and Paleopathology in the Wardrobes of Eleonora di Toledo and Giovanna d'Austria". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1024.
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Fashion in the Renaissance became intensely political, highly gendered, and anatomized (i.e. emphasizing human anatomy rather than masking it). Court culture placed a particular emphasis on the body of the courtier, as skills such as dancing and dressing fashionably became crucial to political success in states throughout Europe. In sixteenth-century Florence, the Medici attempted to install a duchy in what was at the time a republican city (with strong republican heritage). Florentine fears of foreign domination and resentment towards non-republican forms of government made the Medici’s task nearly impossible. Fashion became a primary pillar of the Medicean political agenda, as the first members of the Medici family to hold official power in the Florentine Grand Duchy (and their wives) dressed quite modestly in comparison to other sixteenth-century heads of state, so as not to appear to have imperial or monarchical pretensions and thus arouse dangerous levels of antipathy from their Florentine subjects. The first Grand Duchess, Eleonora di Toledo, and the second, Giovanna d’Austria, faced an additional challenge as foreign brides marrying into the Medici duchy, as they were themselves representatives of the influence of imperial power in Florentine politics. They both were faced with countless factors to consider as they made choices about how to dress, and each choice had political, social, and economic implications and consequences.
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Di, Ciommo Laurora Costanza. "L’asilo politico nelle relazioni franco-italiane : i signori nessuno e l’impossibile status dell’opposizione italiana all’estero (1920-1986)". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0024/document.
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Ce travail de recherche plonge ses racines dans l’analyse de la typologie d’accueil particulière dont ont bénéficié les exilés politiques italiens des années 1970-1980. La problématique à la base de cette thèse se propose de comprendre si la politique française d’accueil de ces années-là peut être considérée comme un fait nouveau ou si, au contraire, elle est à interpréter comme un geste dont les racines remontent à une plus longue histoire : celle de l’asile politique. Nous analyserons selon une perspective de longue période le rapport existant entre les institutions politiques et administratives des Etats et les groupes sociaux. Avec cette analyse, nous voudrions contribuer à reconstruire l’origine des pratiques, des instruments et finalement des conceptions politiques et juridiques que la France et l’Italie ont appliquées au groupe d’émigrés politiques italiens en France. La thèse se compose des deux parties, (avant et après deuxième guerre mondiale). Nous allons d’abord reconstruire la naissance des principes constitutifs de l’asile politique en Europe tout au long du XIX siècle. Nous allons donc analyser la gestion étatique de la présence en France d’une grande partie de l’opposition italienne pendant les années Vingt et Trente, d’abord selon une perspective bilatérale, et ensuite internationale. Dans la deuxième partie du travail nous allons reconstruire les changements du cadre juridique de référence au lendemain de la deuxième guerre mondiale. Nous allons ensuite analyser la façon dont les Etats ont géré la présence en France de l’opposition extra-parlementaire italienne des années soixante-dix, d’abord d’un point de vue bilatéral, et ensuite multilatéralThis thesis analyses how Italy and France dealt with handling and controlling Italian opposition in France. Chosen time interval elapses from 1920 to 1986. During these years two political opponents’ migratory waves were monitored by the two nations: anti fascist emigration and several revolutionary left wing former militants of the Seventies emigration. The thesis analysis by a long period perspective how French and Italian institutions confronted with such a phenomenon, particularly considering the issue of juridical status conferred to Italian opponents abroad. During analysed period Italy and France operated in a precise diplomatic context characterised by the multiplication of bilateral and multilateral interrelations that progressively became more and more crucial with regards to the states’ management of political emigration. Carried out analysis will underline continuity and breaches of this relation. Thesis first part analyses Italian Reign period from 1870 to end of Second World War. Introduction will mark the origin of asylum key principles that precedes chosen historical period but is fundamental to analyse the juridical frame of France and Italy future steps. First and Second Chapter focus on years between 1920 and 1940, with particular attention to political emigration handling by a bilateral (Chap. 1) and by a multilateral perspective (Chap. 2). Thesis Second part focuses on Republican Italy. The Introduction retraces juridical frame partial changes and focuses on asylum debate in the Italian Constituent. Analysis of political emigration handling will be carried out both from a bilateral (Chap. 3) and multilateral perspective (Chap. 4)
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Biasutti, Giambattista. "La politica indigena italiana in Libia : dall'occupazione al termine del governatorato di Italo Balbo (1911-1940) /". Pavia : Centro studi popoli extraeuropei, Università degli studi di Pavia, 2004. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb392644337.
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HENSCHEL, JAN. "“E che diavolo è preso agli italiani?” – Il quadro del sistema politico italiano nella stampa di qualità tedesca". Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/930.
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La tesi si inserisce nella discussione intorno al quadro del sistema politico italiano in Germania e analizza le modalità secondo le quali viene trattata la politica italiana nella stampa tedesca “di qualità” nel periodo della cosiddetta “Seconda Repubblica”. Oltre a presentare l’immagine delle istituzioni, dei partiti e dei candidati alle elezioni politiche nei media tedeschi, il lavoro illustra l’origine della percezione e i processi comunicativi che riducono la complessità della realtà nella cronaca politica estera basandosi sulle teorie di gatekeeping, news bias, news values e framing. L’analisi del lavoro quotidiano dei comunicatori mediali (ca. 90 interviste e questionari) e la content analysis di 1.024 articoli mostrano che il quadro del sistema politico italiano nella stampa tedesca non si caratterizza tanto per una valutazione negativa della politica italiana tout court, quanto piuttosto per una forte personalizzazione – con valutazioni costantemente aggiornate – intorno alle figure dei leader politici. La tesi dimostra infine come, diversamente da quanto avviene per le questioni di politica interna, l’orientamento politico delle testate non condizioni fortemente la cronaca politica estera, bensì come ai corrispondenti venga lasciata estrema libertà nella mediazione culturale tra Italia e Germania e nella valutazione dei fatti e personaggi che compongono il complesso panorama politico italiano.In the ongoing discourse about Italy's political image in Germany, the dissertation adds to the discussion the analysis of the modalities about how the present-day image of Italy's political system is handled in the German media during the so-called “Second Republic”. More than the illustration of Italy´s political institutions, parties and leader images in German media, the paper consults theories of gatekeeping, news bias, news values, and framing handles with the origins of the perception and in particular with the communication processes that reduce the accuracy in political foreign news. The analysis of journalist's daily work through 90 interviews / questionnaires and a content analysis of 1.024 newspaper articles shows that the media image of Italy's political system is not so much characterized as permanently negative as it is a never-ending personalization of Italy's political leaders. Finally, the dissertation shows the political orientation of newspapers in contrast to national news doesn't significantly influence foreign news. Moreover it was demonstrated the processes of perception and communication that take place in foreign news is determinant. Under these restrictions the correspondents are able to use the scope of development for writing articles and judging the events and the characters of Italy's political system.
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D'Errico, Dora. ""Bisogna fatti et non più parole", Rhétorique et politique du conseil dans les Consulte e Pratiche della Repubblica fiorentina, 1494-1512". Thesis, Lyon, École normale supérieure, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011ENSL0675.
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L’état de guerre permanent dans lequel est plongée l’Italie au début du XVIème siècle inaugure un nouvel espace politique qui ne va pas sans modifier la langue et le lexique politiques. Cette étude se consacre à un corpus peu exploité, celui des registres des Consulte e Pratiche della Repubblica fiorentina, procès-verbaux des réunions où le gouvernement florentin convoquait les citoyens les plus « sages » afin de recueillir leurs avis sur la politique à suivre. Pour le philologue politique, l’examen de ces verbali, conduit de concert avec l’étude des écrits politiques de la même époque, notamment machiavéliens, permet d’une part de désenclaver ces registres municipaux de leur marginalité historiographique, et d’autre part de dé-machiavéliser un certain nombre de termes, d’images, de représentations, de notions, non pour les assigner à d’autres, mais pour tenter de cerner ce qui fait les contours d’une voix et d’une parole collectiveWars raging in Italy at the beginning of the XVIth century outline a new political space which alters the usual language of power and politics. In this context, our study concentrates on a quite forsaken corpus : the Consulte e Pratiche della Repubblica fiorentina. These texts gather the proceedings and the minutes of the meetings where « savi cittadini », summoned by the Signoria, tried to deliver advices and judgments on the current political affairs. From a philological and political perspectives, these verbali allow to restore the pratica in its central fonction of counselling and discussing all important political matters in Florence, between 1494 and 1512. They permit also to have a closer insight upon the machiavellian terminology, by stressing out all the common lexical sources and images where consiglieri and members of the political elite alike used to find a general frame for their thoughts. By doing so, this study emphatizes the diversity and the richness of a republican institution, the pratica, during times of troubles and violence
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DE, FEUDIS ELISABETTA. "DISPERSIONE SCOLASTICA: POLITICA EUROPEA E CONTESTI NAZIONALI. LE POLITICHE PUBBLICHE DI ITALIA, FRANCIA E SPAGNA". Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/19575.
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Il presente lavoro di ricerca analizza il fenomeno della dispersione scolastica come oggetto del policy making di stati e regioni: in particolare e in chiave comparata si analizzano le politiche di tre Stati membri, Italia, Francia e Spagna e di due regioni per ognuno di essi, la Regione Lombardia, la Regione Puglia; la Région Aquitaine, la Région Rhone-Alpes, la Comunidad de Andalucía e la Comunidad de Madrid. Pur condividendo i tratti fondamentali del sistema di istruzione europeo meridionale, esse sono caratterizzate da un diverso sistema di attribuzione delle competenze legislative e amministrative in materia di istruzione ed un differente grado di decentramento in relazione all’applicazione delle policy di contrasto alla dispersione scolastica, degli strumenti implementati e dei risultati raggiunti.
A partire dall’analisi dei documenti europei Strategia di Lisbona ET2010 e Strategia Europa ET2020 , il presente lavoro si concentra sul secondo dei due documenti e su uno dei cinque obiettivi indicati, ovvero la riduzione al 10% del tasso di dispersione scolastica per i giovani di età compresa tra i 18 e i 24 anni. Si fa riferimento al periodo di tempo compreso tra l’anno scolastico 2008-2009 e il 2015-2016, ovvero tra la fine della Strategia di Lisbona, rilanciata a seguito della grave crisi del 2008 per il triennio 2008-2010, la nuova fase decennale delle politiche comunitarie avviata con la Strategia Europa 2020, gli ultimi due cicli di programmazione comunitaria, mediante i fondi strutturali 2007-2013 e 2014-2020 e il biennio 2013-2015, quando i tre Stati considerati avviano, sia pur in modo molto diverso delle riforme del sistema scolastico.The present work analyses the phenomenon of school dropout and the policy making of states and regions: particularly and in a comparative key, the policies of three Member States, Italy, France and Spain, involved with different reforms of the school system, and two regions for each of them, Lombardy Region, Puglia Region; Aquitaine Region, Rhone-Alpes Region, Andalucia Region and Region of Madrid. Starting from the analysis of European documents ET2010 Lisbon Strategy and ET2020 Europe Strategy, this work focuses on the second of the two documents and one of the five objectives indicated, especially the 10% reduction in the school dropout rate for young people aged between 18 and 24 years. Reference is made to the time period between the academic year 2008-2009 and 2015-2016, between the end of the Lisbon Strategy, the new ten-year phase of the Community policies launched with the Europe 2020 Strategy.
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Repetto, Benedetto. "Le documentaire Italien : la contestation cinématographique dans l'ère Berlusconienne". Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SACLV069.
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La présente étude aborde le documentaire italien sous l'ère berlusconienne tout en réfléchissant sur ses interactions avec les transformations historiques et culturelles de l'Italie. Cette production documentaire témoigne de l’urgence de dénoncer les mécanismes du pouvoir et de rechercher la vérité à une époque où réaliser du cinéma politique paraît difficile. Nous sommes partis de l’hypothèse qu’un documentaire de contestation a bien existé et l’étude du contexte social dans lequel un film a été réalisé permet de constituer un cadre de référence qui manifeste quelle production de sens les auteurs ont voulu contester. Le documentaire s’est concentré sur la réalité, en se posant par rapport à l’histoire et à la mémoire. Il a servi d’archive des luttes. Les images de ces films sont des témoignages d’une histoire douloureuse, mais elles montrent également qu’une partie du peuple résiste. Ces documentaires semblent avoir pour objectif d’être la mémoire de cette Italie-làThe present study debates the Italian documentary in Berlusconi’s era reflecting on its interactions with historical and cultural transformations in Italy. This documentary production reveals the urge to expose power mechanisms and seek truth in a moment when making political cinema looked difficult. We started from the theory that a political protest documentary certainly existed, and the study of the social context in which a certain movie was realized allows us to establish the frame in which the authors operated their criticism. The documentary focused on reality, correlating with history and memory. It served as an archive for struggles. These movies witness painful stories, but also show the resisting fraction of a people. This kind of documentary aspires to being the historical memory of that Italy
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Silveira, Marcel Camargo. "Imigração italiana em Limeira-SP : terra, politica e instrução escolar". [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/252415.
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Orientador : Jose Claudinei LombardiDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-08T15:15:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silveira_MarcelCamargo_M.pdf: 3712890 bytes, checksum: 9512e34a37c40f1e24c9816e36896ab0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007
Resumo: O presente trabalho é resultado de extensa pesquisa documental e de entrevistas com descendentes de italianos que imigraram à época da substituição do trabalho escravo pela mão-de obra assalariada e predominantemente européia, no Brasil, quando da iminência da proclamação da República. Os subsídios teóricos que embasam o desenvolvimento desta dissertação compreendem uma reflexão dialética dos acontecimentos, enfocando os homens e suas ações em assonância com o contexto maior em que se inseriam. Trata-se, pois, de uma análise histórica que relaciona a sociedade, a política e a educação enquanto forças que antagonicamente se atraem, em confluência com o movimento mundial do capital. Neste trabalho, documenta-se e reconstitui-se historicamente a imigração italiana na região de Limeira, estado de São Paulo, no final do século XIX, à época da substituição do trabalho escravo pela mão-de-obra assalariada e européia - a italiana, em especial -, nas fazendas de café locais
Abstract: The present work is resulted of extensive documentary research and interviews with descendants of Italians who had immigrated to the time of the substitution of the enslaved work for the wage-earning and predominantly European man power, in Brazil, when of the imminence of the announcement of the Republic. The theoretical subsidies that base the development of this work understand a reflection dialectic of the events, focusing the men and its action in relationship with the context biggest where if they inserted. It is treated, therefore, of a historical analysis that relates the society, the politics and the education while forces that antagonistically are attracted, in confluence with the world-wide movement of the capital. In this work, it is registered and one reconstituted historically Italian immigration in the regions of Limeira, state of São Paulo, in the end of centuryXIX, to the time of the substitution of the enslaved work for the wage-earning and European man power - the Italian, in special-, in the local farms of coffee
Mestrado
Historia e Filosofia da Educação
Mestre em Educação
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Strina, Arnaud. "L'évolution de la société italienne contemporaine face à la catastrophe : l'exemple du séisme de l'Aquila en 2009". Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020COAZ2008.
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Messine 1908, L’Aquila 2009, cent années ont passé entre ces deux séismes, une Italie s’est dessinée. Cette -ainsi nommée- expression géographique, est devenue une Nation. Les contours de frontières intérieures ont été effacés et la péninsule semble désormais unifiée. L’Histoire de l’Italie ne saurait pour autant se départir d’une Géographie revancharde, et de son expression pour le moins contrariante. Les tremblements de terre s’ajoutent à une liste de risques présents sur le territoire transalpin : glissements de terrain, inondations ou encore feux de forêt, sont parmi les risques naturels les plus importants. La jeune république n’est pas exemptée de risques anthropiques (sanitaires, technologiques, énergétiques, terroristes ou liés aux transports, ou encore à l’aménagement du territoire) lesquels amplifient parfois les conséquences des événements naturels quand ils n’influent pas directement et premièrement sur l’environnement. Un tremblement de terre, puisque nous parlerons principalement de cela, pourrait ne passer que pour un phénomène géophysique calamiteux. Au-delà de l’impact sur les personnes, les biens, et l’environnement, ces phénomènes relèvent de ce que l’on nomme catastrophe. Ainsi est-il important de discerner d’emblée cette notion clef : la catastrophe a une réelle fonction cathartique et révélatrice. Il peut sembler provocateur de fixer sous cet objectif gnoséologique des événements où la mort et la souffrance humaine prédominent. C’est pourtant notre propos afin d’étudier la société italienne. L’état de crise dans lequel est plongée une société lorsqu’elle est frappée par une catastrophe sera pour nous plus qu’un prisme par lequel nous voulons l’observer. Cela sera également, et surtout, l’agent révélateur d’une image trop cachée par les bruits des canaux modernes d’informationMessina 1908, The Aquila 2009, one hundred years have passed between these two earthquakes, an Italy has taken shape. This -so called - geographical expression, has become a Nation. The contours of internal borders have been blurred and the peninsula now seems unified. The History of Italy cannot, however, be divorced from a revengeful Geography, and from its expression, which is, to say the least, upsetting. Earthquakes are being added to a list of risks present on the transalpine territory: landslides, floods and forest fires are among the most important natural hazards. The young republic is not exempt from anthropic or man-made hazards (health, technological, energy, terrorist, related to transport or even land use planning) which sometimes amplify the consequences of natural events when they do not directly and primarily affect the environment. An earthquake, since this is what we will mainly be talking about, could be seen as nothing more than a calamitous geophysical phenomenon. Beyond the impact on people, property and the environment, these phenomena are what we call disasters. Thus, it is important to discern from the outset this key notion: the disaster has a real cathartic and revealing function. It may seem provocative to set under this gnoseological objective events where death and human suffering predominate. However, this is here our aim to study Italian society. The state of crisis into which a society is plunged when it is affected by a catastrophe will be for us more than a prism through which we want to observe it. It will also, and above all, be the revealing element of a reality that is too hidden by the superficial and promotional functioning of modern information channels
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Parcianello, Juciane Ferigolo. "REESCRITURAS DO POLÍTICO: LÍNGUA ITALIANA X LÍNGUA DOS IMIGRANTES". Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2015. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/4000.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível SuperiorThis thesis studies the political in the language and in the relationship between the languages, considering the space of enunciation of the Associação Italiana de Santa Maria (AISM), designed to "preserve", "protect" the cultural patrimony of Italian immigrants of the Santa Maria region and Quarta Colônia region, and also to promote, develop and teach the Italian language of Italy. We seek, for the theoretical perspective of the Semântica do Acontecimento, from Eduardo Guimarães (2002), analyze the rewriting of designations Italian language, dialect(s), immigrant/Italian/descendant, culture (Italian) and italianity, in the statute text of three institutions: Società Italiana di Mutuo Soccorso e Ricreativa, founded in 1896, in Santa Maria, Sociedade de Cultura Ítalo-Brasileira Dante Alighieri, founded in1985, in the same city, and Associação Italiana de Santa Maria, founded in 1992, in the same place, and successor to the previous Society. The analysis of the semantic functioning of designations exposes the conflicts established mainly between the unequal distribution of places allotted to the Italian language, that in the statutory text of AISM means official language of Italy, language of the great Italian writers, language that should be taught, and to the language of Italian immigrants, whose designation dialect assigned to it means cultural patrimony of immigrants, no place in the teaching. There are many other forms of contradiction in the analyzed texts, but always manifested by differences of meanings and of places with respect to the Italian language and dialect. At this inevitable and irreversible contradiction, which constitutes of enunciation space, Guimarães designates political, and this notion is a displacement of the concept of political from Rancière (2007). Like main scope, through analysis, we intend to answer the following questions:1) which the political meaning of an Italian association that mobilizes the memory of Italian immigration and stands as a representative of immigrants and their descendants? 2) Who and what is this Association representes, and who and what is out of it? 3) What place does the Italian language and the language of immigrants in the space of AISM? The conclusion to which we come, with this study, it is that, in the enunciation space of AISM, the confrontation is between the languages of Italian immigrants and the Italian language from Italy, and not among the languages of immigrants and the national language as happened previously, in the Era Vargas .
Esta tese versa sobre o político na língua e na relação entre as línguas, considerando o espaço de enunciação da Associação Italiana de Santa Maria (AISM), criada para preservar , resguardar o patrimônio cultural dos imigrantes italianos da região de Santa Maria e da Quarta Colônia, e também para divulgar, valorizar e ensinar a língua italiana da Itália. Buscamos, pela perspectiva teórica da Semântica do Acontecimento, do linguista Eduardo Guimarães (2002), analisar as reescrituras das designações língua italiana, dialeto(s), imigrante/italiano/descendente, cultura (italiana) e italianidade, no texto estatutário de três instituições: Società Italiana di Mutuo Soccorso e Ricreativa, fundada em 1896, na cidade de Santa Maria, Sociedade de Cultura Ítalo-Brasileira Dante Alighieri, fundada em 1985, na mesma cidade, e Associação Italiana de Santa Maria, fundada em 1992, no mesmo local, sendo sucessora da Sociedade anterior. A análise do funcionamento semântico das designações expõe os conflitos que se estabelecem principalmente entre a distribuição desigual dos lugares atribuídos à língua italiana, que no texto estatutário da AISM significa língua oficial da Itália, língua dos grandes escritores italianos, língua que deve ser ensinada, e à língua dos imigrantes italianos da região, cuja designação dialeto atribuída a ela significa patrimônio cultural dos imigrantes, sem lugar no ensino. Há muitas outras formas de contradição nos textos analisados, porém sempre manifestas pelas diferenças de sentidos e de lugares dados no que se refere à língua italiana e a dialeto. A essa contradição inevitável e irreversível constitutiva do espaço de enunciação, Guimarães designa político, sendo esta noção um deslocamento da noção de político de Rancière (2007). Como escopo principal, por meio das análises, pretendemos responder as seguintes questões: 1) qual o sentido político de uma associação italiana que pela memória da imigração italiana se coloca como representante dos imigrantes e seus descendentes? 2) Quem e o que essa Associação representa e quem e o que está fora dela? 3) Que lugar tem a língua italiana e a língua dos imigrantes no espaço da AISM? A conclusão a qual chegamos, com este estudo, é a de que, no espaço de enunciação da AISM, o confronto se dá entre as línguas dos imigrantes italianos e a língua italiana da Itália, e não mais entre as línguas dos imigrantes e a língua nacional, como ocorreu outrora, na Era Vargas.
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Giugliarelli, Letizia. "Un univers ouvert, hétérogène et incomplet : Textes et contextes dans les romans des Wu Ming". Thesis, Université Côte d'Azur, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020COAZ2024.
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L’objet principal de notre recherche sont les romans collectifs du groupe d’écrivains connus auparavant avec le pseudonyme de Luther Blissett et ensuite avec celui de Wu Ming : ces ouvrages constituent un corpus compact tant en termes de caractéristiques formelles que de messages transmis par les intrigues. Les six œuvres, dans l’ensemble, fournissent au lecteur et au critique une vaste palette de références et d’occasions d’approfondissement : en observant leur morphologie, en évaluant leur potentiel expressif, on parvient à comprendre que les romans sont structurés comme un réseau de rapports entre les faits et les personnes. Les auteurs gèrent le matériel narratif avec habilité audacieuse, en expérimentant et innovant les modèles : le travail de recherche est organisé en évaluant aussi bien la persistance des ressemblances que l’évolution diachronique des différences du corpus. Le collectif a une haute conception du rôle social de la littérature ; l’opération culturelle qu’il mène vise ouvertement à revendiquer la valeur politique de la pratique littéraire. Nous explorons ainsi l’importance accordée à l’idée de communauté et à la transmission du savoir au sein de celle-ci. De plus, nous cherchons à vérifier la cohérence entre la substance des textes et les propositions de réflexion dont les auteurs voudraient se faire promoteurs auprès de la communauté de leurs lecteurs. Dans l’intention de saisir les tendances de l’écriture des Wu Ming, nous utilisons une méthodologie permettant de donner le jour à une étude confrontée à des facettes différentes des romans, afin d’en saisir la richesse. Ainsi nous conduisons notre étude à plusieurs niveaux. Elle est d’abord consacrée à la morphologie des textes, aux éléments de la structure narrative ; ensuite, elle est approfondie par l’analyse de correspondances significatives avec d’autres œuvres ; elle est enfin orientée à saisir la signification spécifique des romans en relation avec les exigences et les caractéristiques du milieu culturel où ils sont produitsThis research focuses on collective novels by the group of writers known before as Luther Blissett and afterward as Wu Ming: these literary works constitute a compact corpus as regards both formal features and messages transmitted by the plots. The six novels, as a whole, are expressive of showing to the readers and the critics many references and stimulations of reflection: observing their morphology, considering their expressive potential, they can understand that the literary works are structured as a network of relationships between events and people. The authors handle such a narrative material with audacious ability, by experimenting and innovating models: this research is structured to consider both resemblances persistence and differences diachronic evolution. The Wu Ming’s idea of literature social role is substantial. The group cultural activity openly aims at claiming literature political value. Indeed, we investigate the importance in the novels of communities and of the knowledge spread within them. Furthermore, we would verify the coherence between texts substance and reflection sparks that the writers would come to let their audience share. Intending to gather Wu Ming’s writing tendencies, we employ a method which is a key of highlighting novels different facets, in order to understand their rich meaning. So this investigation is structured on many levels. At the beginning it is focused on texts morphology and narrative structure elements; then, it is enriched by the comparison with significant resemblances of other literary works; in conclusion, it is oriented to reach the novels specific meaning in relation to necessities and features of the cultural milieu they are produced in
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Nanni, Emanuela. ""Poésie et traduction poétique en Italie pendant les années 30 et 40 du XXè siècle"". Thesis, Grenoble, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012GRENL047/document.
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Ce travail de thèse s'articule autour d'une définition historique qui a été formulée par Cesare Pavese, lorsqu'il a défini les années 30 et 40 du XXe siècle comme les deux décennies de la traduction par excellence. Si les études menées jusqu'à aujourd'hui se sont penchées de manière approfondie presque seulement sur la traduction des romans et cela en choisissant comme langue source privilégiée l'anglais ou le français, nous avons concentré notre analyse sur la traduction, l'écriture et la critique poétiques réalisées dans la période s'étalant de l'entre-deux-guerres jusqu'à la fin des années 40. La poésie était en effet le lieu critique, traductif et créatif le plus fréquenté. Un véritable besoin de poésie animait les cénacles des intellectuels italiens à Florence comme à Milan, à Parme, à Rome et également à Turin. Les échanges entre les artistes, critiques, poètes et traducteurs se jouaient pour la plupart sur le terrain de la poésie, sans être, au moins jusqu'au milieu des années 30, particulièrement entravés par la censure fasciste. En effet l'Italie devait, même aux yeux du fascisme, connaître un Baudelaire, un Rimbaud et un Eliot parlant italien. La poésie prenait une place sans précédents dans la vie culturelle et littéraire de l'époque et devint aussi un champ d'action concret : écrire en vers bouleverse autant l'ordre syntactique de la langue que l'habitude à concevoir la réalité de manière univoque et sans opacités.La poésie, pour reprendre une pensée d'Henri Meschonnic, est « contre le maintien de l'ordre », et se propose comme une forme d'engagement profond qui implique les consciences et leur prise de position face à la réalité. Dans une perspective plus large, le discours poétique s'entrelace avec le discours politique, si par politique on présuppose tout effort visant à garantir le bien-être de l'homme et la création des conditions qui permettent la réalisation au degré le plus haut de la liberté de tout individu.L'objet d'intérêt de la traduction poétique fusionne inévitablement avec la poésie tout court, ne serait-ce que parce que toute poésie est en tout cas toujours une traduction. Faire et construire en poésie sont devenus ainsi les axes de cette étude qui essaye de rendre compte constamment des voix de plusieurs personnalités qui étaient à la fois poètes, traducteurs et critiques littéraires. La partie finale de ce travail se concentre ainsi sur la naissance d'un nouveau type d'intellectuel qui est poète, traducteur et critique, et qui, très souvent, est aussi un éditeur. Sa participation à la vie sociale, politique et éditoriale du pays devient de plus en plus significative et fera de la poésie le sujet de plusieurs collections éditoriales et de nombreuses autres publications.Nous avons essayé de montrer quel type d'engagement peut émaner de l'écriture des poèmes et de la pratique de la traduction poétique, en décrivant quel militantisme profond et passionné peut surgir de la 'fréquentation' de la poésie, qui se propose comme une constellation de sens constamment “constructible”, comme une présence jamais définitive. Cette mise en valeur de l'inachevé contribue à la mise en question de l'identité du sujet et à la poursuite de son salut, à la multiplication des hypothèses, et à l'ouverture des horizons. En se proposant avec son corps mouvant et émouvant, la poésie sera, pendant le fascisme, un levier d'indisciplinarité face à la règle, s'imposant comme un insoupçonnable instrument de contestation et de résistanceThis thesis focuses on a historical definition given by Cesare Pavese, when he defined the 30s and 40s of the twentieth century as the translation's period par excellence in Italy. The previous studies have looked extensively on the translation of novels and most of these researches choose English or French as principal language sources. This Phd thesis concentrates instead the analysis first of all on poetic translation and also on writing poetry as well as on poetic criticism ‘made' in the inter-war period until the late 40s. Poetry was incontestably the critical, translational and creative locus. Poetry was the main interest of the circles of Italian intellectuals in Florence and in Milan, in Parma, in Rome and in Turin also. Exchanges between artists, critics, poets and translators played mostly in the field of poetry, more or less without being particularly hampered by the fascist censorship, until the mid-30s. Poetry became a field of concrete action because it upsets language's syntactic order and this encourages a new conception and design of the reality, as well a way to fight every monolithic solution refusing opacity and incompleteness.Using an expression of Henri Meschonnic poetry is “against the maintenance of the order”, and presents itself as a form of deep commitment (in order words a form of “engagement”) that involves awareness and taking a stand against reality. In a poetic discourse the political element is closed involved. In fact we assume that “politics” is any attempt to fight for the welfare of man and every attempt to achieve the highest degree of freedom of every individual.The subject of criticism and translating poetry inevitably merge with poetry at all, and it is to consider that poetry is in any case always a translation. Poetry and its effects have become the axes of this study that tries to present consistently the voices of several people who were poets, translators and literary critics at the same time. The final part of this work concentrates on the birth of a new type of intellectual who is a poet, a translator, a critic and often also a publisher.We tried to show also what type of engagement may trigger the writing of poems and the practice of poetic translation, describing how deep and passionate activism may arise 'attending' poetry. Poetry is always proposed as a constellation of meaning constantly "building" as a presence never definitive. This enhancement of the unfinished contributes to the questioning of the subject's identity and to the pursuit of his salvation. Every poetic multiplication of hypotheses allows the opening of a lot of horizons. Offering her moving body poetry has been, even during Fascism, a lever of great indisciplinarity face to the rule settled by the dictatorship and it has been an unsuspected instrument of protest and resistance