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1
Hage, Ali Mohanad. "Hizbullah's identity : Islam, nationalism and transnationalism". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3300/.
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This thesis draws on the debates in nationalism studies to address the question of how Hizbullah’s identity is produced, and investigates the further questions of how modern is this identity, what are its main pillars, and who produces it and to what end. By analysing the findings of fieldwork observations and interviews, and applying discourse analysis to a range of official and unofficial party publications, and internal notes or memos, the thesis argues that Hizbullah, employing its transnational links, has constructed a revised identity among the Lebanese Shiʿa and overhauled traditional forms of Shiʿi practice through the various institutions it has established and expanded over the past two decades. The thesis examines how Hizbullah manages its identity dissemination through these numerous institutions by tailoring the Shiʿi identity it embodies to suit different audiences, while simultaneously keeping a tightly centralised control over their work through its Central Cultural Unit. The thesis further argues that Hizbullah’s re-creation of Shiʿi identity entails reconstructing the community’s history. The organisation’s historical narratives are based on twentieth-century Shiʿi histories – accounts that are mostly attributed to uncorroborated oral sources, but which nevertheless created novel notions of a historical ‘ʿAmili people’ and ‘ʿAmili resistance’. Such concepts are central to Hizbullah’s re-creation of Lebanese Shiʿi identity. The organisation’s main historical accounts, while partially based on these earlier histories, have also constructed new narratives, attributing these to fresh oral accounts, and suggesting continuity with Shiʿi history. This approach bears similarities to the efforts of nationalist intellectuals, who reconstruct historical accounts focused on establishing the historical origin and continuity of their nation. Hizbullah-affiliated publications incorporate advantageous supernatural accounts of its contemporary battles against Israeli occupation. These supernatural narratives build upon a Safavid tradition in Shiʿi theology, reintroduced by the Islamic Republic in Iran and Hizbullah in Lebanon. The last chapter in the thesis looks at the interplay between the organisation’s transnational ideological links and its national politics, and argues that it uses these relations to support its political identity project for the Shiʿi community in Lebanon.
2
Welshans, Kyle C. "Nationalism and Islamic identity in Xinjiang". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Dec%5FWelshans.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2007.Thesis Advisor(s): Kadhim, Abbas ; Miller, Alice. "December 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 24, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 45-46). Also available in print.
3
Rahim-Barakzoy, Sultana. ""Islam is the blackman's religion" syncretizing Islam with black nationalist thought to fulfill the religio-political agenda of the Nation of Islam /". Morgantown, W. Va. : [West Virginia University Libraries], 2005. https://etd.wvu.edu/etd/controller.jsp?moduleName=documentdata&jsp%5FetdId=3979.
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McDougall, James Robert. "Colonial words : nationalism, Islam and languages of history in Algeria". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.251487.
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Acikel, Fethi. "The twilight of 'the holy articulation' : nationalism, capitalism and Islam". Thesis, University of Essex, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.310234.
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Ahmadoghlu, Ramin. "Nationalism, Secularism, and Islam: Azerbaijani Turks in Azerbaijan and Iran". University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1468337156.
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Abdullahi, Abdurahman. "Tribalism, nationalism and Islam : the crisis of political loyalty in Somalia". Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=69570.
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This thesis deals with the crisis of political loyalty in Somalia. The analysis is based on an elitist perspective which permits a more satisfactory integration of all levels of Somali society than is possible with familiar "clanist" or "social theory" interpretations. The paper gives details of the three leading ideological groups in Somalia over the past three decades--the Tribalists, Nationalists and Islamists. It demonstrates how the future of the nationalists' imported models of government and policies to contain tribalism culminated in the re-emergence of tribalism, now in more militant political form. The author presents Islam as an important political component and analyses the Islamic Movement in Somalia as a potential alternative political force for the future. The Islamists may be successful if they overcome internal divisions, personality cults and isolation from society, and adopt a moderate realistic attitude on social issues.
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Cagaptay, Soner. "Islam, secularism, and nationalism in modern Turkey : who is a Turk ? /". London ; New York : Routledge, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb402323640.
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O'Mahony, Geraldine Maria. "Islam in Sudan : identity, citizenship and conflict". Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=99738.
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This thesis will examine the role of Islamist political parties and what effect their interpretation of national identity has played in dividing the people of Sudan, resulting in two civil wars. It will examine the manifestations and interpretations of Islam and pan-Arabism among the various Islamist parties of Northern Sudan, exploring the ethnic and religious factors which influence Islamist political groups, as well as their social bases which are tied to economics, language, and the conception of a distinctly "Arab" or "African" culture. This thesis will argue that the predominance of these Islamist political parties in the Sudanese government combined with the lack of a Sudanese identity and historical factors have combined to prevent the consolidation of state power, leading to situations of protracted conflict. The imposition, or attempted imposition, of an Islamic identity on the state as a whole prevents unity as it necessarily excludes certain parts of the population as well as disenfranchising those who, whilst they might be Muslim, do not subscribe to the same interpretation of Islamic identity.
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Kahati, Yoram. "The role of some leading Arab educators in the development of the ideology of Arab nationalism". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.366497.
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Misdaq, Nabi. "Political frailty, national integration and external interference : causes and consequences of the Communist coup and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan". Thesis, University of Sussex, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.271759.
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Lapidot, Anat. "Islam and nationalism a study of contemporary Islamic political thought in Turkey, 1980-1990 /". Thesis, Boston Spa, U.K. : British Library Document Supply Centre, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?did=1&uin=uk.bl.ethos.307865.
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Lockwood-Drummond, V. O. (Violet Olga). "The role of religion in Iraqi nationalism, 1918-1932 /". Thesis, McGill University, 1997. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=26693.
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This thesis proposes to deal with the Iraqi Nationalist movement from its emergence after the First World War to the establishment of an independent Iraq in 1932. During these years the British controlled Iraq under a mandate granted by the League of Nations. This, in spite of the simultaneous creation of an Iraqi monarchy. Neither the new monarch nor the people were content with the political arrangement, based as it was on foreign control, but the drive for independence emanated from a small group of political activists. Both major religious sects of Islam, Sunni and Shi'a, played a leading role in the nationalist movement; in fact, the movement cannot be understood without an appreciation of Islam, and its major variations, in Iraqi life.A historical background highlights the conditions which allowed Iraqism to take precedent over Arabism after the war and examines the reactions of Iraqis to the invasion by modern conquerors and their later occupation. Additionally, it provides a chronological account of the important events during the mandate period and the buildup of Iraqi resentment of foreign control which precipitated their demand for self-government.
This thesis is a broad study of the nascent nationalist movement in postwar Iraq which engaged in a desperate battle to transform a mandated territory into a sovereign state. Focus is on the role religion played in its beginnings and on the contribution of both Shi'is and Sunnis whose combined and independent efforts led to the formation of modern Iraq.
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Lüdke, Tilman. "Jihad made in Germany : Ottoman and German propaganda and intelligence operations in the First World War". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.391193.
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Said, Shamsaddini. "Nationalism, political Islam and the Kurdish question in Iran in the late twentieth century". Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.629770.
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Marinello, Frank Charles. "The Interaction of Civic Nationalism and Radical Islam: A Theoretical Examination and Empirical Analysis". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32578.
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This thesis engages the question of the impact of religion on civic nationalism in the western European context. Civic nationalism, it suggests, is an identarian nationalist construct that is pursued by a liberal state's population through various historical linkages, myth construction, modern outlook, and propaganda. (Smith 2001) (Gellner 1997) The central question is whether civic nationalism, as a method of unifying a population, can compete with the concentrated cultural influence of an equally viable identity construction. Radical Islam is the focus point of this comparison. A powerful religious identity, radical Islam instills in its members a similar sense of unity through belief in core values and utilizes the existence of external threats to reinforce its allegiances. Through this theoretical and empirical exercise, the profound challenge of the civic nation to maintain feelings of unity without inspiring the imagination and mysticism usually inherent in nationalism is investigated. A victim of its own values, the civic nation aspires to harness the unifying force of more negative forms of nationalism without the hateful and exclusive practices usually associated with such group identities while also denying the deep theocratic roots that give nationalism its impermeable quality. The competition of these identarian constructions is empirically examined through a multi-form analysis of reactions to the July 7th, 2005 terrorist bombings of the London transportation system.Master of Arts
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Küçüksari, Gülsüm, i Gülsüm Küçüksari. "In the Shadow of Secularism: Kurdish Ulema and Religious Nationalism from Sheikh Said to Hizbullah". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/623166.
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Kurdish ulema, a religious class with a strong influence on Kurdish social life, have developed various forms of religious nationalism. This study offers a possible reading of the accounts of Kurdish ulema during the Turkish Republican period, as a neglected form of Kurdish nationalism. I illustrate how they defined the Kurdish nation in the name of religion, supplied religious metaphors and symbols central to the representation of the Kurdish nation, and even produced an alternative to secular nationalism by sharing the underlying grammar of modern nationalism. This calls into question the concept of Kurdish nationalism as something uniform and secular. Such accounts of religious nationalism were largely suppressed in modern Kurdish history writing under Marxist influences. Since the 1940s, this historiography often marginalized the narratives of Kurdish ulema by setting them apart from Kurdish national struggle. This project provides the first in-depth analysis of the role of Kurdish ulema in the story of the development of Kurdish nationalism during the Turkish Republican period (1920s-1990s). My analysis challenges the dichotomy in the Kurdish nationalist historiography that Islamic and Kurdish identities are exclusive of one another. Kurdish ulema combined their Islamic identity with a strong sense of Kurdish national consciousness. Some envisioned the Kurdish nation’s liberation in education, some in joining secular national movements, some in conformity with Turkish-Kurdish brotherhood and some in political Islamic resistance. I emphasize that Kurds, whether secular or religious, formed a united front against Kurdish regional underdevelopment, exclusivist state policies, and exploitative sheikhs as late as the late 1960s. There has been an overlap between opposing Kurdish groups and the division between them was not primordial. These initially similar concerns, however, were gradually shaped by different popular ideologies of their day: nationalism, Marxism, and Islamism, in Turkey and around the world.
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AKABOUCH, MERYEM. "Islam, national identity and social cohesion: the case of Morocco". Doctoral thesis, Luiss Guido Carli, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11385/201000.
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Why does the secularisation theory, which argues that religion ceases to be significant in
societies that have undertaken a process of modernization and democratization, fail to explain why
religion remains predominant or even gains salience in some states despite a modernization and
industrialization process? This thesis takes Morocco as a case study to provide a theoretical
explanation: countries where religion defines national identity and is perceived as a guarantee for social
and cultural cohesion, are unlikely to secularize.
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Major, Angela L. "The interpretation of Islam and nationalism by the elite through the English language media in Pakistan". Thesis, University of Kent, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.300942.
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Björkelid, Joakim. "Buddhismens Beskyddare : Burmesisk nationalism, antimuslimska munkar och deras amerikanska sympatisörer". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-323869.
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The violent uprisings in Myanmar between 2012-2014 sparked a big interest in the media around the world. The uprisings which resulted in many casualties and the destruction of muslim owned shops and mosques left around 140.000 IDPs. In an interview with Time Magazine’s Hannah Beech, the leader of the group claimed to be responsible for instigating the violence, Ashin Wirathu likened muslims to animals and encouraged burmese buddhists to shun muslims. Since the article was released an independent american organization which sympathizes with Wirathu and his ‘golden burmese’ 969 movement created a web page dedicated to portray a nuanced image of the movement and to clear up what they have claimed to be a number of false reports propagated by western media. This essay investigates the american support movement by analysing their english web page through the method of content analysis and by applying a propaganda theoretical framework to the final discussion. The aim of the essay is to identify what kind of image of Buddhism and Ashin Wirathus 969 movement the support group wants to portray and to explain this in the context of Myanmars colonial and postcolonial history.
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Zirkle, Dorothy. "Arab Nationalism Versus Islamic Fundamentalism as a Unifying Factor in the Middle East". Thesis, Boston College, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/589.
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Thesis advisor: Kathleen BaileyArab Nationalism rose to prominence in the Middle East region following the establishment of the mandate states after World War II. The ideology attempted to unite the area and to propel the Arabs forward. The collapse of Arab Nationalism left many in the region questioning the very basics of their culture. Islam became the answer for the failure of Arab Nationalism because it offered the Arabs a genuine ideology, unlike Arab Nationalism which was imported from European ideas
Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007
Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
Discipline: College Honors Program
22
Harris, Kimberly M. "National identity and nationalism in the speeches of Osama Bin Laden". Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/6043.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on November 12, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.
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Dilmi, Messaoud. "Etat et politique dans la pensée islamique moderne (19ème et 20ème siècles)". Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030029.
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Notre recherche aborde la question de l'État dans la pensée islamique moderne chez les réformateurs du 19ème siècle et les islamistes du 20ème siècle selon une approche pluridisciplinaire. Le réformisme musulman a mené le combat entre le despotisme, contre l'ignorance des populations et contre les ingérences européennes. Il était plus ouvert au constitutionnalisme qui ne diffère pas de la shûra et des finalités de la charî'a.C'est dans ce sillage que se forme la pensée des théoriciens islamistes, du moins au début avant de s'en détacher car par la suite les islamistes entreront en conflit avec le nationalisme arabe ainsi qu'avec la pensée libérale, voire avec l'État-nation. Par conséquent deux logiques s'affrontent sur la nature de l'État, les limites des pouvoirs, la légitimité, et concernant essentiellement la relation entre État national et la religion, point de la discorde. Cette relations est restée ambiguë depuis un siècle. Il en est né un État national ni religieux ni laïque mais qui a modernisé le droit des emprunts à la juridiction occidentale, sans appliquer toutefois une vraie démocratie qui respecterait les droits de l'homme et de la citoyenneté. Il y a une laïcité et une sécularisation de fait au niveau individuel comme au niveau sociétal en pays arabo-musulmans sans que cela touche le dogme, malgré les tentatives de modernisation. Mais à partir des années quatre-vingt-dix un courant émerge appelé les néo-réformateurs, qui acceptent le jeu démocratique et la souveraineté populaire. Cela constituera un grand tournant dans la pensée politique islamiqueOur research deals with the subject of the State in 19th and 20th century Islamic modern reformist thought in accordance with a multidisciplinary approach. Islamic reformism has fought against despotism, ignorance of the populace and European interference. It was open to constitutionalism which is not different from the Shura system and goals of the Shariia. The thinking of Muslim theorists took shape within this framework, at least for a while before Islamists decided to break with it. Later, Islamists relations with both Arabic nationalism and liberal thinking, indeed with the Nation-State as a whole, became conflictual.Thus, two points of view concerning the nature of the State, the limits of power, legitimacy, and essentially the very controversial relationship between the Nation State and religion confronted each other. This relationship remained ambiguous for a century. The product has been a Nation State that is neither religious nor secular, but which has modernized the law by borrowing from the Western judicial system, without, however, applying real democracy able to respect human rights and citizenship. A de facto, secularism does exist on an individual and social level in Arab-Muslim countries without influencing the dogma, despite attempts at modernization. But from the 1990s on, a neo-reformist current of thought has emerged, which accepts democracy and sovereignty of the people. This will constitute a big turning point in Arab-Muslim political thought
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Salameh, Mohammed Torki Bani. "The dilemma of the Islamic world: the struggle between Islam and secularism and nationalism in Turkey and Sudan". DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2002. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/1684.
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This study presents an analysis of the dilemma of the Islamic world and the struggle between religion, secularism, and nationalism in Turkey and Sudan. In fulfilling this task, the following issues were selected: 1) Islam and secularism, 2) Turkey's secular experience, 3) Islam and secularism in Sudan, 4) Islam and nationalism, 5) Islam and nationalism in Turkey and the Kurdish problem, and 6) Islam and nationalism in Sudan and the southern problem. These issues tested the impact of religion and nationalism on Turkey's and Sudan's public life.
The study was done through the use of both primary and secondary sources. The study examined Turkey's and Sudan's problems of identity and national unity, the challenges to both countries, along with options available for addressing these problems. The findings reveal that the cause of Turkey's and Sudan's problems of identity and national unity are at their root internal, and that anti-Islamic Western policies were significant in exacerbating these problems. However, the researcher emphasizes the role of leadership in Turkey and Sudan in addressing the problems of their respective countries. The researcher is convinced that the future of these countries depends on the role of both political and intellectual leadership, in reconciling Islam with the realities and needs of Turkey and Sudan. The solution to the problems of identity and national unity of Turkey and Sudan can only be found inside these countries by the Turkish and Sudanese people.
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Venosa, Joseph L. "Paths toward the Nation: Islamic Identity, the Eritrean Muslim League and Nationalist Mobilization, 1941-61". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1304607892.
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Durgun, Aysel. "Les principes fondateurs de l'ordre constitutionnel turc : la laïcité et le nationalisme de la fin de l'Empire ottoman à nos jours". Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAA007.
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La laïcité et le nationalisme, en tant que principes fondateurs de la République de Turquie, forment son noyau identitaire qui donne à l’ordre constitutionnel sa spécificité. La laïcité, qui a réalisé le principe de séparation de l’État et de la religion, a maintenu la religion sous son contrôle. Le nationalisme construit en réaction au démembrement de l’Empire ottoman a affirmé l’indivisibilité de l’État du point de vue de son territoire et de sa nation. Cette dernière est comprise comme essentiellement turque et musulmane. Les notions de laïcité et de nationalisme, compte tenu de la place et de la valeur qui leur sont reconnues dans l’ordre constitutionnel, irriguent l’ensemble de l’ordre constitutionnel et constituent un étalon de référence. En ce sens, elles sont des principes « structurants » de l’ordre constitutionnel qui entretiennent des rapports ambigus et contradictoires aussi bien avec la religion qu’avec la démocratieNationalism and secularism are the core principles that create the constitutional order forming the Republic of Turkey. Secularism achieves the separation of State and Church, but also establishes the control over religion. Nationalism permitted to preserve the State against the threat of being shattered at the fall of the Ottoman Empire. Since then, it expresses the indivisibility of the State with its territory and nation. At the same time, it maintains religion as part of the national identity, which is also defined as Turkish. Both notions lead to ambiguity and paradoxes which are revealed by democracy. Considering their place and value in the constitutional order, nationalism and secularism can be regarded as structuring principles (“principes structurants”) which give the constitutional order of the Republic of Turkey its particularities
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Hegghammer, Thomas. "Violent Islamism in Saudi Arabia, 1979-2006 : the power and perils of pan-islamic nationalism". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007IEPP0054.
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Ceci est une étude des dynamiques de la violence islamiste sunnite en Arabie Saoudite, et en particulier des causes de la violence qui éclate en 2003. La mouvance djihadiste saoudienne est analysée dans un cadre à trois niveaux emprunté à Donatella Della Porta, théoricienne des mouvements sociaux. La thèse s’appuie sur des sources primaires recueillies en Arabie Saoudite ainsi que sur l’Internet. L’analyse au niveau micro se base sur 787 biographies de militants saoudiens. L’analyse montre que l'Arabie Saoudite n'a pas connu de mouvement islamiste socio-revolutionnaire, et que le djihadisme saoudien s’inspire plutôt d’un nationalisme pan-islamique. La violence en 2003 représente le résultat d’un mouvement qui s’est développé en trois phases. Dans les années 1980 émerge la mouvance djihadiste dite “classique” qui s’engage dans des conflits locaux contre des non-Musulmans. Le djihadisme classique jouit du soutien de l’Etat, ainsi que de l’importance accordée au nationalisme pan-islamique dans la politique intérieure du royaume. Le milieu des années 1990 voit l’émergence d’une branche plus extrême, celle du “djihadisme global” représenté par al-Qaïda, qui combat la présence américaine dans le pays. Après l'invasion de l'Afghanistan en 2001, Ben Laden décide de rouvrir un front dans le royaume. Les vétérans d’Afghanistan mobilisent et lancent une campagne en mai 2003. Les militants échouent car ils sont perçus comme révolutionnaires et parce que les jeunes recrues préfèrent partir se battre en Irak. L’Arabie Saoudite se distingue ainsi des républiques arabes, où la violence islamiste tend à s'orienter vers les régimes, et est alimentée par des problèmes socio-économiquesThis is a study of the dynamics of Sunni Islamist violence in Saudi Arabia which asks why unrest broke out in 2003 and not earlier. It analyses the Saudi jihadist movement using a three-level framework borrowed from social movement theorist Donatella Della Porta. It uses new primary sources from jihadist Internet sites and fieldwork in Saudi Arabia. A collection of 787 biographies supports the micro-level analysis. The main finding is that Saudi Arabia lacks a strong socio-revolutionary Islamist movement, and that Saudi militancy is driven by pan-Islamic nationalism. The 2003 violence marked the homecoming of a movement which had developed in three stages. In the 1980s emerged the “classical jihadist” movement which fought non-Muslims in local territorial conflicts. It grew strong because it enjoyed initial state support and because pan-Islamic nationalism played a special role in Saudi politics. In the mid-1990s arose the more extreme “global jihadist” branch represented by al-Qaida. Bin Ladin violently opposed the US presence in the Kingdom, but was first unable, and then unwilling to launch operations at home. After the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan, Bin Ladin decided to reopen a front in Saudi Arabia. His deputy Yusuf al-Ayiri recruited hundreds of returnees from Afghanistan and launched an anti-Western guerrilla campaign in May 2003. The campaign failed because the militants were perceived as revolutionaries and lost recruits to Iraq. The dynamics of Saudi Islamist militancy thus differ from the Arab republics, where violence is more inward-oriented and driven by socio-economic grievances
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Schmitt, Kenneth Howard. "Living Islam in Jerusalem : faith, conflict, and the disruption of religious practice". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/34433.
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Jerusalem - the third holiest city in Islam - is home to some 300,000 Muslims. But due to Israel’s occupation, they live difficult and disrupted lives. What might it mean for Muslims to practice their faith - on the ground, day by day - in such a conflicted place? One way religion becomes a meaningful category in people’s lives is through ritual. Scholars of Muslim religious practice have been attuned to this insight and observed it in various contexts. But their analyses have often been predicated on an implicit and unquestioned assumption - that people who desire to perform rituals have the means to act on their intention in regular and routine ways. Scholars have also shown that when societies are in rapid transition - be they weakened or threatened - their rituals often evolve with them. In this project, therefore, I ask: what happens in Jerusalem when Muslims live under the existential threat of occupation and their ability to routinely perform religious rituals cannot be assumed? I argue that when rituals are disrupted, Muslims are forced to improvise. Religious rituals - like the performances of skilled jazz musicians - are spontaneous and dynamic but also practiced and deliberate. Rituals are spontaneous in that they respond to the occupation’s disruptions, making physical and discursive adjustments. They are practiced in that Muslims draw from an established repertoire of themes that includes Islam and sacred space, nationalism and resistance, local culture and geography. I term the coalescence of these dynamics the “improvisation thesis” and explore three case studies where specific improvisations have different levels of resonance. The Naqshbandi improvise rituals to make peace, but they are discordant with other established themes; Ramadan rituals have resonance that define specific moments; and the improvisations of the Murabitat are deeply resonant, influencing Muslim rituals throughout the city.
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Krijestorac, Mirsad. "Nationalism as a Process for Making the Desired Identity Salient: Bosnian Muslims Become Bosniaks". FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3004.
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This study is concerned with the particular relationship between the process of nationalism and a group’s salient identity. It proposes that nationalism as the independent variable serves as a principal factor and facilitator for a change of identity, which is seen as the dependent variable. The Bosnian Muslim emergence as an independent nation with the new salient Bosniak identity was used as a case study to test the main proposition.
The inquiry was completed through a mixed research method, using grounded theory and the historic process tracing technique, a large survey analysis collected specifically for this study, and a logistic regression as a concluding test. The historic process tracing method describes the Bosnian Muslim group’s development from a distinct Balkan Ottoman religious millet group, through a stage of its own ethno-religious cultural crystallization, another stage of nationality during the Communist era, to an independent nation that now shares the country of Bosnia-Herzegovina with two other nations. Through their struggle to survive and re-assert themselves as an important local political entity, Bosniaks built their nationalism upon three important themes: B-H integrity, Bosnian Islam, and the Bosnian language. A 68-question survey regarding these three themes designed specifically for this study was conducted, and 670 survey responses were collected from the Bosnian Muslim diaspora population living throughout the Midwestern and Eastern U.S. in their Appadurai-type neighborhoods. The data collected from those surveys were manipulated in preparation for a final analysis. The two nationalism indexes measuring intensity and type, and six categories of Bosniak identity, were constructed to observe interactions between nationalism and identity.
As the final step, a statistical analysis with multinomial logistic regression confirmed the proposition and showed that the factor which stimulates selection of a new desired salient identity is intensity of nationalism, not type of nationalism .
This work contributes to the ongoing discussion on the true role of nationalism as a collective action. At the same time, it provides the field of comparative politics with a comprehensive description of the emergence of Bosnian Muslims as a nation, and with details of their nationalism project and their now salient Bosniak identity.
30
Syaroni, Mizan. "The Majlisul Islamil Ala Indonesia (MIAI) : its socio-religious and political activities (1937-1943)". Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21270.
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This thesis investigates the activities of the Majlisul Islamil A`la Indonesia (MIAI), an Islamic federative organization of pre-independent Indonesia, elaborating in particular on the federation's socio-religious and political stance. Operating for only six years (1937--1943), the MIAI represented Muslim groups, as a counterpart to the "secularists," within the nationalist movement during both the final years of Dutch rule and the early stages of the Japanese occupation. The MIAI was established for the specific purpose of unifying the Islamic organizations---political and non-political, traditionalist and modernist alike---while at the same time reviving Muslim political and socio-religious strength after the decline of the Sarekat Islam, which had for almost fifteen years dominated the nationalist scene.The mission of the MIAI was seen by Muslims as a response to the threat posed by external forces. It reacted in particular against Dutch policies considered discriminatory by Muslims concerning matters involving Islamic belief and practice, such as marriage and education. The federation also took a strong stand regarding Christian polemic aimed at Islam and took part in Indonesian Muslim response. That the establishment of the MIAI was favored by most Islamic organizations attested to the strong sentiment among Indonesian Muslims for a common front, regardless of their differences on socio-religious and political issues. Together with the GAPI (Gabungan Partai Politik Indonesia or the Federation of Indonesian Political Parties) and the PVPN (Persatuan Vakbonden Pegawai Negeri, or the Association of Government Employees), the MIAI took part in demanding political reform on behalf of Muslim groups. Indeed, notwithstanding its short life span, the MIAI was a pioneer for national unity in general and Indonesian Muslim unity in particular.
31
Asyari, Suaidi. "The role of Muslim groups in contemporary Indonesian nationalism : a study of the Nahdlatul Ulama under the new order, 1980s-1990s". Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29812.
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This thesis investigates the role played by the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Islamic organization established by K. H. Hasjim Asj'ari in 1926, in the development of Indonesian nationalism, elaborating in particular on its activities under the New Order (1980s and 1990s) after it implemented the Pancasila as the sole foundation for all political parties, social and mass organizations. As the largest Muslim traditionalist organization in Indonesia, the NU was originally founded to protect and promote the interests of Muslim traditionalists, who loyally followed the school of Ahlu al-Sunnah wa al-Jama'ah. The doctrines of the latter school are shown here to have largely influenced the organization's dealings both culturally, religiously and politically.In order to fully understand the NUs view of Indonesian nationalism, this thesis examines the three phases of Indonesian nationalism, beginning with the rise of this organization, its involvement in the formation of the Indonesian state and its ideology, and the period after the country stipulated the sole foundation of Pancasila. It is from these three phases of Indonesian nationalism that this thesis shows the significance role played by the NU during the 1980s and 1990s. The NUs example in accepting the Pancasila as its sole basis served as an inspiration to other social and mass organizations in the country and represented one of its major contributions to the nation's welfare.
32
tisthammer, erik. "Without an empire: Muslim mobilization after the caliphate". FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1532.
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The Caliphate was a fundamental part of Islamic society for nearly 1300 years. This paper seeks to uncover what effect the removal of this institution had on the mobilization of Muslims in several parts of the world; Turkey, Egypt, and British India. These countries had unique experiences with colonialism, secularism, nationalism, that in many ways conditioned the response of individuals to this momentous occasion. Each country’s reaction had a profound impact on the future trajectory of civil society, and the role of Islam in the lives of its citizens. The conclusions of this paper challenge the monolithic depiction of Islam in the world, and reveal the origins of conflict that these three centers of Muslim power face today. Much of the religious narrative now commonplace in Muslim organizations derive from this pivotal event in world history.
33
Gedik, Esra. "Ideological Ambivalance Of Motherhood In The Case Of "". Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12609294/index.pdf.
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IDEOLOGICAL AMBIVALANCE OF MOTHERHOOD
IN THE CASE OF &ldquoMOTHERS OF MARTYRS&rdquo
IN TURKEY Gedik, Esra M.S. Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sibel Kalaycioglu Co-Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Cem Deveci February 2008, 169 pages The main objective of this thesis is to understand how mothers who lost their sons during the conflicts in East and Southeast of Turkey articulate martyrdom of their sons with nationalism, religion and motherhood
how these women who lost their sons, as a woman and a mother define and express themselves and their experiences after martyrdom. Before their sons are martyrized, these women were ordinary housewives, with the death of their sons, they get a new identity: being a mother of a martyr. In this thesis, it is examined that what being a mother of a martyr means for these women. Moreover, this study attempts to examine certain perceptions and assumptions of these women about nationalism, the state, religion, war and peace after martyrdom. For this aim, this study is based on interviews with mothers who do not realize that they virtually live in a war, on motherhood, war, politics, and peace. Therefore, this research is the study to grasp how discourses of nationalism and religion shape this new identity: being a mother of a martyr. While these women were ordinary housewives before martyrdom, after their sons&rsquo
death, their narratives as mothers of martyrs are cultivated by discourses of nationalism and religion. Consequently, is it possible for these mothers to develop an anti-war discourse as happened for examples in the world?
34
Husni, Dardiri. "Jong Islamieten Bond : a study of a Muslim youth movement in Indonesia during the Dutch Colonial era, 1924-1942". Thesis, McGill University, 1998. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21219.
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This thesis deals with an influential young Muslim intellectual movement, Jong Islamieten Bond (JIB), which had active towards the end of the Dutch Colonial era in Indonesia. It will first investigate the circumstances under which the JIB was founded. Second, it will go on to survey the development of the organization with respect to its leadership between 1924 to 1942. Finally, this thesis will analyze in some detail the ideology and the activities of the movement. It will attempt to shed a light on the JIB's role in defining Islam as both a religion and an ideology in the struggle to form an Indonesian identity for the future Indonesian nation.
35
De, Villiers Shirley. "Religious nationalism and negotiation : Islamic identity and the resolution of the Israel/Palestine conflic". Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1007815.
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The use of violence in the Israel/Palestine conflict has been justified and legitimised by an appeal to religion. Militant Islamist organisations like Ramas have become central players in the Palestinian political landscape as a result of the popular support that they enjoy. This thesis aims to investigate the reasons for this support by analysing the Israel/Palestine conflict in terms of Ruman Needs Theory. According to this Theory, humans have essential needs that need to be fulfilled in order to ensure survival and development. Among these needs, the need for identity and recognition of identity is of vital importance. This thesis thus explores the concept of identity as a need, and investigates this need as it relates to inter-group conflict. In situating this theory in the Israel/Palestine conflict, the study exammes how organisations like Ramas have Islamised Palestinian national identity in order to garner political support. The central contention, then, is that the primary identity group of the Palestinian population is no longer nationalist, but Islamic/nationalist. In Islamising the conflict with Israel as well as Palestinian identity, Ramas has been able to justify its often indiscriminate use of violence by appealing to religion. The conflict is thus perceived to be one between two absolutes - that of Islam versus Judaism. In considering the conflict as one of identities struggling for survival in a climate of perceived threat, any attempt at resolution of the conflict needs to include a focus on needs-based issues. The problem-solving approach to negotiation allows for parties to consider issues of identity, recognition and security needs, and thus ensures that the root causes of conflicts are addressed, The contention is that this approach is vital to any conflict resolution strategy where identity needs are at stake, and it provides the grounding for the success of more traditional zero-sum bargaining methods. A recognition of Islamic identity in negotiation processes in Israel/Palestine may thus make for a more comprehensive conflict resolution strategy, and make the outcomes of negotiations more acceptable to the people of Palestine, thus undermining the acceptance of violence that exists at present.
36
Pintak, Lawrence. "Islam Nationalism and the mission of Arab journalism A survey of attitudes towards religion politics and the role of Arab media in the twenty-first century". Thesis, University of Wales Trinity Saint David, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.504255.
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The Bush administration has charged that reporters at Al Jazeera and other Arab media outlets are biased against the US. Whether or not such an allegation is true, it raises the central question of what influences are at work on Arab journalists at this crucial time of turmoil in the region and change in Arab media. What are their core values? To what degree do religious beliefs and ethno-nationalist attitudes shape their coverage? How do they view US policy and other regional and international issues? What do they define as the role of a journalist in the modem Arab and/or Islamic worlds? This study analyzes the responses of 517 Arab journalists who participated in the first broad, regional survey examining attitudes and values. It found that Arab journalists see the achievement of political and social change as the prime mission of Arab journalism and cited "democrat" as their primary political identity. When the views of self-declared "secular" and "religious" Muslim journalists were compared, there was little statistical difference in their attitudes on all but issues related to the role of clerics in Arab society.
37
Backman, Cecilia. "The Role of Religion in The Insurgency in The South of Thailand". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS), 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22960.
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Denna magisteruppsats presenterar och analyserar religionens roll i upproret i södra Thailand som ibland benämns terrorism. Genom att använda teorier som behandlar nationsbygge och nationalitet, religion som en kulturell identitet, samt teorier om globalisering och terrorism, visar denna uppsats att det inte går att dra slutsatsen att religion är den enda orsaken till upproret. Denna uppsats visar dessutom att varken religiös terrorism eller religiös nationalism behöver innebära religiös övertygelse, eftersom religion förutom många andra saker kan markera en kulturell tillhörighet.This thesis presents and analyses the role of religion in the insurgency in the south of Thailand, that is sometimes labelled terrorism. By using theories on nation building and nationalism, religion as a cultural identity and theories on globalisation and terrorism, this thesis shows that it cannot be concluded that religion is the sole problem of the insurgency in the south of Thailand. This thesis, in addition, shows that religion is political and a source of identity and that neither religious terrorism nor religious nationalism have to imply religious belief, since religion can be a marker of cultural belonging, among many things.
38
Yilmaz, Tomris Ozlem. "« Vision nationale » (Millî Görüş) : Religion, nationalisme et politique chez les Turcs de France et d’Allemagne". Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL028.
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Ce travail tente d’explorer les questions du nationalisme turc dans le cadre d’une expérience d’immigration turque, et ce, à travers les membres de la communauté islamique Millî Görüş en France et en Allemagne. Prenant en compte les divers rôles que la communauté joue dans la vie de ses sympathisants en terre d’accueil, il met en évidence le lien entre les constructions nationales et le processus de socialisation communautaire. Si la communauté semble jouer un certain rôle d’intermédiaire dans la réappropriation des questions en lien avec le pays d’accueil, elle véhicule aussi la transmission d’un ensemble de valeurs en rapport avec la « turcité » qui, de par la force de son enracinement sur un terrain religieux, politique, culturel et historique, demeure manifestement une identité résistante, tout en permettant d’établir les voies de l’identification à la nation turque et au pays d’origineThis dissertation explores the issues of Turkish nationalism, as part of a Turkish immigration experience, within the Millî Görüş Islamic community in France and Germany. Taking into account various roles that the community plays in the lives of its members in the host countries, it analyzes the link between national constructions and the process of socialization within the community. While the community seems to play a certain intermediary role in the reappropriation of issues related to the host countries, it also conveys the transmission of a set of values related to “Turkishness” which, by force of its roots in religious, political, cultural and historical grounds, clearly remains a resistant identity, establishing at the same time the means of identification with the Turkish nation and the country of origin
39
Gurseler, Ceren. "Islamic Rhetoric Of The Palestine Liberation Organization". Master's thesis, METU, 2006. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607647/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to analyze Islamic rhetoric of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and its underlying objectives and reasons by examining policies, speeches and declarations of the PLO, Fateh and Yasser Arafat. It is widely accepted that the PLO functiones according to secular rulesperceives Israel, Palestine and the Israeli-Palestinian question on Palestinian nationalist and Third worldist grounds. However in spite of its secular functioning and goals, the PLO since its inception has referred to Islamic rhetoric on natinal struggle of Palestine&rsquo
s liberation. Henceforth it is argued that the PLO has chosen a pragmatist and instrumentalist language in referring to Islamic symbols and discourses. Islamic rhetoric of the PLO has aimed primarily to mobilize the Palestinians for national goals and to legitimize the PLO against rising power of political Islam headed by Hamas. Furthermore the thesis also demonstrates that the PLO&rsquo
s Islamic rhetoric was affected by Palestinian society&rsquo
s shift along Islamic lines and Islamic component of Palestinian nationalism and culture. The PLO seemed to intensify its resort to Islamic rhetoric with every crisis that decreased the PLO&rsquo
s authority and power. It is concluded that content of the PLO&rsquo
s pragmatic Islamic rhetoric was never related with making Islam as normative and legal basis of Palestinian society, rather it was related with mobilization and legitimating.
40
Metzger, Fabio. "Pluralismo X radicalismo. A integração do islã político em algumas sociedades mulçumanas: os casos de Egito, Turquia e Argélia". Universidade de São Paulo, 2008. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-18092008-161219/.
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Este estudo compara as situações políticas de Egito, Turquia e Argélia, três Estados de maioria muçulmana, onde existem movimentos políticos islâmicos influentes. Neste trabalho, é verificado se os movimentos e partidos islâmicos são compatíveis ou acomodáveis com os Estados egípcio, turco e argelino. Utilizando a comparação dos conceitos de soberania popular e democracia liberal com o Islã e o Islamismo (também conhecido como \"Islã político\"), são considerados todos os casos históricos de cada sociedade.this study compares and contrasts political situations in Egypt, Turkey and Algeria, three muslim majority states, where there are political islam´s influent movements. In this work, it´s verified if the Islamic and islamist movements are compatible or accommodable to Egyptian, Turkish and Algerian secular states. Comparing and contrasting concepts of people´s sovereignty and liberal democracy to Islam and islamism (also known as \"political Islam\"), this study considers all the historical cases in each society.
41
Sami, Abdelhakim. "Étude des partis politiques depuis la tentative d’ouverture démocratique en Algérie (1989-2014)". Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE2012.
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Cette thèse s’intéresse au phénomène partisan depuis la tentative d’ouverture du champ politique en 1989 en Algérie. Elle tente de comprendre comment fonctionnent les partis politiques algériens, leur organisation structurelle, leur mission et leur rôle dans la compétition politique pour conquérir le pouvoir à travers les élections. Bien que l’ouverture au pluralisme (1989-1992) ait produit des opportunités politiques profitées notamment aux islamistes du FIS, l’interruption du processus électoral en 1992 a conduit à la refermeture du champ politique, et à une crise politique (après la dissolution du FIS) tournant au conflit armé (entre l’État et le FIS). L’échec de la transition démocratique s’explique par la nature du système politique algérien, qui est incompatible avec les partis. Cela réduit les partis à des appareils au profit du système politique notamment depuis l’arrivée d’Abdelaziz Bouteflika à la présidence (1999). Cette étude propose donc une analyse socio-politique des élections depuis 1989 en Algérie, qui a permis d’expliquer les comportements électoraux, l’engagement politique, les trajectoires des militants, et de saisir les représentations liées notamment à l’histoire de l’Algérie, la nature de son système politique, la socialisation, la famille, la région d’habitation, etc. L’étude des partis algériens combine trois niveaux d’analyse, d’abord au niveau macro, l’environnement des partis (culture politique, administration, mode de scrutin, enjeux politiques, etc.) constitue un obstacle à leur évolution démocratique. Au niveau micro et méso, l’analyse se situe au niveau de l’attitude et de comportement des citoyen, militants et électeurs, tout en s’intéressant à leur entourage familial, amical, et le rôle ambivalent (mobilisateur et démobilisateur) des partisThis thesis deals with the partisan phenomenon since the attempt of opening the political field in 1989 in Algeria. It tries to understand the functioning of the Algerian political parties, their structural organization, their mission and their role in political competition in order to conquer power through elections. Although the openness to pluralism (1989-1992) produced political opportunities benefited particular by the FIS Islamists, the interruption of the electoral process in 1992 led to the re-closure of the political field and to a political crisis (after the dissolution of the FIS) leading to armed conflict (between the State and the FIS). The failure of the democratic transition is explained by the nature of the Algerian political system, which is incompatible with the parties. This reduces the parties to devices to the benefit of the political system, in particular since the arrival of Abdelaziz Bouteflika to the presidency (1999). This study therefore proposes a socio-political analysis of the elections since 1989 in Algeria, which made it possible to explain the electoral behavior, the political commitment, and the trajectories of the militants. It also permitted to grasp the representations linked in particular to the history of Algeria, the nature of its political system, socialization, the family, the region of residence, and so on. The study of the Algerian parties combines three levels of analysis: first at the macro level, the parties’ environment (including political culture, administration, electoral system, political stakes, etc.) constitutes an obstacle to their democratic evolution. At the micro- and meso-level, the analysis focuses on the attitudes and behavior of citizens, activists and voters, while taking into consideration their family, friends, and the ambivalent (mobilizing and demobilizing) role of parties
42
Saber, Dima. "De Nasser à Nasrallah : l’identité arabe à l’épreuve de ses récits médiatiques. Une analyse sémio-pragmatique de l’émergence de deux symboles de la nation. Nationalismes et propagandes, 1948-2006". Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020055/document.
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Notre récit commence dans l’Egypte nationaliste des années 1950. Le coup d’Etat mené par Gamal Abdel Nasser et le “Mouvement des Officiers Libres” ouvre la voie à une révolution politique, économique, et socioculturelle, au Caire et dans l’ensemble du monde arabe. Il met alors en place un puissant dispositif médiatique : il fonde la radio la Voix des Arabes, publie La Philosophie de la révolution, et fera très rapidement du journal Al-Ahram la langue de sa révolution. De la guerre de Suez en 1956, à l’union avec la Syrie en 1958, l’Egypte soutiendra alors tous les mouvements de libération nationale jusqu’à la “catastrophe” de 1967, qui signe l’arrêt de mort du nationalisme nassérien. Lorsque le nationalisme laïc n’a pas réussi à restituer la Palestine et la dignité arabe perdues, certains ont cru que c’est la religion qui le fera. Deux modèles antagonistes secouent alors le consensus des années 1960 : au “pétro-islam” saoudien s’oppose désormais un islam chiite inspiré par la Révolution islamique en Iran et prôné par le Hezbollah et son Secrétaire général Hassan Nasrallah. Les années 1980-1990 correspondent aussi à l’introduction des chaînes satellites dans le monde arabe ; au pouvoir mobilisateur de la radio des années 1950, se substitue la force de l’image de chaînes comme Al-Jazeera et Al-Manar. Ainsi, trois décennies après la dernière guerre israélo-arabe, la question de l’identité est exportée sur le front libanais : Nasrallah dit mener, en 2006, “la guerre de la nation contre l’ennemi sioniste”. Comment, à travers leur couverture de la révolution, de la guerre, de la défaite et de la victoire, les médias arabes ont-ils dit l’identité tout au long des soixante dernières années d’histoire ? Comment la radio, la presse écrite, la télévision satellitaire, mais aussi la chanson, les clips et les jeux vidéo ont-ils dit l’arabité? Qu’est-ce que “être arabe” dans le discours médiatique d’aujourd’hui et de quelles manières l’islam politique prôné par les médias contemporains reprend-t-il les anciennes thématiques du nationalisme nassérien ?Our story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?
43
Kahfi, Erni Haryanti. "Haji Agus Salim : his role in nationalist movements in Indonesia during the early twentieth century". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ44090.pdf.
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44
Saber, Dima. "De Nasser à Nasrallah : l’identité arabe à l’épreuve de ses récits médiatiques. Une analyse sémio-pragmatique de l’émergence de deux symboles de la nation. Nationalismes et propagandes, 1948-2006". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020055.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Notre récit commence dans l’Egypte nationaliste des années 1950. Le coup d’Etat mené par Gamal Abdel Nasser et le “Mouvement des Officiers Libres” ouvre la voie à une révolution politique, économique, et socioculturelle, au Caire et dans l’ensemble du monde arabe. Il met alors en place un puissant dispositif médiatique : il fonde la radio la Voix des Arabes, publie La Philosophie de la révolution, et fera très rapidement du journal Al-Ahram la langue de sa révolution. De la guerre de Suez en 1956, à l’union avec la Syrie en 1958, l’Egypte soutiendra alors tous les mouvements de libération nationale jusqu’à la “catastrophe” de 1967, qui signe l’arrêt de mort du nationalisme nassérien. Lorsque le nationalisme laïc n’a pas réussi à restituer la Palestine et la dignité arabe perdues, certains ont cru que c’est la religion qui le fera. Deux modèles antagonistes secouent alors le consensus des années 1960 : au “pétro-islam” saoudien s’oppose désormais un islam chiite inspiré par la Révolution islamique en Iran et prôné par le Hezbollah et son Secrétaire général Hassan Nasrallah. Les années 1980-1990 correspondent aussi à l’introduction des chaînes satellites dans le monde arabe ; au pouvoir mobilisateur de la radio des années 1950, se substitue la force de l’image de chaînes comme Al-Jazeera et Al-Manar. Ainsi, trois décennies après la dernière guerre israélo-arabe, la question de l’identité est exportée sur le front libanais : Nasrallah dit mener, en 2006, “la guerre de la nation contre l’ennemi sioniste”. Comment, à travers leur couverture de la révolution, de la guerre, de la défaite et de la victoire, les médias arabes ont-ils dit l’identité tout au long des soixante dernières années d’histoire ? Comment la radio, la presse écrite, la télévision satellitaire, mais aussi la chanson, les clips et les jeux vidéo ont-ils dit l’arabité? Qu’est-ce que “être arabe” dans le discours médiatique d’aujourd’hui et de quelles manières l’islam politique prôné par les médias contemporains reprend-t-il les anciennes thématiques du nationalisme nassérien ?Our story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?
45
Willman, Gabriel. "From Pre-Islam to Mandate States: Examining Cultural Imperialism and Cultural Bleed in the Levant". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/966.
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To a large degree, historical analyses of the Levantine region tend to focus primarily upon martial interaction and state formation. However, perhaps of equitable impact is the chronology of those interactions which are cultural in nature. The long-term formative effect of cultural imperialism and cultural bleed can easily be as influential as the direct alterations imposed by martial invasion. While this study does not attempt to establish comparative causal weight or catalytic impact between these types of interactions, it does contend that the cultural evolution of the Levant has been significantly influenced by external interaction for a period of time extending beyond the Levantine Islamic Expansion. This study presents a chronological examination of the region from the pre-Expansion Period through the Mandate Period, focused upon relevant cultural structures. Specifically, emphasis is placed upon religious, ethnic, and nationalistic identity development, sociolinguistic shifts, and institutional changes within the societal structure. The primary conclusion of this study is that significant evidence exists to support a long-term historical narrative of externally influenced Levantine cultural evolution, inclusive of both adaptive and reactive interactions.B.A.
Bachelors
Arts and Humanities
History
46
Ari, Basar. "Religion And Nation-building In The Turkish Republic: A Comparison Of The High School Textbooks Of 1930-1950 And 1950 - 1960". Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612842/index.pdf.
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The period from 1930 to 1946 constitutes one of the most important episodes of the history of Turkish Republic. It is the period in which the new regime was consolidated through a series of radical secularizing reforms, which aimed at weakening the role of religion in politics and society and confining it to the private sphere. In this period, the Kemalist regime tried to replace an identity based on religion by one based on the Turkish nation. It has generally been argued that the transition to multi-party regime and the subsequent coming to power of the Democratic Party in 1950 constitutes a serious break with the previous period by opening a greater space for religion in society. This thesis will try to study the construction of Turkish national identity through a comparison of the high school textbooks of the 1930 &ndash1950 period and 1950 &ndash
1960 era.
47
Eldeniz, Selin. "The Relationship Between The Egyptian State And The Muslim Brotherhood From 1952 To 1970". Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615101/index.pdf.
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This thesis aims to analyze the relationship between two main inspiration sources of the Arab world, both emerged in Egypt: Gamal Abdel Nasser and the Muslim Brotherhood. The focus is defined as the relationship between the Egyptian state of
Nasser&rsquos era and the Muslim Brotherhood
hence the time period is determined to be between 1952 and 1970. The reason why I have chosen this subject is that for the Middle East in general, and Egypt in particular, both actors have played a significant role in the path of deposing Western colonialism and engaging with modernism. On the other hand as both sides could provide alternative theories and means of governance against each other, the relationship seems more than interesting
especially regarding region&rsquo
s endeavor of providing a strong response and local alternatives to dominant Western values of modernism, it seems more than worthy to focus on these two main players and their interactions with each other.
48
Gueye, Seydou Hamady. "Islam chez les Maures, les Hâlpulâr et les Soninké : maraboutisme, confrérisme, syncrétisme, identités nationales et nationalismes". Paris 8, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA082382.
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Les sociétés qu'on peut considérer comme des sociétés soudanaises en général, les Maures, les Soninké et les Hâlpulâr en particulier, entretiennent de multiples contacts, tant au niveau historique et géographique que religieux. L'observateur est ici en présence de peuples liés par l'histoire, la géographie, la religion, le sang. Le discours sur les sociétés soudanaises est demeuré inchangé. Il s'agit d'une approche qui considère les objets étudiés comme figés, immuables, éternels : les ethnies sont considérées comme des entités irréductibles et repliées sur elles-mêmes. On n'a pas tenu compte des échanges de tous ordres entre ces ethnies. C'est ainsi qu'on a, pendant longtemps, expliqué la plupart des conflits politiques et sociaux en Afrique. Guerres tribales, animisme, mentalité primitive servaient d'explications. L'impact de l'Islam - une importation spirituelle - fut longtemps occulté. Face à cette attitude raciale, des intellectuels africains - pour revaloriser la culture africaine - réagirent à cette vision. Par la suite, on parlera de l'islam africain, mais comme un islam noir. On a ainsi fait passer le privilège du thème de l'ethnie au thème de l'Islam. Une telle approche n'est pas dynamique mais plutôt statique, parce que'elle ne reconnaît pas le changement, de la gestation des peuples du Soudan Occidental. Avec l'avènement des Etats hérités de la colonisation, nous assistons à la naissance de nationalismes importés ou inventés comme l'arabisme et l'africanisme dans le cadre de l'Etat mauritanien. Nous assistons également à l'émergence de nouvelles identités. C'est ainsi qu'on parle de négro-africain, d'arabo-berbères, de négro-mauritaniens. L'auteur de cette thèse se propose de remettre en question cette vision qui ne permet pas d'appréhender la réalité socio-historique des sociétés en question. Il faut rappeler que rien n'est inscrit éternellement dans les gênes des objets anthropologiques ici étudiés. Qu'à d'autres niveaux. On tente de montrer la validité de concepts et dénominations jusque là non explorés ou non utilisés, tels que négro-berbères, négro-arabes. . . Et on remet en question des termes comme négro-mauritaniens, ou négro-africains. Il est temps, à son avis, de reconsidérer et de redéfinir des concepts tels que l'arabité et l'africanité. Il fait étudier l'Islam en tant que religion commune et spécifique aux trois groupes étudiés dans le maraboutisme, le confrérisme, les classes dominantes et dominées, les groupes sociaux professionnels, ou castes.
49
Radulescu, Miruna Catalina. "La naissance du mythe nationaliste dans les principautés roumaines pendant la domination ottomane, comme décrit dans La troisième lettre de Mihai Eminescu : l'importance de l'église orthodoxe et le refus de l'Islam". Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=29520.
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Most Romanian national heroes lived while the Ottoman Empire dominated the Balkans. History bears witness to their doings, yet certain figures have become almost mythical thanks to the powerful impact of the nationalistic literature.Mihai Eminescu, the Romanian national poet par excellence, whose writings were merely tolerated by the Communists, exerted a strong influence despite his passionate involvement and he managed to create historical confusion lasting for generations. After 1989, Romanian history books changed. In my thesis, I seek to modify the myth of invincible Romanian heroes and to understand the reason why Romanian principalities enjoyed a special treatment during the Ottoman period.
The Romanian principalities served as buffer states, stopping, halting the Ottoman advancement to the north of the Danube on many occasions. The double game often used by Romanian leaders helped Valaquia and Moldavia retain their special status. Also, the treaties of vassalage signed with the Romanians and the power of the Orthodox Church have prevented the Ottomans from imposing their own laws and customs. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)
50
Misra, Amalendu. "Perception of Islam in Indian nationalist thought". Thesis, University of Hull, 1999. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:8003.
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