Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Italian Communist Party”

My thesis traces the interaction between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and a series of social movements which emerged in Italy between 1972 and 1977: the 'area of Autonomia\ which pioneered new forms of workplace and community activism between 1972 and 1975; the upsurge of youth-based activism which gave rise first to the 'proletarian youth movement' of 1975-6, and subsequently to the 'movement of 1977'; and the left-wing terrorist or 'armed struggle' milieu, which made its first appearance in 1972 and grew alongside the other movements. Following Sidney Tarrow's work on the 1966-72 period, I show that the growth and diffusion of these movements constitute a 'protest cycle' or 'cycle of contention'. Like the earlier cycle, this is shaped by a process of engagement between contentious movements and the political sphere, mediated primarily by the PCI. However, Tarrow's work focuses on an 'inclusive' engagement, leading to the legitimation of movement innovations and the expansion of the repertoire of mainstream protest. I demonstrate that the second cycle was characterised by an 'exclusive' engagement, leading to the criminalisation of the movements and the contraction of legitimate political repertoires. I trace the interaction between the PCI and the movements by analysing coverage of significant events in the party's daily paper I'Unita and identifying the 'frames' through which the movements are presented. This qualitative approach is complemented by statistical analyses of the rise and decline of the cycle. My approach draws on the symbolic interactionism of David Snow and the social phenomenology of Alfred Schutz, which I set within a broadly critical realist framework. My thesis contributes to the study of social movements and their interaction with political institutions, illustrating processes by which group identities are maintained and political legitimacy is conferred or denied.

The fall of the Berlin Wall and the announcement by the leader of the Italian Communist Party (PCI), Achille Occhetto, that the time had come to shed its communist name and identity inaugurated a decade of uncertainty and change for the party. As the Party of the Democratic Left (PDS), it faced the challenge of developing its post-communist identity amid the upheaval in the Italian political system that followed the Tangentopoli (Bribesville) scandal. The transition to the 'Second Republic', spurred by widespread anti-party sentiment, brought new electoral systems and forms of coalition-making, a changed array of allies and opponents, a personalisation of certain political roles, and changed relationships between the national and local dimensions of politics. In 2000, now called the Left Democrats (DS), the party was the largest component in the nationally governing coalition and even provided the prime minister. Yet the rise to the pinnacle of power had been accompanied by decreasing electoral support. In over ten years of post-communist life, the party had failed to achieve the real breakthrough hoped for by Occhetto: to unite the Italian left in a single party that dominated government or opposition, as in other Western European countries. The primary aim of this thesis is to contribute to understanding the party's fortunes through a case study of the way the turbulent years from 1989 to 2000 were experienced in the Venetian provincial federation. This decade of change has so far not been examined from a local perspective, yet local studies were particularly fruitful in the analysis of the PCI, as they allowed exploration of the ways party debates were perceived, and decisions made at national level were implemented, 'on the ground' in specific contexts. I have not chosen the Venetian federation as a microcosm of the experience in the periphery as a whole but as an interesting and relevant component of the full picture. The Venetian party enjoyed greatly increased responsibilities in government at sub-national levels in the second half of the 1990s, due to successful alliance strategies, but decreasing electoral support. I seek to explain the local party's electoral and power outcomes in terms of a combination of external and internal factors: on one hand, the opportunities and constraints presented by the changing environment; and, on the other, internal dynamics that hampered the party in responding to those challenges. In particular I stress the significance of the crisis precipitated by Occhetto's proposal to transform the party in 1989 and the constraints on the local party's legitimacy and visibility in the competitive environment that developed in the Second Republic. I attribute these constraints to the mixed electoral systems operating at sub-national levels, intra-coalition rivalry, and a striking case of an individual enjoying personal power and influence in the local political system. As a secondary theme, I analyse change in the party type that accompanied these outcomes, in light of theories on general trends in party transformations in Western Europe. I identify rapid changes in the local party's aims, functions and organisational roles and relationships, and in its relationship with the national leadership. I argue that this process of change, consistent with the transformation of a mass party into an electorally focused party, was accelerated at local level by the changing competitive environment and the sudden increase in government responsibilities. The introduction in chapter 1 sets the party's story in context and outlines the aims and argument of the thesis. Chapter 2 introduces the local case study in light of existing analyses of the party's development, the tradition of local studies of the PCI, and theories on party types and transformations. The central chapters are dedicated to the case study, which is based largely on interviews with members of the federation's leadership groups in various periods. The organisation of the material reflects my division of the federation's story into distinct phases, each reflecting a stage in the development of both the party's alliance strategy and the local political system. In the concluding chapter, I discuss the implications of the case study findings for the party as a whole and make a claim for the continuing validity of local studies of Italian political parties.

The fall of the Berlin Wall and the announcement by the leader of the Italian Communist Party (PCI), Achille Occhetto, that the time had come to shed its communist name and identity inaugurated a decade of uncertainty and change for the party. As the Party of the Democratic Left (PDS), it faced the challenge of developing its post-communist identity amid the upheaval in the Italian political system that followed the Tangentopoli (Bribesville) scandal. The transition to the 'Second Republic', spurred by widespread anti-party sentiment, brought new electoral systems and forms of coalition-making, a changed array of allies and opponents, a personalisation of certain political roles, and changed relationships between the national and local dimensions of politics. In 2000, now called the Left Democrats (DS), the party was the largest component in the nationally governing coalition and even provided the prime minister. Yet the rise to the pinnacle of power had been accompanied by decreasing electoral support. In over ten years of post-communist life, the party had failed to achieve the real breakthrough hoped for by Occhetto: to unite the Italian left in a single party that dominated government or opposition, as in other Western European countries. The primary aim of this thesis is to contribute to understanding the party's fortunes through a case study of the way the turbulent years from 1989 to 2000 were experienced in the Venetian provincial federation. This decade of change has so far not been examined from a local perspective, yet local studies were particularly fruitful in the analysis of the PCI, as they allowed exploration of the ways party debates were perceived, and decisions made at national level were implemented, 'on the ground' in specific contexts. I have not chosen the Venetian federation as a microcosm of the experience in the periphery as a whole but as an interesting and relevant component of the full picture. The Venetian party enjoyed greatly increased responsibilities in government at sub-national levels in the second half of the 1990s, due to successful alliance strategies, but decreasing electoral support. I seek to explain the local party's electoral and power outcomes in terms of a combination of external and internal factors: on one hand, the opportunities and constraints presented by the changing environment; and, on the other, internal dynamics that hampered the party in responding to those challenges. In particular I stress the significance of the crisis precipitated by Occhetto's proposal to transform the party in 1989 and the constraints on the local party's legitimacy and visibility in the competitive environment that developed in the Second Republic. I attribute these constraints to the mixed electoral systems operating at sub-national levels, intra-coalition rivalry, and a striking case of an individual enjoying personal power and influence in the local political system. As a secondary theme, I analyse change in the party type that accompanied these outcomes, in light of theories on general trends in party transformations in Western Europe. I identify rapid changes in the local party's aims, functions and organisational roles and relationships, and in its relationship with the national leadership. I argue that this process of change, consistent with the transformation of a mass party into an electorally focused party, was accelerated at local level by the changing competitive environment and the sudden increase in government responsibilities. The introduction in chapter 1 sets the party's story in context and outlines the aims and argument of the thesis. Chapter 2 introduces the local case study in light of existing analyses of the party's development, the tradition of local studies of the PCI, and theories on party types and transformations. The central chapters are dedicated to the case study, which is based largely on interviews with members of the federation's leadership groups in various periods. The organisation of the material reflects my division of the federation's story into distinct phases, each reflecting a stage in the development of both the party's alliance strategy and the local political system. In the concluding chapter, I discuss the implications of the case study findings for the party as a whole and make a claim for the continuing validity of local studies of Italian political parties.<br>Thesis (PhD Doctorate)<br>Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)<br>School of Arts, Media and Culture<br>Full Text

This thesis explores critically two central notions in the work of Ernesto Laclau: populism and hegemony. From analytical and strategic points of view, some incongruities stand out. For example, the conceptual proximity between the two often hinders their respective explanatory and political purchase. Moreover, Laclau's arguments in support of left-wing populism appear not to examine in sufficient depth some important issues, such as the non-necessary but also potentially problematic relationship between populism and democracy and the question of the leader. In this thesis I examine Laclau's work and interpretations of his work before offering a fresh interpretation that will both retain and enhance the distinctiveness and relevance of populism and hegemony for contemporary debates in socialist thought, and emancipatory theory more generally. My argument is grounded on both empirical and theoretical sources, relying on a combination of concept- and case-based interpretive methods. The empirical aspect of the thesis, which consists of an in-depth study of the trajectory of the Italian Communist Party and the Ecuadorian Citizens' Revolution, is used to problematise the conceptualisation of populism and hegemony. From a theoretical point of view, I first conduct a geneaological analysis of the emergence of the two notions in Laclau. I argue that this prompts a kind of ‘return to Antonio Gramsci’, involving the mobilisation of some insights that were overlooked or progressively neglected in the reading that Laclau made of the Italian thinker. The strategic upshot of this is that, while it is paramount to think in both populist and hegemonic terms, the former does not necessarily imply or reduce to the latter, and vice versa. Finally, I put forward the case for an agonistic, radical-democratic and ethical left-wing populism, drawing from the contributions of Chantal Mouffe, Jacques Derrida, William Connolly and Jacques Lacan.

This study has the aim of exploring aspects of youth culture in Italy during the economic boom of the late 1950s and early 1960s. Its theoretical framework lies between the studies around Italian youth culture and those around the Italian Communist Party (PCI), investigating the relationship between young people and contemporary society and examining, for the first time, the relationship of the former with the PCI, its institutions and media organs. The arrival of an Anglo-American influenced pop culture (culture transmitted by the media and targeted at young people) and of its market, shaped the individualities of part of the pre-baby boomers that, finally, were able to create bespoke identities somewhat disconnected from the traditional party-related narrative while remaining on the left of the political spectrum. Pop symbols that blossomed in the late 1950s, such as the striped t-shirt, would characterise the style of young protesters who included them in their collective imagination from the early 1960s onwards. Simultaneously, a flourishing pop market gave space to other cultural experiences including Cantacronache, a group of young musicians based in Turin who vividly depicted Italy of the boom through their lyrics. Their efforts can be read as belonging to a pop market that finally starts to open up towards new musical stimuli. They aimed to make their music available beyond the circle of left-wing activism as well and they were produced by a label linked to the PCI that in those years was reshaping its approach towards society, getting rid of its radical fringes and opening to a dialogue with diverse strata of the public, including young people, women and non-members. The thesis investigates how the Communists and its Youth Federation (FGCI), reacted to the development of youth culture as an aspect of modernisation in general. Through an examination of the party’s approach to the youth revolts of the early 1960s and of its formal documents targeted at young people in general, we analyse how – and how successfully – the Communists tried to engage with young people while often, internal strands, the monolithic nature of the party and other elements, posed severe obstacles in meeting their demands, creating a fracture that would grow in the following years. The thesis also investigates how the party’s attempt to address young people was translated into the promotion of magazines in which serious political topics were discussed alongside other themes such as investigations into society and into the “questione giovanile.” In this respect, we will see how the FGCI journal Nuova generazione tried, in the late 1950s, to take account of youth inclinations paying attention to other important topics such as the emancipation of young women. The generation we look at is the first to claim the right to build its individual identities by drawing on pop culture and modernisation, developing codes and behaviours that pulled away from those set by the institutions.

Submitted by RODRIGO ISMAEL FRANCISCO MAIA null (rodrigomaiacs@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-01-09T01:47:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação RODRIGO - final.pdf: 978487 bytes, checksum: 2f64a5329e3ef10ebe5e3b495f2b3d8b (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-01-11T18:38:07Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 maia_rif_me_mar.pdf: 978487 bytes, checksum: 2f64a5329e3ef10ebe5e3b495f2b3d8b (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-11T18:38:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 maia_rif_me_mar.pdf: 978487 bytes, checksum: 2f64a5329e3ef10ebe5e3b495f2b3d8b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-15<br>Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)<br>Questa dissertazione ha lo scopo di capire le relazione tra il Partito Comunista Italiano(PCI) e il Partito Comunista Portoghese (PCP) rispetto il processo di integrazione europeo che si è concluso con l'Unione Europea (UE), rilevando la connessione fra politica interna e estera nelle strategie dei partiti. In Italia e Portogallo, lo stabilimento della democrazia faceva parte della strategia dei due PC, i quali avevano ampie basi nelle classi lavoratrici. La tenuta della autoorganizzazione delle classi lavoratrici e la fine dei processi di agitazione sociale portarono alla normalità democratica e alla internazionalizzazione economica, liberale. Il PCI, promuovendo la sua particolare via italiana al socialismo, ha collaborato con la formazione della Comunità Economica Europea (CEE), il PCP che inizialmente la rifiutava, ha iniziato a prenderla come fonte di benefici in difesa dalla democrazia. Lo sviluppo sociale della CEE è stato disuguale e combinato, grazie al quale i paesi sono diventati parte del mercato comune mentre la frammentazione devastava il mondo del lavoro. L'isolamento è stata una prima sconfitta per i due PC nei governi nazionali, e un'altra è stata la impossibilità di andare avanti con la strategia delle riforme in direzione al socialismo. Al fallimento pratico e ideologico si è aggiunto quello politico al momento della conclusione della UE e della crisi finale della sinistra comunista internazionale, quando il PCI ha deciso per lo scioglimento e il PCP per la continuità ortodossa.<br>Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de compreender as relações entre o Partido Comunista Italiano (PCI) e o Partido Comunista Português (PCP) a respeito do processo de integração europeu que culminou na União Europeia (EU), destacando a conexão entre a política interna e externa nas estratégias dos partidos. Na Itália e em Portugal, a instauração do regime democrático fazia parte da estratégia dos dois PCs, os quais possuíam amplas bases nas classes trabalhadoras. O estancamento das auto-organizações das classes trabalhadoras e o fim dos processos de efervescência social levaram à normalidade democrática e à internacionalização das economias, liberalizando-as. O PCI, promovendo sua particular via italiana ao socialismo, colaborou com a formação da Comunidade Econômica Europeia (CEE), o PCP que inicialmente a recusava, passou a tomá-la como fonte de benefícios em defesa da democracia. O desenvolvimento social da CEE foi desigual e combinado, no qual os países passaram a fazer parte do mercado comum ao mesmo tempo em que a fragmentação assolava o mundo do trabalho. O isolamento foi uma primeira derrota dos dois PCs nos governos nacionais, e a outra foi a impossibilidade de avançar com a estratégia de reformas rumo ao socialismo. À falência prática e ideológica se somou a política no limiar da efetivação da UE e diante da crise terminal da esquerda comunista internacional, quando o PCI decidiu pelo desmanche e o PCP pelo prosseguimento ortodoxo.<br>This thesis aims to understand the relationships between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) about the European integration process which culminated in the EU, highlighting the connection between domestic and foreign policy in strategies of the parties. In Italy and Portugal, the establishment of the democratic system was part of the strategy of the two PCs, which had broad-based in the working class. The stagnation of the selforganization of the working classes and the end of social unrest processes have led to democratic normality and the internationalization of economies, liberalizing them. The PCI, promoting their particular Italian via to socialism, collaborated with the formation of the European Economic Community (EEC), the PCP that initially refused, began to take it as a source of benefits in defense of democracy. The EEC's social development was uneven and combined, in which countries became part of the common market at the same time the fragmentation ravaged the world of work. The isolation was a first defeat of the two PCs in national governments, and the other was the impossibility to move forward with the strategy of reforms toward socialism. To the practical and ideological failure was joined the politics at the threshold of execution of the EU, in front of the terminal crisis of the international communist left, when the PCI decided for dismantle and the PCP to the orthodox continuation.

Orientador: Marcos Del Roio<br>Abstract: This thesis aims to understand the relationships between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) about the European integration process which culminated in the EU, highlighting the connection between domestic and foreign policy in strategies of the parties. In Italy and Portugal, the establishment of the democratic system was part of the strategy of the two PCs, which had broad-based in the working class. The stagnation of the selforganization of the working classes and the end of social unrest processes have led to democratic normality and the internationalization of economies, liberalizing them. The PCI, promoting their particular Italian via to socialism, collaborated with the formation of the European Economic Community (EEC), the PCP that initially refused, began to take it as a source of benefits in defense of democracy. The EEC's social development was uneven and combined, in which countries became part of the common market at the same time the fragmentation ravaged the world of work. The isolation was a first defeat of the two PCs in national governments, and the other was the impossibility to move forward with the strategy of reforms toward socialism. To the practical and ideological failure was joined the politics at the threshold of execution of the EU, in front of the terminal crisis of the international communist left, when the PCI decided for dismantle and the PCP to the orthodox continuation.<br>Astratto: Questa dissertazione ha lo scopo di capire le relazione tra il Partito Comunista Italiano(PCI) e il Partito Comunista Portoghese (PCP) rispetto il processo di integrazione europeo che si è concluso con l'Unione Europea (UE), rilevando la connessione fra politica interna e estera nelle strategie dei partiti. In Italia e Portogallo, lo stabilimento della democrazia faceva parte della strategia dei due PC, i quali avevano ampie basi nelle classi lavoratrici. La tenuta della autoorganizzazione delle classi lavoratrici e la fine dei processi di agitazione sociale portarono alla normalità democratica e alla internazionalizzazione economica, liberale. Il PCI, promuovendo la sua particolare via italiana al socialismo, ha collaborato con la formazione della Comunità Economica Europea (CEE), il PCP che inizialmente la rifiutava, ha iniziato a prenderla come fonte di benefici in difesa dalla democrazia. Lo sviluppo sociale della CEE è stato disuguale e combinato, grazie al quale i paesi sono diventati parte del mercato comune mentre la frammentazione devastava il mondo del lavoro. L'isolamento è stata una prima sconfitta per i due PC nei governi nazionali, e un'altra è stata la impossibilità di andare avanti con la strategia delle riforme in direzione al socialismo. Al fallimento pratico e ideologico si è aggiunto quello politico al momento della conclusione della UE e della crisi finale della sinistra comunista internazionale, quando il PCI ha deciso per lo scioglimento e il PCP per la<br>Resumo: Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de compreender as relações entre o Partido Comunista Italiano (PCI) e o Partido Comunista Português (PCP) a respeito do processo de integração europeu que culminou na União Europeia (EU), destacando a conexão entre a política interna e externa nas estratégias dos partidos. Na Itália e em Portugal, a instauração do regime democrático fazia parte da estratégia dos dois PCs, os quais possuíam amplas bases nas classes trabalhadoras. O estancamento das auto-organizações das classes trabalhadoras e o fim dos processos de efervescência social levaram à normalidade democrática e à internacionalização das economias, liberalizando-as. O PCI, promovendo sua particular via italiana ao socialismo, colaborou com a formação da Comunidade Econômica Europeia (CEE), o PCP que inicialmente a recusava, passou a tomá-la como fonte de benefícios em defesa da democracia. O desenvolvimento social da CEE foi desigual e combinado, no qual os países passaram a fazer parte do mercado comum ao mesmo tempo em que a fragmentação assolava o mundo do trabalho. O isolamento foi uma primeira derrota dos dois PCs nos governos nacionais, e a outra foi a impossibilidade de avançar com a estratégia de reformas rumo ao socialismo. À falência prática e ideológica se somou a política no limiar da efetivação da UE e diante da crise terminal da esquerda comunista internacional, quando o PCI decidiu pelo desmanche e o PCP pelo prosseguimento ortodoxo.<br>Mestre

1956 was punctuated by a series of events that shook the world, and is seen as having been not only a watershed for the international communist movement but also a turning point in the Cold War. This thesis is an in-depth study of a specific and under-researched aspect of French and Italian communism i.e. the responses of ordinary Communist Party members of what were the two largest and most important non-ruling Communist Parties to these historic events. Its aim has been to recover thoughts, feelings and responses of those 'on the ground' to these events via a series of personal interviews supported by national, regional and local archive evidence in a multiple case study.

A presente dissertação tem como objeto a análise das propostas de política econômica do Partido comunista italiano de 1943 a 1947. O período analisado marca a transição do regime fascista à construção da república democrática e representa a única experiência de governo do partido ao longo de sua história. A partir do debate sobre o capitalismo italiano desenvolvido pelo partido, a pesquisa buscou identificar algumas das razões que originaram o fracasso de sua ação nos governos de unidade nacional num dos períodos que, por outro lado, registrou um forte enraizamento social do partido. Destacou-se, principalmente, o instrumental teórico subjacente à estratégia adoptada pelos comunistas italianos neste período, a democracia progressiva, como instrumento privilegiado para realizar a via italiana ao socialismo, uma alternativa ao processo revolucionário da Rússia de 1917 e ao mesmo tempo não assimilável à tradição da socialdemocracia europeia. Buscou-se detectar os entraves e as aporias teóricas que tal estratégia colocou na atuação governamental do partido, em particular no que diz respeito à elaboração de duas substanciais reformas, agrária e industrial. Identificou-se no moderantismo do partido a incapacidade de formular mantendo-se dentro da teoria marxista, mas ao mesmo tempo afastando-se do socialismo soviético um claro projeto econômico alternativo às propostas e projetos de reformas de tipo keynesiano que no mesmo período outros países europeus experimentavam.<br>This dissertation focuses the analysis on economic policy proposals of the Italian Communist Party from 1943 to 1947. The sample period marks the transition from the Fascist regime to the construction of a democratic republic and represent the only government experience of the party throughout its history. From the debate about capitalism development by the Italian party, the survey tried to identify some of the reasons that led to the failure of his action in national unity governments in a period, on the other hand, that recorded a strong social roots of the party. The survey highlighted mainly the theoretical tool underlying the strategy adopted by the Italian Communists in this period, the \"progressive democracy\" as a privileged instrument to perform the \"italian way to socialism\", an alternative to the revolutionary process of russian 1917 and at the same time different from the tradition of European social democracy. We attempted to detect obstacles and theoretical aporias that such a strategy put in the party´s performance in the government implementation, in particular with regard to the development of two substantial reforms, the agrarian and industrial ones. The research identified in the \"moderantismo\" party\'s the inability to formulate in a marxist theory perspective, but at the same time moving away from Soviet socialism - a clear alternative economic project to keynesian proposals and reform projects type that in the same period other European countries were experiencing.

Les membres de la « seconde génération » de l’élite dirigeante du Parti communiste italien (PCI) se forment sous le fascisme. Pendant les années 1930, ce sont de jeunes intellectuels qui adhèrent au « fascisme de gauche ». A partir du milieu de cette décennie-là, ils commencent à s’éloigner du fascisme. Ils rejoindront ensuite le PCI. Entre 1944 et 2006, une vingtaine d’entre eux publient des « écritures de soi » (des ouvrages autobiographiques et personnels), dans lesquelles ils expliquent leur itinéraire politique. Ils y revendiquent leur cohérence : les principales raisons pour lesquelles ils ont adhéré au fascisme coïncident avec les raisons de leur engagement dans le PCI.Ils écrivent également que leur soutien au régime mussolinien a été le résultat de la tromperie dont ils ont été victimes sous le fascisme, qui leur a imposé une fausse image de lui. La jeunesse intellectuelle n’a pas adhéré au « vrai » fascisme, mais à une représentation erronée de celui-ci. En conséquence, ils ont toujours été antifascistes tout en se croyant fascistes.Le contenu de ces ouvrages est influencé par le leader du PCI, Palmiro Togliatti, qui utilise les « écritures de soi » datant des années 1940 pour attirer les jeunes ex-fascistes, dont son parti a besoin pour former une nouvelle classe dirigeante et gagner le combat pour la conquête du pouvoir.Ces « écritures de soi » influencent à leur tour plusieurs historiens et l’opinion italienne qui, pendant longtemps, ont accepté leurs thèses sans les remettre en question et ont fondé sur elles la façon de représenter et décrire l’engagement politique et culturelle dont la jeunesse intellectuelle a fait preuve sous le fascisme<br>The members of the ''second generation'' of the ruling elite of the Italian Communist Party (ICP) come together under fascism. During the 1930s they are young intellectuals who belong to ''left-wing fascism''. From the middle of this decade they start to move away from fascism. They will later join the ICP.Between 1944 and 2006 twenty of them publish ''personal texts'' (personal and autobiographical works), in which they explain their political itinerary. In them they claim to be coherent: the main reasons for which they followed fascism are the reasons for their commitment to the ICP.They also write that their support for the Mussolini regime was the result of the fact that they were deceived under fascism which gave them a false impression of itself. The young intellectuals did not adhere to the ''real'' fascism, but a false representation of it. Consequently they had always been antifascists while believing themselves to be fascists.The content of these publications is influenced by the leader of the ICP, Palmiro Togliatti, who uses the ''personal texts'' dating from the 1940s to attract young ex-fascists whom his party needs to form a new ruling class and to win the battle for the conquest of power.These ''personal texts" in turn influence several historians and Italian opinion which, for a long time, accepted their theses without calling them into question, and based their way of representing and describing the political and cultural commitment shown by young intellectuals under fascism on them

L'histoire du cinéma italien d'après-guerre apparait intrinsèquement liée à l'histoire politique du pays. Cumulant ses fonctions, le cinéma voit ses aspirations dépassées au lendemain de la guerre. Lié à la résistance dès ses débuts, le cinéma prend pour thématique principale la société italienne dans son ensemble. Engagé le cinéma de l'après-guerre devient un véritable enjeu politique. Les gouvernements démocrates-chrétiens qui se succèdent vont alors tenter de contrôler ce secteur dont ils comprennent l'importance, mais, fait majeur, le contexte social et politique conduit le cinéma à se rapprocher des forces de gauche et principalement du parti communiste italien. Du même coup le cinéma va se retrouver inscrit au cœur du débat politique qui ne cessera de secouer la péninsule durant ce demi-siècle. Le cinéma sera ainsi le témoin et l'acteur des épisodes les plus marquants de cette histoire, qu'il s'agisse des luttes politiques et sociales des années cinquante, du boom économique des années soixante, de la crise morale de ce qu'on a appelé les "années de plomb" marquées par le terrorisme "noir" et le terrorisme "rouge", de la crise économique rampante des années quatre-vingt<br>The history of Italian cinema, in the wake of the second world war, was intimately linked to italy's political scene. This close relationship is the result of the political commitment of Italy's neo-realistic cinema to resistance to fascism during the war. In the years following the war, italian cinema maintained close connections to the emerging political arena, expressing views on italian society in its entirety. As a result, gaining control over the movie industry became a major political stake for the successive christian-democrat governments. The difficult political and social context, however, favoured a rapprochement between the major left wing parties, including the italian communist party, and italian cinema. Italian cinema was thrusted into the epicentre of the political debates that have troubled the country in the following decades. Italian cinema has been the witness, and the actor, of some of the most prominent episodes of italian history: the political and social struggles of the 1950s, the economic expansion of the 1960s, and the moral crisis that has been described as the "years of lead". This latter period has been marked by "black" terrorism and "red" terrorism that occurred during the rampant economic crisis of the 1980s

L’histoire du Parti communiste italien (Pci) en Sardaigne, de la fondation en 1921 jusqu’à la dissolution en 1991, n’a pas encore été écrite. Cette thèse vise à combler cette lacune, tout en y ajoutant un aspect inédit : la rédaction croisée avec l’histoire du Parti communiste français (Pcf) en Corse. L’étude, structurée en trois périodes en fonction des grandes ruptures historiques (1920-1943 ; 1944-1962 ; 1963-1991) se focalise sur trois aspects : l’implantation territoriale, l’histoire électorale et l’identité insulaire. La première partie est caractérisée par la faiblesse des deux organisations politiques. La Résistance marque un tournant, notamment pour le Pcf corse, qui dans les années 1945-1947 est à son apogée militante et électorale, mais à partir de 1947 entame son déclin. Le tassement est dû aux conséquences de la guerre froide, à l’émigration des cadres du parti, à la ligne du Pcf sur la décolonisation et notamment sur la guerre en Algérie. L’érosion se stabilise après 1958, avec la participation des communistes corses aux principaux mouvements revendicatifs.Le Parti communiste italien en Sardaigne accroît son influence suite au choix d’une ligne politique autonomiste en 1947. Le Pci sarde, conduit par le secrétaire régional Velio Spano (1947-1957), puis par Renzo Laconi (1957-1963), atteint le pic des effectifs en 1954.À partir des années 1960, les deux îles traversent une phase caractérisée par l’urbanisation et le dépeuplement de l’intérieur, une rapide poussée démographique et un développement économique inégal, centré sur l’agriculture intensive et le tourisme de masse en Corse, et en Sardaigne s’ajoute la création des pôles industriels du secteur pétrochimique. Dans cette phase (1962-1991), le Pcf corse maintient son influence à travers l’implantation municipale, dans les bastions rouges de l’île. À Sartène, de 1959 à 2001, on retrouve la présence d’un maire communiste, tandis qu’à Bastia, de 1968 à 2014, les communistes occupent le siège de premier adjoint au maire radical. Au même moment en Sardaigne, le Parti communiste est à son apogée électorale, pendant la période du secrétariat national d’Enrico Berlinguer, entre la moitié des années 1970 et des années 1980. Aux élections politiques de 1976, le Pci sarde atteint 35,54% des suffrages, alors que le Pcf corse arrive tout juste à 16,20% aux législatives de 1978. De plus, les communistes de Sardaigne participent à l’exécutif régional de 1980 à 1982, et de 1984 à 1989. Il faut souligner néanmoins que si la région autonome sarde est constituée en 1948, le premier statut particulier de la Corse n’est approuvé qu’en 1982. Dans ce sens, le programme commun des communistes et des socialistes en 1972 marque un changement de ligne au sein du Pcf, avec le rôle joué par Félix Damette, théoricien français de la stratégie du socialisme autogestionnaire. Damette encourage le développement dans l’île du mot d’ordre favorable à un pouvoir régional démocratique. La Fédération de la Corse-du-Sud, née en 1976, se montre plus réceptive aux changements par rapport à la Fédération de la Haute-Corse, qui demeure plus centraliste et jacobine.En ce qui concerne l’identité insulaire, de 1947 à 1991, le Pci sarde est engagé dans l’application et l’actualisation de la ligne politique autonomiste. En Corse, le Pcf est plus attentif aux slogans et aux symboles insulaires dans la communication politique et, dans les années 1980, le parti accomplit une élaboration sur la langue et la culture régionale, grâce à l’engagement de Biancarelli, Bungelmi et Marcellesi<br>The history of the Italian Communist Party (Pci) in Sardinia, from its foundation in 1921 to its dissolution in 1991, has not yet been written. The thesis aims to fill this gap, while adding a new aspect: its intertwining with the history of the French Communist Party (Pcf) in Corsica. The study, structured in three periods corresponding to the great historical ruptures (1920-1943; 1944-1962; 1963-1991), focuses on three aspects: territorial implantation, electoral history and island identity. The first part is characterized by the weakness of the two political organizations. The Resistance marked a turning point, especially for the Corsican Party, which was at its militant and electoral peak between 1945 and 1947, but which, from 1947 onwards, began its decline. The decline was due to the consequences of the Cold War, the emigration of the party’s cadres, the Party’s agenda on decolonization and particularly because of the war in Algeria. The erosion stabilized after 1958, with the participation of Corsican communists in the main revendication movements.The Italian Communist Party in Sardinia increased its influence following the choice of an autonomist political line in 1947. The Sardinian Communist Party, led by the regional secretary Velio Spano (1947-1957), then by Renzo Laconi (1957-1963), reached its membership peak in 1954.From the 1960s onwards, the two islands went through a phase characterized by urbanization, depopulation of the inland, a rapid demographic growth and uneven economic development, based on intensive agriculture and mass tourism in Corsica, and on the creation of industrial poles in the petrochemical sector in Sardinia. During this phase (1962-1991), the Corsican Communist Party maintained its influence through the municipal establishment in the red bastions of the island. From 1959 to 2001, there was a communist mayor in Sartène, while in Bastia, from 1968 to 2014, the communists occupied the seat of the first deputy mayor with a mayor belonging to the Radical party. At the same time in Sardinia, the Communist Party was at its electoral peak, during the period of Enrico Berlinguer’s national secretariat, between the mid-1970s and the mid-1980s. During the 1976 elections, the Sardinian Communist Party received 35.54% of the vote, while the Corsican Communist Party only scored 16.20% of the vote during the 1978 legislative elections. Moreover, the Sardinian communists participated in the regional executive committee from 1980 to 1982, and from 1984 to 1989. It should be noted, however, that while the autonomous region of Sardinia was established in 1948, the first special status for Corsica was only approved in 1982. In this sense, the common programme of the communists and socialists in 1972 marked a change of agenda within the French Communist Party. Félix Damette, a French theorist of the strategy of self-management socialism, encouraged the development in the island of the law that favors a democratic regional power. The Fédération de la Corse-du-Sud, born in 1976, was more receptive to change than the Fédération de la Haute-Corse, which remained more centralist.As regards island identity, from 1947 to 1991, the Sardinian Communist Party was committed to the implementing and updating the autonomist political agenda. In Corsica, the Party was more attentive to the island’s slogans and symbols used in political communication and, in the 1980s, the organization played an important role in the formalization of the regional language and culture, thanks to the commitment of Biancarelli, Bungelmi and Marcellesi

This dissertation analyzes that peculiar political front that in the 1970s called itself, and was generally called «revolutionary left», in alternative to the «official», «traditional», or «historical» left represented by the Italian Communist Party (Pci) and the Italian Socialist Party (Psi). The research, however, embraces a longer time span of Italian socio-political history and the international labor movement, starting with the anarchist movement and the dissident organizations that in 1943-44 appeared within the socialist-communist traditions (Trotskyites, Bordigists, socialist left, etc.), and ending with the Marxist-Leninist and operaista (“workerist”) organizations of the sixties and seventies. The cross-sectional analysis of the sources has revealed both continuities and discontinuities in the political activism of the revolutionary left before and after 1968. In any case, the former seem to outnumber the latter<br>Questa ricerca analizza quella peculiare area politica che negli anni settanta si rappresentò, e in genere venne rappresentata, come «sinistra rivoluzionaria», alternativa a quella definita «ufficiale», «tradizionale» o «storica» (Partito comunista italiano e Partito socialista italiano). La ricerca, tuttavia, abbraccia un arco temporale relativamente ampio della storia politico-sociale italiana e del movimento operaio italiano e internazionale. Partendo dal dissidentismo anarchico e social-comunista (trockisti, bordighisti, sinistra socialista, ecc.), che si manifesta a partire dal 1943-1944, si arriva alle organizzazioni rivoluzionarie degli anni sessanta e settanta: marxisti-leninisti e operaisti. Dallo studio incrociato delle fonti è emerso come il rapporto tra il Sessantotto e la militanza politica nei gruppi della sinistra rivoluzionaria pre e post-sessantottina fosse caratterizzato sia da elementi di continuità-omogeneità sia da elementi di rottura-eterogeneità. In ogni caso, i primi sembrano sopravanzare i secondi

Dans une perspective d’histoire culturelle du politique, ce travail de recherche interroge l’unité et la diversité des cultures et des imaginaires socialistes au sortir de la guerre. Les socialistes français et italiens, liés par une alliance de longue date à la Libération, se déchirent peu à peu, en raison de choix stratégiques différents dans la Guerre froide naissante. À partir d’une étude localisée dans six fédérations, il s’agit de mettre en évidence la diversité des représentations du monde, des rituels qui permettent de les exprimer, du rapport au temps – passé et futur – et des pratiques politiques jugées légitimes.L’étude permet de montrer à la fois la difficulté de la réinstallation d’une vie démocratique à l’échelle locale et le rôle des partis dans cette dernière. À travers les rapports entre les différents courants du PSI et de la SFIO, on peut rendre compte des débats qui parcourent le socialisme européen à la Libération et aux débuts de la Guerre froide.Cette recherche a aussi permis une réflexion sur la violence politique, sa justification et sur les formes que celle-ci prend au moment des tensions très grandes de 1947 et 1948 quand l’adversaire est régulièrement délégitimé et dépeint en ennemi. D’une manière plus générale, il s’agit d’une réflexion sur les méthodes de l’histoire politique, cherchant à prendre davantage en compte les questions culturelles, au sens large, en mobilisant un large panel de sources (archives sonores, multimédia, dessins de presse, témoignages de militants)<br>In the perspective of a cultural studies approach to political history, this research questions the diversity of socialist cultures and their shared representations at the end of the Second World War. French and Italian socialists, who had been united by a long-standing alliance before the Liberation, progressively tore each other apart because of different strategic choices in the early stages of the Cold War. Drawing on the local study of six federations, the purpose of this work is to highlight the diversity of their world views and the rituals that shape them, their various relationships to time – past and future – as well as their understanding of what constitutes a legitimate political action.This study shows the struggle to generate a renewed democratic life at the local level and the role played by both parties in this matter. Through the relationships between the different movements of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI) and the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO), it is possible to better understand the debates that run through European socialism at the Liberation and at the onset of the Cold War. This research also allows an in-depth study on political violence, its justification and the shapes it can take on, especially when tensions flared up in 1947 and 1948. At this critical time, opponents were often undermined by the other side which portrayed them as the enemy, in an effort to delegitimize them. More generally, it is a reflection on the methods of political history, aiming to further include cultural issues, in a broad meaning of the term and relying on a wide range of material and sources (sound archives, multimedia, press cartoons, activist testimonies, among others)

Les objectifs du projet de recherche ont leur fondement dans la tentative de répondre à quelques questions essentielles concernant l'identité du Parti Communiste italien et du Parti Communiste français en tant que sujets politiques complexes, multiformes et dynamiques.On a d'abord crée deux laboratoires d'analyse, l'un en Italie, le deuxième en France, en tant que lieux d'observation, d'étude et de dénouement des thèmes les plus significatifs liés à l'identité, la stratégie et la culture communiste.En ce qui concerne l'Italie, on a tout naturellement choisi le Triangle Industriel qui constitue une macro zone aux caractères sociaux et économiques communs où le PCI a joué un rôle important et tout à fait différent par rapport aux autres zones sub-culturelles de la péninsule dans les années de l'après-guerre.Il m'a paru de plus en plus évident que la région Rhône-Alpes se caractérisait par des aspects économiques, sociaux, géographiques et anthropiques intéressants qui la rapprochaient au Triangle Industriel avec lequel, d'ailleurs, il existait une proximité territoriale.D'après un regard plus attentif au tissu socio-économique de la région, on s'aperçoit que les trois plus importantes villes - Grenoble, Lyon, Saint Etienne- se caractérisent par le même mélange d' « ingrédients » sur lesquels se fonde le caractère particulier des chefs-lieux du Triangle Italien. Il s'agit d'une très forte vocation industrielle, d'une société hétérogène, d'un équilibre parmi les forces politiques protagonistes du débat local (ou, au moins, pas de supériorité nette et durable de l'une par rapport aux autres), de Fédérations à même de marquer, d'une manière nette et durable, l'histoire, l'identité, la mentalité des inscrits et des électeurs, enfin d'une partie considérable de la société.Après les domaines, les temps de la recherche. La Libération, ou mieux encore, l'année 1946 s'est imposée d'une manière tout à fait naturelle comme « incipit ». Il s'agissait d'une césure chronologique évidente pour le début d'un parcours ; une date naturelle mais pas infranchissable, plutôt osmotique avec le passé des militants et des cadres qui, par leur mémoire personnelle, reviennent à la période précédant la naissance du parti.C'est un parcours long, sinueux, complexe dont on a repéré la fin, d'une manière tout à fait subjective mais bien motivée, en 1976, en ce qui concerne l'Italie et en 1978, en ce qui concerne la France. Les deux dates sont très représentatives des deux Pays et des deux partis communistes.On est bien dans les années de l'apogée après lequel va commencer la chute.Deux évènements vont caractériser ce moment : le doublement raté en Italie et la débâcle électorale en France. Il s'agit d'une histoire différente mais de là on va assister à un déclin lent et inexorable. C'est une conjoncture qui nous implique tous et qui change, irrémédiablement, la destinée de nos microcosmes.Les sources utilisées pour ce travail de recherche se divisent en trois groupes différents. Appartiennent au premier groupe les données quantitatives concernant la base militante et les Comités Fédéraux de chacune des Fédération faisant l'objet de la recherche.Un deuxième groupe de sources se compose, par contre, de la documentation officielle concernant les débats intérieurs au parti. Il s'agit de congrès, de réunions du Comité Fédéral, de rapports préparatoires, une masse de documents produits par les Fédérations qui a été tout à fait indispensable dans la reconstruction des stratégies politiques poursuivies sur les territoires.Le troisième et tout dernier groupe de sources est sans doute celui qui m'a fascinée davantage par sa richesse et par ses infinies possibilités d'interprétation et par le passage du plan quantitatif au qualitatif aussi. Il s'agit de biographies rédigées par les cadres au moment de l'inscription au parti ou bien pendant la participation à l'une de ses écoles<br>The aim of the research project is the attempt to answer some basic questions about the identity of the Italian and French Communist parties, considered as complex and dynamic political subjects.The first step was to select two case studies, one in Italy and one in France, as places where to observe and deal with the most meaningful themes linked to the identity, the strategies and the political communist cultures.As far as Italy is concerned, I chose the so-called Triangolo Industriale. It represents a macro-area with economic and social common features and where the Pci played an important role, different from the other sub- cultural areas of Italy in the second post-war period.I realized that the Rhône-Alpes had the economic, social, geographical and anthropic features approaching it to the Triangolo Industriale, with which also as a geographical proximity.Going deeper into the social and the economic texture of the three most important cities – Grenoble, Lyon, Saint Étienne - I discovered that they have the same mixture of “ingredients” compared to Milan, Turin and Genua: well-rooted industrial vocation, heterogeneous society, a good balance among the political forces, local communist Federations able to mark the identity, the history and the cultural of their members and the electors.The research has as starting point the year 1946. Natural chronological caesura but overcome by the memories of the militants and political leaders, which date back until the previous period to the birth of the party.It is a long and complex process lasting until 1976 for Italy and 1978 for France. These dates are extremely representative for both communist parties because they constitute the apogee moment, before the beginning of the decline. Two events characterize this moment: the failed “sorpasso” in Italy and the electoral defeat in France. It is a crucial point implying a radical change also in our two micro-cosmos.The sources used in this research can be divided in three groups: the first group is represented by the statistic data about militants and political local structures. The second is represented by the official documents of the internal party debates, useful to reconstruct the political strategies pursued in every territory.The third and last source is the one that has struck me more for the infinite interpretative possibilities and for the passage from the quantitative to the qualitative level. They are the biographies written by the communist leaders at the moment of their adhesion to the party or when they attended the political schools of the party.STAR

The thesis deals with the relations between the communist parties of Yugoslavia and Italy during the sixties and the seventies. The named parties were, during those two decades, in a close friendship and alliance, and the two most prominent "dissident" parties within the communist movement. The author analyzes the nature of their dissent and reformism, and the limitations and broader political impact of their alliance.

Defence date: 19 March 2004<br>Examining board: Prof. Alan Milward, IUE (supervisor) ; Prof. Marc Lazar, Inst. d'Etudes Politiques, Paris ; Prof. Silvio Pons, Università Tor Vergata ; Prof. Arfon Rees, IUE<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017