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1

Nasr, Seyyed Vali Reza 1960. "The politics of an Islamic movement--the Jama'at-I Islami in Pakistan". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/97779.

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2

Rahman, Md Mahbubur. "Islamic activism in Bangladesh: a case study of the Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2007. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/2790.

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This dissertation is a study of the dynamics and direction of contemporary Islamic activism. It examines why some Muslims turn to Islamic activism and what determines the direction of this movement. It focuses on the Jamaat-e-Islami of Bangladesh, one of the most influential Islamic activist movements in South Asia. The study particularly explores the factors that contributed to the rise of the Jamaat-e-Islami in Bangladesh, and the subsequent transformation of this movement. The basic premise of this study is that the appeal of the contemporary Islamic activism is primarily religious, but wherever and whenever it participates in a democratic system, moderation is critical to its wider appeal and political success. By examining the historical roots, ideological discourse, organizational mechanism and the strategy of the Jamaat-e-Islami based on both primary and secondary source materials, the study uncovers that while at the core of this movement is a religious reawakening and rhetoric that were generated by new kind of Islamic discourses and sustained by a well-knit organizational network, this awakening being the result of one particular reading of Islam has attracted only a limited number of adherents. Having failed to win the hearts and minds of the majority as reflected in repeated electoral showings, the Jamaat has turned to redefine its ideology and socio-political agenda by adopting a “pragmatic” and relatively “liberal” approach in the political arena. While it is still experiencing dilemmas in reconciling and re-interpreting much of its agenda, the transformation the party has gone through in Bangladesh is significant, for it demonstrates its flexible character and a trend toward further moderation. Empirical findings of this study have wider theoretical implications. First, contemporary Islamic movements are not necessarily fundamentalist, reactive or radical, as they are often portrayed in the literature of this subject. In contrast, this study finds that while a degree of nostalgia is at work in Islamic activism in that it often refers back to the early history of Islam, it nevertheless embraces modernity. Second, this study unveils the diverse character of the Islamic activism that can be radical as well as moderate. It also shows that the character of an Islamic movement is shaped not just by a particular reading of Islam, but also by the context in which it operates. In other words, the nature of contemporary Islamic activism is largely contextual. Third, the ideological position and character of Islamic movements are still evolving. Fourth (and finally), pluralist democracy helps moderate the character of an Islamic movement, especially when the latter becomes the part of this process.
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3

Abdalla, Mohamad, i n/a. "The Fate of Islamic Science Between the Eleventh and Sixteenth Centuries: A Critical Study of Scholarship from Ibn Khaldun to the Present". Griffith University. School of Science, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040618.091027.

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The aim of this thesis is to comprehensively survey and evaluate scholarship, from Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) to the present, on the fate of Islamic science between the eleventh and sixteenth-centuries, and to outline a more adequate scholarly approach. The thesis also assesses the logic and empirical accuracy of the accepted decline theory, and other alternative views, regarding the fate of Islamic science, and investigates the procedural and social physiological factors that give rise to inadequacies in the scholarship under question. It also attempts to construct an intellectual model for the fate of Islamic science, one that examines the cultural environment, and the interactions among different cultural dynamics at work. Drawing upon Ibn Khaldun's theory and recent substantial evidence from the history of Islamic science, this thesis also entails justifying the claim that, contrary to common assumptions, different fates awaited Islamic science, in different areas, and at different times. For the period of Ibn Khaldun to the present, this thesis presents the first comprehensive review of both classical and contemporary scholarship, exclusively or partially, devoted to the fate of Islamic science for the period under study. Based on this review, the thesis demonstrates that, although the idea that Islamic science declined after the eleventh century has gained a wide currency, and may have been established as the preferred scholarly paradigm, there is no agreement amongst scholars regarding what actually happened. In fact, the lexicon of scholarship that describes the fate of Islamic science includes such terms as: "decline," "decadence," "stagnation," "fragmentation," "standstill," and that Islamic science "froze," to name just a few. More importantly, the study shows that six centuries ago, the Muslim historian Ibn Khaldun provided a more sophisticated and complex theory regarding what happened to Islamic science, which was not utilised except in the work of two scholars. The thesis tests the adequacy of the different claims by applying them to four case studies from the history of Islamic science, and demonstrate that evidence for specified areas shows that different fates awaited Islamic science in different areas and times. In view of the fact that Ibn Khaldun's theory is six centuries old, and that evidence of original scientific activity beyond the eleventh century emerged in the 1950s, what would one expect the state of scholarship to be? One would expect that with the availability of such evidence the usage of "decline" and other single-faceted terms would begin to disappear from the lexicon of scholarship; scholars would show awareness, and criticism, of each other's work; and development of more and more sophisticated concepts would emerge that would explain the fate of Islamic science. The thesis demonstrates that this did not happen. It argues that the key problem is that, after Ibn Khaldun, there was a centuries-long gap, in which even excellent historians used simple, dismissive terms and concepts defined by a limited, but highly persistent, bundle of interpretative views with a dominant theme of decline. These persistent themes within the scholarship by which Islamic science is constructed and represented were deeply embedded in many scholarly works. In addition, many scholars failed to build on the work of others; they ignored major pieces of evidence; and, in most cases, they were not trying to discern what happened to Islamic science but were referring to the subject as part of another project. Thus, in this corpus of scholarship, one that contains the work of some of the 'best' scholars, the myth of the decline remains not only intact but also powerful. Convinced of its merit, scholars passed it on and vouched for it, failing to distinguish facts from decisions based on consensus, emotion, or tradition. There are very few noteworthy cases where Islamic science is being represented in ways that do not imply negativity. There are also some few narratives that present more complex descriptions; however, even Ibn Khaldun's complex theory, which is arguably the most adequate in the scholarship, is non-comprehensive. Some modern scholars, like Saliba and Sabra, present a challenge to the common argument that Islamic science suffered a uniform decline. However, in the absence of any significant challenges to the common claims of the fate of Islamic science, particularly that of decline, it is evident that, at the very least, the scholarship seems to offer support to the work of discourses that construct the fate of Islamic science in single-faceted, simplistic and reductive terms.
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4

Abdalla, Mohamad. "The Fate of Islamic Science Between the Eleventh and Sixteenth Centuries: A Critical Study of Scholarship from Ibn Khaldun to the Present". Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367065.

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The aim of this thesis is to comprehensively survey and evaluate scholarship, from Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) to the present, on the fate of Islamic science between the eleventh and sixteenth-centuries, and to outline a more adequate scholarly approach. The thesis also assesses the logic and empirical accuracy of the accepted decline theory, and other alternative views, regarding the fate of Islamic science, and investigates the procedural and social physiological factors that give rise to inadequacies in the scholarship under question. It also attempts to construct an intellectual model for the fate of Islamic science, one that examines the cultural environment, and the interactions among different cultural dynamics at work. Drawing upon Ibn Khaldun's theory and recent substantial evidence from the history of Islamic science, this thesis also entails justifying the claim that, contrary to common assumptions, different fates awaited Islamic science, in different areas, and at different times. For the period of Ibn Khaldun to the present, this thesis presents the first comprehensive review of both classical and contemporary scholarship, exclusively or partially, devoted to the fate of Islamic science for the period under study. Based on this review, the thesis demonstrates that, although the idea that Islamic science declined after the eleventh century has gained a wide currency, and may have been established as the preferred scholarly paradigm, there is no agreement amongst scholars regarding what actually happened. In fact, the lexicon of scholarship that describes the fate of Islamic science includes such terms as: "decline," "decadence," "stagnation," "fragmentation," "standstill," and that Islamic science "froze," to name just a few. More importantly, the study shows that six centuries ago, the Muslim historian Ibn Khaldun provided a more sophisticated and complex theory regarding what happened to Islamic science, which was not utilised except in the work of two scholars. The thesis tests the adequacy of the different claims by applying them to four case studies from the history of Islamic science, and demonstrate that evidence for specified areas shows that different fates awaited Islamic science in different areas and times. In view of the fact that Ibn Khaldun's theory is six centuries old, and that evidence of original scientific activity beyond the eleventh century emerged in the 1950s, what would one expect the state of scholarship to be? One would expect that with the availability of such evidence the usage of "decline" and other single-faceted terms would begin to disappear from the lexicon of scholarship; scholars would show awareness, and criticism, of each other's work; and development of more and more sophisticated concepts would emerge that would explain the fate of Islamic science. The thesis demonstrates that this did not happen. It argues that the key problem is that, after Ibn Khaldun, there was a centuries-long gap, in which even excellent historians used simple, dismissive terms and concepts defined by a limited, but highly persistent, bundle of interpretative views with a dominant theme of decline. These persistent themes within the scholarship by which Islamic science is constructed and represented were deeply embedded in many scholarly works. In addition, many scholars failed to build on the work of others; they ignored major pieces of evidence; and, in most cases, they were not trying to discern what happened to Islamic science but were referring to the subject as part of another project. Thus, in this corpus of scholarship, one that contains the work of some of the 'best' scholars, the myth of the decline remains not only intact but also powerful. Convinced of its merit, scholars passed it on and vouched for it, failing to distinguish facts from decisions based on consensus, emotion, or tradition. There are very few noteworthy cases where Islamic science is being represented in ways that do not imply negativity. There are also some few narratives that present more complex descriptions; however, even Ibn Khaldun's complex theory, which is arguably the most adequate in the scholarship, is non-comprehensive. Some modern scholars, like Saliba and Sabra, present a challenge to the common argument that Islamic science suffered a uniform decline. However, in the absence of any significant challenges to the common claims of the fate of Islamic science, particularly that of decline, it is evident that, at the very least, the scholarship seems to offer support to the work of discourses that construct the fate of Islamic science in single-faceted, simplistic and reductive terms.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Science
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5

Yacoub, Ahmed Abdel Aziz. "Responses in Islamic jurisprudence to developments in medical science". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.392910.

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6

Khatib, Line. "Islamic and Islamist revivalism in Syria: rise and fall of secularism in Ba'thist Syria". Thesis, McGill University, 2010. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=94949.

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This study explores Islamic and Islamist revivalism in Ba´thist Syria. It addresses how the secular regime of both Hafez al-Asad and Bashar al-Asad paradoxically paved the way towards Syria's current Islamization. The study examines the following questions: Who are today's Syrian Islamic and Islamist groups? Why and how are they re-emerging after 22 years of relative silence as an important political and socio-economic force in Syria? How has the regime contributed to their re-emergence? Does Syria find Islamist groups to be a mechanism for wielding influence in the region, particularly in Iraq and Lebanon? If yes, how is this affecting the Syrian domestic scene? How successful are Syria's Islamic groups in recruiting followers within the authoritarian context of Syrian politics, and how is the Syrian regime dealing with their re-emergence in light of Syria's multi-sectarian society on the one hand, and its Pan-Arab foreign policy on the other hand? These questions are considered through a comparative examination of the shifts in the state's responses to, and relations with, the Islamic movement (independent variable) and the impact of these shifts on Islamic revivalism (dependent variable) in the Syria of Hafez al-Asad and Bashar al-Asad. This examination offers an explanation of the Populist Authoritarian regime's shift from muting secularism and co-opting the religious class under Hafez al-Asad to endorsing Islamic revivalism under Bashar. In this shift, the Ba´th regime stimulated the creation of a new relationship between the state and the Islamic groups, with the aim of retaining a considerable degree of control over the latter. However, the results of the regime's co-optation strategies have been the provision of an important organizational space for Islamic groups to grow and recruit members. The major conclusion of this study is that the mixture of the current formula predicts that Islamic revivalism is set to engulf the country, with or without the
Cette étude examine la renaissance islamique et islamiste dans la Syrie baasiste. Elle analyse la manière dont le régime laïque d'Hafez el-Assad et de Bachar el-Assad a paradoxalement favorisé l'islamisation actuelle de la Syrie. L'étude se pose les questions suivantes : quels sont les groupes islamistes et islamiques dans la Syrie d'aujourd'hui ? Pourquoi et comment, après vingt-trois ans de silence relatif, ces groupes resurgissent-ils en tant que force politique et sociale importante ? En quoi le régime autoritaire et populiste a-t-il contribué à leur réémergence ? Dans quelle mesure ces groupes parviennent-ils à recruter des disciples dans la Syrie autoritaire et laïque ? Comment le régime syrien gère-t-il leur réapparition dans le contexte de l'intervention menée par les Américains en Irak à partir de 2003 et de la montée nouvelle d'une menace existentielle islamiste dans la région ? Enfin, la Syrie perçoit-elle ces groupes islamistes comme un outil permettant d'exercer une influence dans la région, en particulier en Irak et au Liban, et comment cette stratégie affecte-t-elle la scène politique intérieure ? Ces questions sont envisagées à travers un examen comparatif des changements ayant affecté les réponses et les relations de l'Etat au mouvement islamique, ainsi que de l'impact de ces changements sur la renaissance islamique dans la Syrie d'Hafez el-Assad et de Bachar el-Assad. Elle offre une explication de l'évolution du régime autoritaire et populiste, qui est passé d'une politique visant à réduire le sécularisme au silence et à coopter la classe religieuse sous Hafez el-Assad à un appui de la renaissance islamique sous son fils. A l'occasion de ce changement, le régime baasiste a employé toute une série de stratégies destinées à consolider son pouvoir et à garantir sa survie. Ce faisant, il a stimulé la création d'une nouvelle relation entre l'Etat et les groupes islamiques, dans le but de conserver un co
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7

Munhanif, Ali. "Different routes to Islamism: history, institutions and the politics of Islamic state in Egypt and Indonesia". Thesis, McGill University, 2011. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=96697.

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This dissertation examines patterns of Islamist political mobilization in Egypt and Indonesia. It focuses on the development of major political organizations formed in both countries whose primary goal is the establishment of Islamic state. By focusing on these organizations, this dissertation seeks to explain an analytical puzzle: why Egyptian and Indonesian Islamist movements develop along divergent patterns of mobilization?While the traditional focus of the literature is on Islam's cultural tenets and the structure of Muslim society, I argue that the most fundamental factors that have driven the variation in Islamist mobilization were the historical formation of particular types of organizations along with how the outcomes of this period developed over time. Different institutional settings in Egypt and Indonesia prior to the formation of modern political organizations intent on the creation of an Islamic state transformed similar Islamic ideology into different patterns of organizational constructs and programs for mobilization. This formative moment is of paramount importance because it had long-term political consequences. Based on this institutional framework, this dissertation identifies a typology of Islamist historical formation centered on the distinction between the "purist" Islamist movement in Egypt and "pragmatic-reform" oriented Islamist organizations in Indonesia.This dissertation also examines the relationship between institutional settings and Islamist politics over time. I analyze the history and institutional designs of the state as conditions that both constrained and yet enabled the interests and goals of leaders in Islamist movements. Periodization— defined broadly as the historical sequences of state formation — serves as an analytical framework with which to capture critical moments and actions of the competing groups, especially between Islamist actors and the state elite in response to a particular set of changes, over a defined period of time. By tracing these various paths of Islamist political responses and initiatives through the subsequent changes of state-Islamist relations, this dissertation seeks to offer a more nuanced, historically grounded, but analytically persuasive explanation of the alternative routes toward an Islamic state, in terms of organizational formation, political mobilization and transformation.Using an historical institutional theoretical framework to interrogate my findings, it is hoped that this dissertation will contribute to a larger debate in political science on Islam and politics, state building, and the historical process of conflict-resolution between the state regimes and Islamist political forces.
Ce mémoire est consacré d'examiner des modèles de la mobilisation politique islamiste en Égypte et en Indonésie. Elle se concentre sur le développement des organisations politiques importantes formées dans les deux pays dont le but primaire est l'établissement de l'état islamique. En se concentrant sur ces organisations, cette thèse cherche à expliquer une énigme analytique : pourquoi les mouvements islamistes égyptiens et indonésiens se développent-ils selon les modèles divergents de la mobilisation? Tandis que l'objectif traditionnel de la littérature est sur les principes culturels et la structure de la société musulmane, je soutiens que les facteurs les plus fondamentaux qui ont conduit la variation de la mobilisation islamiste étaient la formation historique des types particuliers d'organisations avec la façon dont les résultats de cette période se sont développés avec le temps. Les différents cadres institutionnels en Égypte et en Indonésie avant la formation des organisations politiques modernes attentifs sur la création d'un état islamique ont transformé l'idéologie islamique semblable en différents modèles des constructions et des programmes d'organisation pour la mobilisation. Ce moment formateur est d'importance primordiale parce qu'il a eu des conséquences politiques à long terme. Basé sur ce cadre institutionnel, ce mémoire identifie une typologie de la formation historique islamiste portée sur la distinction entre le mouvement islamiste « puriste » en Égypte et « reforme- pragmatique » les organisations islamistes orientés en Indonésie.Ce mémoire examine également le rapport entre les cadres institutionnels et la politique islamiste avec le temps. J'analyse l'histoire et les conceptions institutionnelles de l'état comme conditions que tous les deux ont contraint mais ont permis les intérêts et les buts des chefs dans les mouvements islamistes. Périodisation- définie largement comme ordres historiques de formation d'état - servir comme un outil analytique avec lequel on peut capturer des moments et des actions critiques des groupes de concurrence, particulièrement entre les acteurs islamistes et l'élite d'état en réponse à les changements particulières, sur une période définie. En traçant ces divers chemins des réponses politiques islamistes et des initiatives par les changements suivants des relations d'état Islamiste, ce mémoire cherche à offrir une explication plus diversifiée, historiquement plus au sol, mais analytiquement persuasive des itinéraires alternatifs vers un état islamique, en termes de formation d'organisation, mobilisation politique et transformation. Utilisant un cadre institutionnel historique pour interroger mes conclusions, on 'espère que ce mémoire contribuera à un plus grand débat en sciences politiques sur l'Islam et la politique, l'établissement d'état, et le processus historique de l'être en conflit- résolution entre les régimes d'état et les forces politiques islamistes.
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8

Tavassoli, Gholam-Abbas. "Islamic movements in Iran". Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/969/.

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The modernist Islamic Movement sought to reconcile modern values and Islamic faith and attempted to express these values through an Islamic discourse and to reform political, religious and educational institutions along modernist lines. However, such a movement in the Islamic Republic of Iran raised controversy among the traditional leadership and secular intellectual groups.
The aim of this paper is to discuss how far modernist Islam could progress in an islamic republic with an old tradition.
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9

Tahir, Hailani Muji. "Islamic budgetary policy : in theory and practice". Thesis, Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources, 1988. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=59748.

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10

Lapidot, Anat. "Islam and nationalism a study of contemporary Islamic political thought in Turkey, 1980-1990 /". Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.307865.

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11

Bokhari, Amjad Hussain. "The protection of human rights in Islamic Republic of Pakistan with special reference to Islamic Shari'ah under 1973 Constitution". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.313193.

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12

Awadh, Sami. "Islamic political groups in Kuwait : roots and influences". Thesis, University of Portsmouth, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298049.

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Mohammadi, Doostdar Alireza. "Fantasies of Reason: Science, Superstition, and the Supernatural in Iran". Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10215.

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This dissertation examines uncertainties about the supernatural among members of the urban middle class in Tehran, Iran. In particular, I attend to the ways in which the category of the supernatural (mavara) has become, for some people, an object of potential scientific (`elmi) inquiry that must be distinguished from approaches usually ascribed to the rural, the uneducated, and the poor, often deemed as either superstitions (khorafat) or parochically religious (dini). By examining a range of encounters with the supernatural - such as attempts to explain communications with the souls of the dead, make sense of spirit possession, and differentiate real magic from charlatanism - I highlight the varied modalities through which perspectives and forms of reasoning imagined to be rational and scientific are brought to bear on matters that are understood to lie, at least partially, within the purview of religious knowledge. I situate such supernatural encounters against a backdrop of state disciplinary and coercive measures, thereby illuminating important shifts in Iran's politico-religious landscape in the past two decades, such as the waning of the religious authority of the Shi`i ulama among certain sections of society. This declining authority does not necessarily imply a weakened interest in Islam (although this is sometimes the case). Rather, it has opened up a space for reception and deliberation of a multiplicity of sources of religious knowledge, both Islamic and non-Islamic. These include forms of Western-imported spirituality and occultism that have been entering Iran for over a century, with their most recent wave consisting of translated texts of New Age spirituality, self-help success literature, and popular psychology that have gained popularity since the end of the war with Iraq. The metaphysical models on offer through these spiritual systems are usually promoted and understood as scientific rather than religious. That is, rather than being seen as contradicting Islamic notions, these formulations are often viewed as parallel to them. By attending to such notions and their everyday manifestations, my project brings into focus various hybrid forms of religious-scientific knowledge, experience, and discourse that have largely been ignored in the study of modern Muslim societies.
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Salameh, Mohammed Torki Bani. "The dilemma of the Islamic world: the struggle between Islam and secularism and nationalism in Turkey and Sudan". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2002. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1684.

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This study presents an analysis of the dilemma of the Islamic world and the struggle between religion, secularism, and nationalism in Turkey and Sudan. In fulfilling this task, the following issues were selected: 1) Islam and secularism, 2) Turkey's secular experience, 3) Islam and secularism in Sudan, 4) Islam and nationalism, 5) Islam and nationalism in Turkey and the Kurdish problem, and 6) Islam and nationalism in Sudan and the southern problem. These issues tested the impact of religion and nationalism on Turkey's and Sudan's public life. The study was done through the use of both primary and secondary sources. The study examined Turkey's and Sudan's problems of identity and national unity, the challenges to both countries, along with options available for addressing these problems. The findings reveal that the cause of Turkey's and Sudan's problems of identity and national unity are at their root internal, and that anti-Islamic Western policies were significant in exacerbating these problems. However, the researcher emphasizes the role of leadership in Turkey and Sudan in addressing the problems of their respective countries. The researcher is convinced that the future of these countries depends on the role of both political and intellectual leadership, in reconciling Islam with the realities and needs of Turkey and Sudan. The solution to the problems of identity and national unity of Turkey and Sudan can only be found inside these countries by the Turkish and Sudanese people.
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15

Moslem, Mehdi. "Factionalism in the Islamic Republic of Iran : 1989-1997". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287040.

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Nateghpour, Mohamad Javad. "Islamic councils and social democracy in Iran". Universität Potsdam, 2004. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/texte_eingeschraenkt_welttrends/2010/4714/.

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For the first time when the new Islamic councils began their Operation, many intellectuals and politicians proclaimed that there would be no room for the young Islamic councils to proceed. In political terms, because of the new challenges between the rightists and leftists, many people had no hope to see the results of the councils. Still others believed that under the dominating ruling system of Iran there is no space for public opinion and participation in local decision-making. This paper focuses on the role of the Islamic Councils as a new form of social democracy, which decentralizes power and creates good local governance. The paper also discusses the obstacles for the Councils in the development of the region.
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17

Nemeth, Keith. "The Path Towards Mysticism: A Critical Examination of Hayy Ibn Yaqzan". Thesis, Boston College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/1178.

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Thesis advisor: Nasser Behnegar
Hayy Ibn Yaqzan is a novel whose protagonist seeks intellectual knowledge and spiritual fulfillment over a lifetime of scientific experimentation and solitary rumination. The culmination of his efforts is not to independently verify the Islamic faith, as his final product differs dramatically from their dogma. Instead, he is looking to seek knowledge, not empathy from his Creator by knowing him directly, instead of worshiping him through the process of prayer. This education alienates him from the society on the other island, as they are unable or unwilling to follow his example. By accepting this path, instead of following the dominant creed and code of the populous, Hayy is unable to live comfortably within that setting and must return to his place of solitaire amongst nature
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2010
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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18

Quadir, Tarik Masud. "Modern science and the environmental crisis : the traditional Islamic response of Seyyed Hossein Nasr". Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2011. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/2903/.

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In the 1960s, Seyyed Hossein Nasr was the first to articulate in contemporary language the vision of an Islamic environmentalism. Ever since, in a number of articles and interviews Nasr has elaborated his vision further. As the ultimate solution to the environmental crisis, he has persistently argued the need to substitute the prevalent scientific worldview with a religious worldview. However, there has not been any systematic and comprehensive presentation of Nasr’s approach that discusses his ideas in the context of the intellectual currents which have shaped his thought. This thesis attempts to address the gaps in the presentation of Nasr’s religious perspectives on environmentalism. The research has been guided by two questions: 1) what do we need to know to best appreciate Nasr’s vision? And 2) how does Nasr’s vision adhere to traditional Islamic thought? The thesis has demonstrated that Nasr’s arguments are rooted in metaphysical principles of reality, found in the perennial philosophy as well as in traditional Islamic metaphysics, Sufism, philosophy and sciences, as represented by the key authorities of those areas. The thesis hopefully contributes to scholarship in an important dimension of Islamic environmentalism and on the environmental aspects of the relevant intellectual currents.
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19

Muhamad, Fuad bin Abdullah Muhamad Fuad bin. "The influence of Islam upon classical Arabic scientific writings : an examination of the extent of their reference to Quran, Hadith and related texts". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1995. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=124305.

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Science and Islam. Interest in this subject by mainly Muslim contemporary writers, is evident from the amount of literature seeking to link scientific phenomena to Islam. While the trend to relate scientific facts to Quran, Hadith and related Islamic texts is confirmed by the amount of literature cited, whether or not there has been such an approach by scientists in the history of Muslim civilisation is the question this thesis seeks to answer. Historical contribution to science by scientists within the domain of Muslim civilisation is well recognised. Although the vital role played by Muslim civilisation in the transmission of ancient science, especially that of the Greek, to mediaeval Europe is generally acknowledged, the exact role of Islam as a religion in this scientific development is not clear. This thesis explores an aspect of the history of Muslim civilisation which may contribute to elucidate the role of Islam in Muslim science.
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20

Nelson, Jacob M. "Foreign Fighter Recruitment Messaging and the ‘Islamic State’". DigitalCommons@USU, 2017. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/5695.

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The so called ‘Islamic State,’ an Islamic extremist organization which currently controls large swaths of territory in the Middle East, has attracted foreign fighters to its insurgency in tens of thousands. Until just recently, foreign fighters were not well researched or understood separately from local fighters. David Malet (2013) argues that insurgencies recruit foreign fighters by persuading them to defend a ‘common group’ against a threatening enemy. This ‘defensive mobilization,’ he believed, was critical to recruiting foreign fighters throughout history. After preliminary analysis, the Islamic State presented evidence contrary to this theory, and it seemed dubious that they would use defensive mobilization to recruit foreign fighters. By analyzing at Islamic State’s recruitment propaganda, this research found that the Islamic State did indeed break with Malet’s understanding of foreign fighters. Interestingly, the Islamic State instead invoked the religious duty to conquer on behalf of a legitimate religious state and restore Islamic dominion over the world. These findings may serve to increase our understanding of the Islamic State in general and will likely cause us to make adjustments in how we understand foreign fighter recruitment to other civil conflicts.
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21

Andersson, Jonas. "Is Iran an Islamic State : A Comparison between Shia Islamic Theory of State and Ayatollah Khomeini's Islamic Republic of Iran". Thesis, Jönköping University, JIBS, Political Science, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-9524.

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The Islamic Republic of Iran‟s alleged pursuit of nuclear missile capabilities is proving in-creasingly problematic for the international community, which places the country in a sig-nificant position in world politics. In turn, the world‟s attention towards the thirty-year-old Republic established by the late Ayatollah Khomeini has resurged. The Republic of Iran based on Ayatollah Khomeini‟s interpretation of Islam has long stood in the spotlight of both public and scholastic scrutiny, particularly due to its perceivably radical manoeuvres on the international stage. However, as the focus of these scrutinizing views has been the Iranian unwillingness to subdue and conform to western norms, the issue of the „Islamicness‟ of the Republic has been overlooked.

Hence, this thesis seeks to draw further attention to this question - whether Iran can truly be regarded as an Islamic State - in order to ensure a deeper and more accurate under-standing of the Republic of Iran. The purpose of this paper is thus to investigate and re-flect on the theory of Islamic governance promoted by Ayatollah Khomeini and the politi-cal system of the Islamic Republic through the prism of Islamic history. The theory of the Islamic State and the Shia Islamic leadership has been and continues to be central in Aya-tollah Khomeini‟s and the Islamic Republic‟s official rhetoric, being claimed as the sole foundation of the „new‟ Iranian system. In consequence, this paper delves into the Islamic theory of State and the concept of the Imamate in order to critically analyze Ayatollah Khomeini‟s theory and the Islamic Republic. This is aimed at yielding a conclusion whether Iran is justly labeled an Islamic State.

By performing this norm-fulfilling analysis of the subject in question reliant on a qualitative data collection, the thesis has found that the correlation between the two theories of Islam-ic governance is one of considerable disputability. The paper has, based on the investigated material, been able to conclude that the Islamic Republic of Iran holds a political structure lent from non-Islamic sources, but that its personnel and political field of contest can still be considered Islamic. What the paper has thus revealed is that Khomeini‟s reasoning con-stitutes a novel and unique form of Islamic fundamentalism formed in conjuncture with political ideas of modern and non-Islamic nature. Hence, the results of the study suggests that the Islamic Republic of Iran is in need of serious reconsideration as the Iranian model of Islamic governance remains a source of contention because of the significant deviations from what it claims as its sole basis.


Den Islamiska Republiken Irans påstådda strävan att uppnå kärnvapen kapacitet har visat sig vara ett stort problem för det internationella samfundet, vilket har gett landet en bety-dande position i världspolitiken. Detta har i sin tur medfört att Iran återigen har fått värl-dens uppmärksamhet riktat mot sig, endast trettio år efter Ayatollah Khomeinis upprättan-de av den Islamiska Republiken. Irans statsskick, som uteslutet bygger på Ayatollah Kho-meinis egen tolkning av Islam, har länge stått i fokus för både offentlig och akademisk granskning, i synnerhet på grund av dess tillsynes radikala manövrar på den internationella scenen. Men eftersom fokuset för denna granskning har varit Irans ovilja att rätta sig efter västerländska normer så har frågan om Irans Islamiska natur förbisetts.

Utifrån detta så ämnar denna uppsats att uppmärksamma och belysa frågan om Iran verkli-gen kan betraktas som en islamisk stat, vilken är en nödvändighet för en djupare och mer korrekt förståelse av landet. Syftet med denna studie är således att undersöka och reflektera över teorin om Islamiskt styre som Ayatollah Khomeini främjar och hans senare republik genom att jämföra dessa med deras påstådda grundpelare: Islamisk statsteori och dess le-darskap. Islamisk statsteori och det shia Islamska ledarskapet har alltid varit centralt i Aya-tollah Khomeinis och den Islamiska Republikens officiella retorik, där de hävdas vara den enda inspirationen för Irans statsskick. Detta är dock något som denna uppsats ifrågasätter, och den har därav undersökt Islamisk statsteori och dess ledarskap för att i sin tur kritiskt granska Ayatollah Khomeinis teori och den Islamska Republiken Iran. Denna studie har därav gett upphov till en slutsats om Iran är rättvist märkt ‟en Islamisk stat‟.

Denna studie har genom att utföra en norm-uppfyllande analys av ämnet i fråga, vilande på en kvalitativ datainsamling, funnit endast en vag korrelation mellan de två modellerna för Islamiskt styre. Baserat på det undersökta materialet så har studien kunnat konstatera att Iran har en politisk struktur som lånats från icke-islamiska källor, men att dess aktörer och politiska ‟spel‟ trots det är av en islamisk natur. Vad som därav har påvisats i denna uppsats är att Ayatollah Khomeinis teori och stat utgör en ny och unik form av Islamisk fundamen-talism som skapats i konjunktur med moderna och icke-islamiska idéer. Resultaten av den-na undersökning indikerar på så vis att den Islamiska Republiken Iran är i behov av en om-prövning i förhållande till dess Islamiska natur, vilket är speciellt tydligt då Iran visar prov på betydande avvikelser från dess påstådda grundpelare.

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22

Caculitan, Ariel R. "Negotiating peace with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front in the Southern Philippines". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Dec%5FCaculitan.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Stabilization and Reconstruction))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Aurel Croissant, Michael Malley. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-109). Also available online.
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23

Azzam, Maha. "Islamic oriented protest groups in Egypt 1971-1981 : theory, politics and dogma". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303793.

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24

Al-Zumai, Ali Fahed. "The intellectual and historical development of the Islamic movement in Kuwait 1950 - 1981". Thesis, University of Exeter, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.335216.

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25

Farida, Ida, i Pungki Purnomo. "Library and information education at Islamic universities in Indonesia: Obstacles and opportunities". School of Communication & Information, Nanyang Technological University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/105788.

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The Library and Information Studies programs at Islamic universities in Indonesia were born from the idealism thought that the advent of globalization era is a reality fact that we have no choice but to face and anticipate it. This is, not only as a challenge toward social culture and social religious for each society group or country, but also as an opportunity for all people to enrich their vision and empower their identity. The establishment of these library studies programs at state Islamic universities in Indone-sia also has a pragmatic background, the real needs of professional librarian provision to fulfill the expectation of people in improving the quality of Islamic educational institutions is very high. It means that the absence of this library and information education, including that is characterized by Islamic lit-eratures, in Indonesia will cause stagnation of our efforts to improve the quality of Islamic educational institutions as a whole. In Indonesia among Islamic universities, which are offering library and informa-tion science program, are Arraniry State Islamic University, Imam Bonjol State Islamic University, Su-nan Kali Jaga State Islamic University and Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University. In general, at least, there are three similar elements in the mission of the library and information program offered in Is-lamic Universities. Firstly, to be involved actively in developing librarianship sciences in Indonesia, spe-cifically related to Islamic sciences. Secondly, to fulfill the needs for professional librarians for all kinds of library, documentation and information centers, especially in Islamic educational institutions like madrasah libraries (Islamic school libraries) and Islamic university libraries. And finally, to apply and anticipate the global development of information technology for improving library services. Our mission in establishing the program of library and information sciences is not only to prepare professional librarians but also to keep in touch with all our stakeholders in the government and private sectors.
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26

Tamouro, Abdessamad. "Le rôle fondateur de la notion de "ilm"(science) dans la pensée arabo-musulmane jusqu'au Xème/IVème siècle". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/212117.

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27

Alsaleh, Yasmine F. ""Licit Magic": The Touch And Sight Of Islamic Talismanic Scrolls". Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11479.

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The following study traces the production and history of the talismanic scroll as a medium through a Fatimid, Ayyubid, and Mamluk historical periods. My dissertation understands the protocol of manufacturing and utilizing talismanic scrolls. The dissertation is a study of the Qur'an, prayers and illustrations of these talismanic works. I begin by investigating a theory of the occult the medieval primary sources of the Neo-platonic tenth century Ikhwān al-Safa and al-Bunī (d.1225). I establish that talismans are generally categorized as science (`ilm). Next, a dynastic spotlight of talismanic scrolls creates a chronological framework for the dissertation. The Fatimid talismanic scrolls and the Ayyubid pilgrimage scrolls are both block-printed and are placed within the larger conceptual framework of pilgrimage and devotion. The two unpublished Mamluk scrolls from Dar Al-Athar Al-Islamiyyah are long beautiful handwritten scrolls that provide a perspective on how the occult is part of the daily life of the practitioner in the medieval Islamic culture. Through an in depth analysis of the written word and images, I establish that textually and visually there is a template for the creation of these sophisticated scrolls. Lastly, I discuss the efficacy of these scrolls, I use theories of linguistic anthropology and return to the Islamic primary sources to establish that there is a language of the occult and there are people that practiced the occult. The word of God and the Qur'ān empower the scrolls I studied. As for the people who practiced the occult, I turn to the tenth century Ibn al-Nadim and Ibn al-Khaldun (d.1406), the people of the occult are understood. Yet, keeping in mind, that there is always a tension with the theologians that condoned practices of Islamic magic.
History of Art and Architecture
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28

Ghie, Ahmad H. "A vision of the modern Islamic State : an examination of Muhammad al-Bahiyy's political philosophy". Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301764.

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29

Fizazi-Hawkins, Myriam Kati. "Islamic Revival Movements and Revolution: The Cases of Iran and Egypt". W&M ScholarWorks, 1994. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625910.

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30

Belhachmi, Zakia. "Al-Sa'dawi's and Mernissi's feminist knowledge with/in the history, education and science of the Arab-Islamic culture". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ52127.pdf.

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31

Al-Hamidi, Jabir Habib Jabir. "Modern Islamic theories of the state with special reference to Rashid Ridha and 'Ali 'Abdul-Raziq". Thesis, University of Dundee, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.306198.

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32

Araghchi, Seyed Abbas. "The evolution of the concept of political participation in twentieth-century Islamic political thought". Thesis, Online version, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.296718.

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33

Zirkle, Dorothy. "Arab Nationalism Versus Islamic Fundamentalism as a Unifying Factor in the Middle East". Thesis, Boston College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/589.

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Thesis advisor: Kathleen Bailey
Arab Nationalism rose to prominence in the Middle East region following the establishment of the mandate states after World War II. The ideology attempted to unite the area and to propel the Arabs forward. The collapse of Arab Nationalism left many in the region questioning the very basics of their culture. Islam became the answer for the failure of Arab Nationalism because it offered the Arabs a genuine ideology, unlike Arab Nationalism which was imported from European ideas
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
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34

Philip, Philip George. "The Islamic Republic of Iran at the United Nations : a study of foreign policy issues, 1979 - 1989". Thesis, University of Kent, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.315522.

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35

Mendelson, Miriam E. "A Systems Understanding of Terrorism with Implications for Policy". University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1209398769.

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36

Ahmed, Ishtiaq. "The concept of an Islamic state an analysis of the ideological controversy in Pakistan /". Stockholm : Dept. of Political Science, University of Stockholm, 1985. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/14241375.html.

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37

Mūmanī, Aḥmad Muḥammad Khalaf. "al-Taʻbiʼah al-jihādīyah fī al-Islām". ʻAmmān, al-Urdun : Dār al-Arqam, 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/20592928.html.

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38

Azmeh, Wayel. "Misconceptions About the Caliphate in Islam". University of Dayton / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=dayton1460735934.

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39

Maiwandi, Nadia. "Framing Iran| The Islamic revolution and the Green Movement as told through Time magazine". Thesis, San Jose State University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1541535.

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This framing analysis was conducted to study how Time portrayed Iran and Iranians during the Islamic Revolution of 1978-79 and the Green Movement uprising of 2009. In this study, particular attention was given to how the magazine framed the leaders of Iran and their opposition during these times, as well as to any correlation between Time's portrayal and the United States government's positions on these events. The analysis shows that magazine adhered to the United States' strong defense of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi ("the Shah"), providing frames that depicted him as the only capable leader in Iran. Time framed the Islamic Revolution as violent, anti-modern, and lacking legitimate grievance, which also correlated with the U.S. government's position. Conversely, the latter period's data showed that Time used negative frames to discuss the Islamic Republic of Iran, depicting the administration as paranoid and out of touch with reality. The uprising of the Green Movement, which threatened the Islamic Republic's stability, received positive frames from Time . The frames on the Green Movement supported the White House's position on Iran, as in the earlier period. This study's findings demonstrate the U.S. media's conformity to official government frames on international events, specifically those depicting Iran.

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40

Abdullah-Bukhari, Mohd Kamarulnizam. "The socio-political implications of the Dakwah phenomenon (Islamic revivalism) in Malaysia : questions of Malay unity and national security". Thesis, Lancaster University, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242834.

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41

Musselwhite, Matthew Henry. "ISIS & Eschatology: Apocalyptic Motivations Behind the Formation and Development of the Islamic State". TopSCHOLAR®, 2016. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1611.

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The goal of this thesis was to analysis the Islamic State’s apocalyptic nature by studying both classic Islamic eschatology and the Islamic State’s online magazine Dabiq. In order to conduct this research, I separated my thesis into two separate angles of approach. The first angle (chapters one & two) exclusively looked at Islamic eschatology, classic apocalyptic texts, shifts in how literature was written over time, and on examples of modern messianic revolutions occurring. In this way, I attempted to emphasize how extra-Qur’anic texts have played a large part in providing details for what Islamic eschatology entails. I also looked at modern examples of messianic movements, including in Mecca and Sudan. I concluded by analyzing the shift modern apocalyptic literature underwent beginning in the late 20th century. This highlighted how apocalyptic literature stated focusing on the actions of Western forces—much like the Islamic State has done today. The second angle of approach derived from the final chapters. I looked at the foundation and development of the Islamic State beginning in the early 21st century with Al-Qaeda in Iraq. I proceeded to emphasize how messianic speculation influenced the actions and strategies of Islamic State in Iraq and later ISIS. The final chapter, the crux of my thesis, was an analysis of the Islamic State’s written primary source, Dabiq. I researched all thirteen issues of the magazine for evidence of apocalyptic nature existing.I highlighted how Dabiq is filled with apocalyptic references and classic apocalyptic hadiths. The objective of this thesis was to provide a multifaceted analysis of the Islamic State. It attempted to approach the Islamic State from two different angles to show why apocalyptic thought first arises, how it has led to revolution, and how the Islamic State mirrors those cases. With the Islamic State, a wide variety of interpretations have formed on what it wants and what it is fighting for. Whereas religious motivation has often been dismissed, I used this thesis to emphasize that both religious and apocalyptic motivation have been one of many influences behind the formation and development of the Islamic State.
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42

Bowen, Lauren R. "Free to Hate Freedom and the survival of liberalized states confronting theemergence of political Islam; effective state solutions to the rise of Islamic politicalviolence in democratic societies". Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1440889210.

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43

Negulescu, Brad Michael. "Why We Failed: The Rise of Islamic Extremism and America’s Failure to Stop It 1979-2003". John Carroll University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=jcu1246029318.

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44

Kamolnick, Paul. "The Egyptian Islamic Group’s Critique of Al-Qaeda’s Interpretation of Jihad". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/637.

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A specific branch of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh al-jihad) regulates the waging of the jihad of the sword (jihad bis saif). In this article, a detailed exposition is presented of the Egyptian Islamic Group’s (IG; Al-Gama’a Al-Islamiyya) use of fiqh al jihad against Al-Qaeda. The present author’s ‘jihad-realist’ approach is first briefly described; the IG’s critique of AQ systematically outlined; and in conclusion, implications are derived for counter-radicalisation strategies.
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45

Kamolnick, Paul. "The Mysterious Case of the Islamic State Organization (iso) Smiling Martyr--Solved". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2016. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/643.

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Excerpt: For a mere Muslim mortal, Allah’s granting of martyrdom (Shahada) is the pinnacle of spiritual achievement. The martyr (Shahid) is granted unique privileges among which are the right to bypass the moral interrogation meted out to determine after death whether one is spiritually fit; the complete freedom from all anguish, pain, and suffering caused by one’s wounds as one immediately traverses into the highest of seven heavens; the right to intercede and request divine favors on behalf of seventy of one’s loved one’s; the enjoyment of exclusive sexual privileges with seventy-two virgins; and finally, the right to exist within the proximity of the All Mighty Allah and an eternity spent in enjoyment of the sumptuous delights of a blessed paradise.
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46

Khan, Zaynab. "Women Rights and Islam : A study of women rights and effects of Islamic fundamentalism and Muslim feminism in the Kurdish area of Iraq". Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-3265.

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Lack of women rights in the international society is something that UN and other international human organizations are striving against. Women oppression is common in many countries, but is often connected with the Muslim countries. Women oppression is something that is against UN: s definition of human rights. The international society has therefore tried to protect the women, and has formed resolutions, conventions and so on, for their security.

According to the Iraqi regime, human rights are an important question. The country has therefore signed the UN: s convention about women rights. Since the year of 1992, when the Kurdish area of Iraq became self- governed, Kurdistan has started programs that favour women rights. Organizations and institutions have for example been established, that are struggling for the women in the society. The ruling government has also instituted some laws that favour women rights.

Islamic fundamentalism and Muslim feminism are two theories that today have supporters in the international society. Both of those theories and their supporters believes in the Quran and use it to justify their own actions, but in different ways. The fundamentalists emphasize the differences that, by the nature, exist between the sexes. According to the fundamentalists, women and men have different responsibilities in the society. The feminists on the other hand believe in equality between the sexes and mean that women oppression has its origin in an erroneous interpretation of the Quran.

Different kinds of crimes against women rights issues are today common in Kurdistan. Many of those crimes don’t have any support in neither UN, nor the Quran. Muslim feminists, the department for human rights and the women organizations all has agreed about the meaning of women rights. They believe in UN: s definition of women rights and they all use the Quran to justify women right issues. Islamic fundamentalists on the other hand also use the Quran for justifying their actions, but they don’t believe in UN: s definition of women rights.

So both Muslim feminists and Islamic fundamentalists exist today in Kurdistan, and their engagement in women issues is therefore affecting the work of the organizations and the department.

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47

Bedford, Sofie. "Islamic Activism in Azerbaijan : Repression and Mobilization in a Post-Soviet Context". Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Huddinge : Department of Political Science, Stockholm University ; Södertörns högskola, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-8429.

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48

Lawanda, Ike Iswary. "The role of LIS professionals in Indonesian book publishing: Its dynamics and growth in the case of Islamic translation books since 1998". School of Communication & Information, Nanyang Technological University, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/106413.

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This writing is to indicate the role of Library and Information System (LIS) professional is the media-tor in fulfilling and facilitating effectively the need of every mature individual in Indonesia to get the information needed in the relation of the building of Islamic knowledge. The focus is in information power in Islamic book put the idea of LIS professionals to facilitate the users to have their values be allowed to prevail in through publishing. The LIS professional shouldnâ t step aside from society; ac-cede to the request; then it means they contribute to the state of society. Information literacy should mean skilled behaviour in respect of understanding as a result of successful interaction with a source of information: the instrumental and the cognitive, implied in the publishing of Islamic translation book in Indonesia.
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49

Husain, Samir. "Madrassas: The Evolution (or Devolution?) of the Islamic Schools in South Asia (1857-Present)". Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1525347741957091.

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50

Kelly, James E. "Not Our Fight Alone: An Analysis of the US Strategy Combating the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1036.

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The recent policies of former Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, combined with the collapse of the Syrian state in 2011, created conditions that led to the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria, or “ISIS.” As of November 2014, ISIS controls large areas of western and northern Iraq and northern and eastern Syria, an area roughly the size of Belgium. The rise of ISIS in the past three years has caught the attention of every major nation, especially the United States, and world leaders are justified in fearing a strong ISIS in the Middle East. The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of the US strategy in combating the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria. The effectiveness of the United States strategy is closely linked with numerous factors, including the history of sectarian violence in Iraq. These factors will be explored throughout the paper. This analysis sheds light on the strengths and weaknesses of the US strategy and provides various ways the US can further its goals in the region.
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