Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Iran. Vizārat-i Irshād-i Islāmī

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Iran. Vizārat-i Irshād-i Islāmī”

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Data publikacji: 26 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Iran. Vizārat-i Irshād-i Islāmī"

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Brack, Jonathan. "A Jewish Vizier and his Shīʿī Manifesto: Jews, Shīʿīs, and the Politicization of Confessional Identities in Mongol-ruled Iraq and Iran (13th to 14th centuries)". Der Islam 96, nr 2 (4.10.2019): 374–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2019-0028.

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Abstract This paper seeks to situate Jewish individuals from the upper echelons of the Mongol government in Iran and Iraq (1258‒1335) in relation to the process of confessional, Sunnī-Shīʿī polarization. Focusing on the case of the Baghdadi Jewish physician and vizier Saʿd al-Dawla (d. 1291), I explore how the Jewish minister sought to take advantage of Twelver-Shīʿī rise to prominence under the Mongols. I argue that the vizier attempted to strike an alliance with the Shīʿī communities in Iraq and with influential Shīʿī families with long-established ties to the Mongol regime, in order to curtail resistance to his policies and to the Jewish dominance in the realm’s bureaucracy. I consider Saʿd al-Dawla’s endeavors within the broader historical context of Shīʿī-Jewish relations. The article concludes by examining the two decades following Saʿd al-Dawla’s downfall, when a group of eminent Jewish physicians at the Mongol court converted to Islam. I show how these converts continued to exploit the process of politicization of confessional identities under the Mongols.
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Muhammad Ichsan, Sayed, i Syarif Hidayatullah. "Revolusi Republik Islam Iran". Jurnal Ekshis 1, nr 1 (11.04.2023): 12–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.59548/je.v1i1.17.

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Revolusi Republik Islam Iran merupakan sebuah keberhasilan rakyat Iran dalam menumbangkan kekuasaan Reza Shah Fahlevi, dan menghasilkan sebuah perubahan segala aspek dalam kehidupan bermasyarakat Iran, dan salah satunya konsep pembaharuan yang dicetuskan oleh Ayatullah Uzhma Ruhullah Imam Khomeini, setelah dua pemerintahan sebelumnya tidak mampu memberikan bentuk pembaharuan yang nyata kepada masyaraka. Jenis penelitian ini adalah studi pustaka atau Library Research yang menggunakan khazanah kepustakaan tentang sejarah serta revolusi republik Islam Iran sebagai referensi utama. Bentuk pembaharuan yang digagas oleh Ayatullah Uzhma Ruhullah Imam Khomeini adalah ulama sebagai pemegang kekuasaan tertinggi dan dikenal dengan istilah Velayat al-Faqih, ulama merupakan representasi pengamalan atas ajaran agama, sehingga langkah dan keputusan yang diambil berdasarkan hukum agama. Hingga saat ini, Velayat al-Faqih masih bertahan dan memberikan warna tersendiri dalam sistem pemerintahan Islam. Kata kunci: Imam Khomeini, Pembaharuan, Velayat al-Faqih References: Allouche, A. (1983). The Origins and Development of the Ottoman (First Edit). Klaus Schawrs Verlag. Halim, S. (2011). Farhang Moaster Persian-English Dictionary (Edisi I). Farhang Moaser Publisher. Jafri, S. H. M. (2003). Mazhab Syiah Dua Belas Imam. In S. H. Nasr (Ed.), Ensiklopedia Tematis: Spiritualitas Islam (Edisi I, p. 656). Penerbit Mizan. Kurdi, S. (1989). PARA MULLAH ( Studi Pemikiran Khomeini tentang Wilayatul Faqih ) Sulaiman Kurdi * nasional di kawasan Timur Tengah dan berdampak internasional adalah revolusi Islam Iran Pimpinan Ayatullah Khomeini yang pecah pada 1979 . Revolusi Iran itu berhasil membeba. Hermenia: Jurnal Kajian Islam Interdisipliner, 6, 160. Lorentz, J. H. (2007). Historical Dictionary of Iran (Second Edi). The Scarerow Press Inc. Rahnema, A. (2002). Ali Syari’ati: Biografi Politik Intelektual Revolusioner (S. Mahdi, Sayed & Bhawono, Ed.; Edisi I). Penerbit Erlangga. Rakhmat, J. (1999). Rekayasa Sosial: Reformasi, Revolusi atau Manusia Besar? (Edisi I). Penerbit Remaja Rosdakarya. Sihbudi, R. (1991). Islam, Dunia Arab, Iran: Bara Timur Tengah (Edisi I). Penerbit Mizan. Sihbudi, R. (1992). Eksistensi Palestina: di Mata Teheran dan Washington (Edisi I). Penerbit Mizan. Sihbudi, R. (1996). Biografi Politik Imam Khomeini (Edisi I). PT Gramedia Pustaka Utama. Yamani. (2002). Filsafat Politik Islam: Antara Al-Farabi dan Imam Khomeini (Edisi I). Penerbit Mizan.
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Casale, Giancarlo. "Mehmed the Conqueror between Sulh-i Kull and Prisca Theologia". Modern Asian Studies 56, nr 3 (8.04.2022): 840–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x21000184.

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AbstractThis article presents a new interpretation of the reign of the Ottoman sultan Mehmed the Conqueror (r. 1444–46, 1451–81) as refracted through the twin historical lenses of Mughal South Asia and the Renaissance Mediterranean. On the one hand, it argues that Mehmed, despite his current reputation as a conquering hero of Islam, in fact aspired to a model of sovereignty analogous to Akbar's Sulh-i Kull, and with a common point of origin in the conceptual worlds of post-Mongol Iran and Timurid central Asia. On the other hand, it also draws from the historiography of the Italian Renaissance to interpret Mehmed's cultural politics as being simultaneously inspired by a particular thread of Renaissance philosophy, the Prisca Theologia, which in many ways served as the Ottoman equivalent of Akbar's Sulh-i Kull.
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Korneeva, T. G. "ISLAM AS A GROUND OF POLITICAL SYSTEM ACCORDING TO IMAM RUHOLLAH KHOMEINI". Islam in the modern world 14, nr 4 (7.01.2019): 115–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.22311/2074-1529-2018-14-4-115-124.

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The article represents the views of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989), the leader of the Islamic revolution in Iran, on Islam as the basis of the political system. Imam Khomeini believed that Islam should not be considered only as a set of prescriptions or as a kind of philosophical system. In his work “Vilayat-i fakih. Hokumat-i Islami ” (“Islamic Government: Governance of the Jurist”) Khomeini substantiates the need for the formation of a state based on Sharia law. The ideas of the Ayatollah were not completely new to Shii political doctrine. The olitical views of Ayatollah Khomeini formed under a great infl uence of a situation in Iran in the XX cent. The author analyzes the Khomeini’s views on politics and his concept of “vilayat-i fakih”. From Ayatollah Khomeini’s point of view, we can’t imagine Islam apart from politics, otherwise Islam will be incomplete. Personal self-improvement also depends on the fullness of religion, and therefore Muslims need an Islamic state to fully keep the Sharia law. The analysis of the views of Imam Khomeini is based on the original treatise in Persian.
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Leube, Georg. "Aqquyunlu Turkmen Rulers Facing the Ruins of Takht-i Jamshīd". Der Islam 95, nr 2 (8.11.2018): 479–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/islam-2018-0031.

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Abstract This article investigates the ways in which Aqquyunlu rulers drew on the material remains of bygone dynasties by including ruins in their court ceremonial. Central for the investigation are two inscriptions left by the majlis or artistic assemblee of an Aqquyunlu prince on the ruins of one of the Achaemenid palaces at Persepolis or Takht-i Jamshīd in Iran. These important epigraphic sources are presented here in an improved critical edition and discussed in their social, architectural, and literary context. In musing over past glories, the prince and his retinue appropriated the heritage of bygone prophets and kings, framing their courtly representation as part of a continuous tradition of just rulers over southern Iran.
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Khalid, Muhammad Munib, Uzma Naz i Sajida Begum. "‘EMPOWERED IRAN’ IN A COMPLEX REGION (MIDDLE EAST): TEHRAN’S FOREIGN POLICY CHALLENGES AND DIMENSIONS IN THE 21ST CENTURY". Global Political Review V, nr I (30.03.2020): 234–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(v-i).26.

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Foreign policy is a serious module in the lives, behaviour, of all nation-states. Recently foreign policy study has acquired new dimensions as a result of a paradigm shift in Iranian foreign policy. Iran has moved away from began camp follower of the United States to an independent political actor with its independent foreign policy. Tehran, from a loyal U.S. collaborator, turned out to be a stalwart opponent. In this backdrop, the study investigates the geo-strategic importance of Iran in the Middle East and Asia as a whole. In fact, because of Tehran’s natural resources like natural gas and oil, etc., this region has always been the centre of attraction for major actors. But since Iran has changed her foreign policy roles, from western to Islamic, the region has confronted numerous security issues because of its strong Islamic history. Besides, the data for the study has incorporated from primary source taken from the official website of the foreign office of Iran, and Overall, the study examines why this alteration of the conceptual, political framework in Iran, from nationalism to Islam, has led to assume Iranian foreign policy conferring to Islamic vision.
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Durre, Mehmet Emin Ikbal. "Factor of Islamism in international relations and geopolitics in the Near and Middle East". OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2022, nr 4-2 (1.04.2022): 14–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202204statyi37.

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This article describes to the role of the factor of political Islam (“Islamism”) in geopolitics and modern international relations in the Near and Middle East. The absolute majority of the population of this region professes Islam, and many countries (Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Iran and a number of other states) directly base their state structure and legal system on Islamic principles. If earlier the Muslim factor was like a banner of self-identity and confrontation with Western expansion, now other “fault lines” are coming to the fore - between Sunnis and Shiites, fundamentalists and supporters of a “liberal” understanding of the Islamic religion. Even in the fundamentalist segment of political Islam, there are contradictions. All this complicates the situation, but its analysis and identification of certain prospects for the future is quite realistic.
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Anderson, Sally. "Religionens mange dimensioner: Skoleteologi og muslimske børn i en dansk provinsskole". Tidsskrift for Islamforskning 8, nr 2 (5.02.2017): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/tifo.v8i2.25337.

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This article is based on fieldwork with young Muslim refugees from Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan, who attend small-town schools in the Danish countryside. The article explores the Danish schools’ ’mixed bag’ approach to religious education. Drawing on theology, philosophy, cultural history and the sociology of religion, the national curriculum privileges evangelical Lutheran Christianity while postulating a universal ’religious dimension’ in people’s lives. The article discusses how this school theology that highlights a common human religious attitude simultaneously excludes any serious discussion of a child’s relationship with God and the many other dimensions of religion that impact the lives of Muslim refugee children. While reporting that they enjoy learning about Christianity, Muslim children also feel compelled by God, family, classmates and their teacher’s lack of knowledge of Islam to find and hold on to their own religious convictions. In this they are surprisingly little helped by a subject designed to get at the religious dimension in people’s lives.
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Sarkissian, Margaret. "“Religion Never Had it so good“: Contemporary Nasyid and the Growth of Islamic Popular Music in Malaysia". Yearbook for Traditional Music 37 (2005): 124–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0740155800011267.

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The Taliban in Afghanistan and the hardline clergy in Iran might regard them as blasphemous, but in Malaysia Islamic pop groups are a hit, even with fundamentalist politicians. Nasyid groups, as they are known, are winning awards for using their talents to bring people closer to Islam. (MGW 13 June 1999)
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M. Serkan, TAFLIOĞLU. "İran İslam Cumhuriyeti’nde egemenlik ve meşrûiyet kaynağı “Velâyet-i Fakih”". Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi 68, nr 3 (2013): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/sbfder_0000002288.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Iran. Vizārat-i Irshād-i Islāmī"

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Corsi, Rachel F. "Ideology and influence balancing conservative and neoconservative power in the Islamic Republic of Iran". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4748.

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The evolution of the Pasdaran over the past thirty years has brought the group further away from its original role as a protector of the revolution and closer to a parallel, if not competing, economic, political and social institution. In the last decade, conflict dominating the political landscape of the Islamic Republic of Iran has shifted from being defined primarily by the Reformists (Islamic Left) and the Conservatives (Islamic Right), to a multi-dimensional struggle between the Reformists, Conservatives, and Neo-Conservatives, represented by the IRGC and President Ahmadinejad. The IRGC's defiance against the authority of the clerics, evidenced by President Ahmadinejad's deteriorating relationship with the Supreme Leader, is an indication of a shift in the sources of influence in domestic and foreign policy making and the necessary attempts of the ruling regime to compensate for its loss of control. It appears that the IRGC may be in a position to seriously challenge the authority of the clerics; however, this research hypothesizes that as the organization has evolved parallel to the velayet-e faqih, it does not have the necessary autonomy or cohesion to effectively usurp the rule of the clerics. This study proposes that the competitive disunity that has propelled the growth of the IRGC over the past three decades is prohibitive of the collective consolidation of influence necessary to wrest authority from the clerical regime.
ID: 030646219; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 108-113).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies Track
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Taheri, Maria, i Elif Temocin. "Islam, sex och samlevnad. En studie gällande sex- och samlevnadsundervisning i grundskolor i Iran och Turkiet". Thesis, Malmö högskola, Lärarutbildningen (LUT), 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-28441.

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Detta arbete syftar till att bidra till större insikt i sex- och samlevnadsundervisningen i två muslimska länder, Iran och Turkiet, och på så sätt ge förståelse för hur religion och kultur kan påverka sex- och samlevnadsundervisningen. Egna erfarenheter säger oss att sex- och samlevnadsundervisningen på mångkulturella skolor i Sverige bäddar för konflikter då invandrarföräldrars värderingar inte stämmer överens med den svenska skolans. Vi har utfört ett fältarbete i de båda länderna och intervjuat lärare och rektorer, med koppling till sex- och samlevnadsundervisningen, för att få svar på våra frågeställningar.Resultaten synliggjorde att pubertet och hygien är i fokus i sex- och samlevnadsundervisningen i de respektive länderna. Därtill uppenbarades ”tabuområden” inom ämnesinnehållet. Homosexualitet, preventivmedel och abort är exempel på ämnen som inte tas upp i sex- och samlevnadsundervisningen på grund av att homosexualitet är förbjudet enligt sharia och preventivmedel och abort är områden som är kopplade till äktenskapet. Religion, kultur och tradition har med andra ord inflytande över undervisningen.
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Mackenthun, Tamara C. "Continuity in Iranian leadership legitimization : farr-i izadi, Shi'ism, and vilayet-i'faqih /". [Boise, Idaho] : Boise State University, 2009. http://scholarworks.boisestate.edu/td/53/.

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Swanström, Cecilia. "En kvalitativ studie av tillfälliga äktenskap i shiitisk islam : Svensk-iranska kvinnors röster". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Religionshistoria, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-126456.

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Uppsatsen presenterar attityder och förhållningssätt gentemot tillfälliga äktenskap inom shiitisk islam hos sex svensk-iranska kvinnor. Empirin i uppsatsen bygger i huvudsak på fem djupintervjuer som genomfördes under hösten 2015. Med hjälp av begreppen orientalism, genus och agens som teoretiska och analytiska verktyg försöker jag i uppsatsen begripliggöra kvinnornas berättelser om tillfälliga äktenskap.
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Andersson, Jan-Eric. "Ithna Ashery – en del av islam : en fenomenografisk jämförande studie av Ithna Ashery i Iran och Sverige". Thesis, University of Gävle, Ämnesavdelningen för religionsvetenskap, 2001. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-3649.

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Mina slutsatser i mitt arbete är att rollen som finns inom Ithna Ashery inte är homogeniserad när man jämför olika individers subjektiva upplevelse av fenomenet. Däremot om man tittar på en metanivå så kan deras roll se tämligen lika ut. Men på individnivå, som detta arbete försökt behandla, så är den subjektiva upplevelsen av rollerna olika. Det som till stor grad påverkar den subjektiva upplevelse av rollen är sådana saker som den omgivande kontexten i samhället. Men även de mål den enskilda individen har med sin roll när det gäller framtiden för individen. Det kan till exempel vara att skapa sig en dräglig tillvaro i en kommande framtid. Det religiösa motivet kan således vara sekundärt när det gäller individens val av det religiösa yrket.

En annan slutsats är att det i viss mån krävs mer av en religiös ledare inom Ithna Ashery i Sverige för att följa den utstakade teologiska vägen än för en religiös representant i Iran. Detta kan även gälla för den enskilda församlingsmedlemmen, då samhället i Sverige är sekulariserat. Konsekvensen blir att den religiösa ledaren i Sverige får uppta tid med att förklara vad som är exempelvis tillåten mat (halal) utifrån de religiösa föreskrifter som finns i koranen. Arbetet med att förklara för en församlingsmedlem vad som är tillåtet respektive förbjudet behöver inte en representant för Ithna Ashery i Iran lägga så mycket tid på. Det är för att hela den omgivande kontexten för religionsutövaren i Iran redan är anpassad och styrd av vad som är det rätta livet enligt Islam.

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Hägg, Helena. "Det är skillnad på muslimer och muslimer : hur tar lärare upp konflikterna i Afghanistan och Irak i religionsundervisningen?" Thesis, University of Gävle, Ämnesavdelningen för religionsvetenskap, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-4114.

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Många undersökningar har behandlat hur islamundervisning går till i gymnasieskolan, bland annat Kjell Härenstams bok Skolboksislam. Ingen jag har kommit i kontakt med hittills har tagit upp frågan om hur lärare i religion tar upp religions- och kulturmöten, då i synnerhet krigen i Afghanistan och Irak. Mina frågeställningar är således följande:

  • Hur har lärare i religion på gymnasiet tagit upp krigen i Afghanistan och Irak?
  • Var har de hämtat sin information och hur har de bedömt den källkritiskt?
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Tamar, Rojin. "Att lära känna dig själv, din granne och din grannes granne. : En kvalitativ studie om religionsundervisningen i den Kurdiska regionen i norra Irak". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Institutionen för idé- och samhällsstudier, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-124992.

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Syftet med denna studie har varit att undersöka en konfessionell religionsundervisning. Staten som undersökts är regionen Kurdistan i norra Irak. Religionslärare har intervjuats för att undersöka hur de resonerar kring religionsämnet, även observationer av hur lärarna undervisar i praktiken har utförts. En kort analys har även gjorts av religionsundervisningens styrdokument. Som bakgrund har denna studie gått igenom Kurdistans undervisning från att vara en minoritetsfolkgrupp i norra Irak till att sedan bli ett självstyrd region som sedan skapat en egen läroplan. Metoden för studien har varit kvalitativa intervjuer som använt sig av fenomenologi, en etnografisk metod har använts till observationer, och även analys av Irakiska-Kurdistans läroplan. Resultatet av intervjuerna och observationerna samt det som står i läroplanen har analyserats utifrån läroplanskoder som är den teorin uppsatsen använder sig av. Med hjälp av den fenomenologiska metoden samt läroplanskoderna har jag diskuterat resultaten i diskussion kapitlet. Jag har även analyserat orsakerna till varför religionsundervisningen framställs på ett visst sätt utifrån styrdokumenten och lärarnas resonemang, detta görs med hjälp av läroplanskoderna. En anledning till varför religionsundervisningen framställs som den gör är för att majoriteten av de kurdiska invånarna är muslimer.
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Klafstad, Ragnhild. "Den muslimske fødselsmaskinen, en orientalistisk myte? : en undersøkelse av befolkningspolitikken i to islamske land /". Oslo : Institutt for kulturstudier og orientalske språk, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/IKOS/2007/62689/Klafstadxreligionshistorie.pdf.

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Ahmadi, Sanaz. "Will I Ever Be Enough? : A Marxist Analysis of Women Protesting Obligatory Veiling in the Islamic Republic of Iran". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-364820.

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The My Stealthy Freedom (MSF) movement on social media has garnered over 1 million likes on Facebook and continues to make headlines in major media outlets. The founder Masih Alinejad routinely speaks out against obligatory veiling in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI). This study analyses hijab and the MSF movement from a Marxist feminist perspective, evaluating the emancipatory potential for women. The study attempts to untangle Islam from the discourses around the oppression of women to find the material roots of oppression upon which the discourse has been built. The legislation of women’s clothing and women’s bodies has a long history, with just the hijab having been made compulsory and forbidden three times in Iran within the previous century. Through the use of Multimodal Critical Discourse analysis, photographs and videos from the MSF movement are compared to hijab propaganda by the IRI to identify whether the concern of the MSF movement is limited to obligatory hijab, or if it places within the broader movement for women’s emancipation. The results show that despite the visual emphasis on the hijab, the MSF movement has a broader aim emancipating women as expressed by the activists of the movement.
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Lööv, Rebecka. "‘Vi och dom‘ -Mediediskursen om Islam och muslimer : En kritisk diskursanalys av medierapporteringen om Islamiska Staten i Irak och Syrien". Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för utbildningsvetenskap (UV), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-39487.

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Syftet med denna undersökning är att genom en kritisk diskursanalys av utvalda tidningsartiklar, redogöra för framställningen av Islamiska Staten (IS) i Irak och Syrien. Det avses genomföras i identifiering och analysering av framträdande diskurser i textmaterialet. Undersökningens kritiska ambitioner ligger i ett synliggörande av medias maktposition i samhället med fokus på diskursen om Islam och muslimer. Media tenderar att presentera en bild av IS och tillhörande diskurser utifrån ett västerländskt perspektiv, vilket ger upphov till ett skillnadskapande av ‘vi och dom‘. Västvärlden, i synnerhet Europa och Sverige intar en dominant ställning i textmaterialet och blir på så vis en västerländsk norm. Genom att tilldela aktörer och händelser diverse negativa attribut kan media på så vis ge en orättvis bild av Islam och muslimer, språket är på så vis ett maktredskap. Det är därför viktigt att föra en kritisk diskussion i skolan om hur media påverkar människors förståelse av samhället och religiösa yttringar.  Därav är en undersökning som denna viktig för utbildningsväsendet, för att lyfta hur diskurser har makten att påverka människan och dennes syn på verkligheten och omvärlden.
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Książki na temat "Iran. Vizārat-i Irshād-i Islāmī"

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Nāʼīnī, ʻAlī Bunyādī. Shināsnāmah-i ṣudūr-i mujavvizʹhā-yi Vizārat-i Farhang va Irshād-i Islāmī. Tihrān: Qalam-i ʻIlm, 2009.

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Khādimī, ʻAlī Akbar. Vaẓāyif-i siyāsatʹguz̲ārī va ijrāyī-i Vizārat-i Farhang va Irshād-i Islāmī. Tihrān: Pizhūhishgāh-i Farhang, Hunar va Irtibāṭāt, 2012.

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Nūrīʹniyā, Ḥusayn, 1965 or 1966-, Rās̲ī Tihrānī Ḥabīb i Pizhūhishgāh-i ʻUlūm-i Insānī va Muṭālaʻāt-i Farhangī (Tehran, Iran), red. Mīzān-i riz̤āyatʹmandī-i daryāft kunandagān-i khadamāt az Vizārat-i Farhang va Irshād-i Islāmī. Tihrān: Pizhūhishgāh-i Farhang, Hunar va Irtibāṭāt, 2011.

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Aḥmadī, Mahdī. Inqilāb va naft: Rivāyat-i vazīrān-i Jumhūrī-i Islāmī az iqtiṣād-i siyāsī-i naft. Wyd. 8. Tihrān: Intishārāt-i Dunyā-yi Iqtiṣād, 2019.

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Iran. Vizārat-i Farhang va Irshād-i Islāmī. Muʻāvanat-i Umūr-i Hunarī. Guzārish-i ʻamalkard-i muʻāvanat-i umūr-i hunarī-i Vizārat-i Farhang va Irshād-i Islāmī, 1384-1387. [Tehran]: Vizārat-i Farhang va Irshād-i Islāmī, 2008.

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Vilāyatī, ʻAlī Akbar. Tārīkh-i siyāsī-i jang-i taḥmīlī-i ʻIrāq bar Jumhūrī-i Islāmī-i Īrān. Wyd. 8. Qum: Daftar-i Nashr-i Farhang-i Islāmī, 2005.

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Khudāyī, Muḥammad Mahdī ʻAbd. Takāpūhā-yi ārmāngarāyānah-i Islāmī: Fidāʼiyān-i Islām az zabān-i Muḥammad Mahdī ʻAbd Khudāyī. Wyd. 8. Tihrān: Muʼassasah-i Muṭālaʻāt-i Tārīkh-i Muʻāṣir-i Īrān, 2011.

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Nīlʹqāz, Maryam, 1978 or 9-, red. Fihrist-i asnād-i Kitābkhānah-i Majlis-i Shūrā-yi Islāmī: Asnād-i dawrah-ʼi duvvum-i Majlis-i Shūrā-yi Islāmī. Tihrān: Kitābkhānah, Mūzih va Markaz-i Asnād-i Majlis-i Shūrā-yi Islāmī, 2009.

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Shūrā-yi ʻĀlī-i Dāyirat al-Maʻārif-i Inqilāb-i Islāmī. Dāyirat al-maʻārif-i inqilāb-i Islāmī: Vīzhah-i nawjavānān va javānān. Wyd. 3. Tihrān: Sūrah-i Mihr, 2010.

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Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, red. Perceptions and narratives of security: The Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps and the Iran-Iraq War. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Kennedy School, Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs, 2012.

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Części książek na temat "Iran. Vizārat-i Irshād-i Islāmī"

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Astaneh, Zahra. "The Representation of God in Islam and Its Prohibition: Strategies Used by Iranian Children When Asked to Draw God". W When Children Draw Gods, 397–424. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94429-2_15.

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AbstractTraditionally, the act of drawing, and specifically drawing God and the prophets, is forbidden in Islam. No verse in the Qur’an indicates a prohibition against drawing in general; however, Muslim scholars do interpret some verses of Qur’an and other prophetic writings as prohibiting the representation of God. In this research, I tested the degree to which children are conscious of this prohibition by asking them to draw God. We collected over 3000 drawings from six cities in Iran. The participants ranged in age from 7 to 14 years. Here, I explore religiosity in the context of contemporary Iran, and present my findings describing various strategies used by Iranian children to accomplish the task of drawing God. Only nine children used the words “sin” or “not permitted” in their descriptions. I found that as participant age increased, so did the likelihood that the participant would indicate that he/she could not draw God, giving reasons such as “God is supreme, incomparable, and beyond imagining,” or, “God is not able to be drawn.” My findings show that children demonstrate increased awareness of this prohibition as they age; this increased awareness potentially reflects a parallel increase in exposure to Muslim teachings on this topic.
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Tausch, Arno. "Introduction: What This Study Is Not and What It Aspires to Be". W Political Islam and Religiously Motivated Political Extremism, 1–5. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-24854-2_1.

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AbstractThis study, financed by the Austrian “Dokumentationsstelle Politischer Islam”, attempts an analysis of what can be said about the phenomenon of “political Islam” in the Arab world and what can be said about religiously motivated political extremism (hereafter abbreviated RMPE) in an international comparison from the perspective of international, empirically oriented social sciences. We use open, internationally accessible data from the Arab Barometer and the World Values Survey to analyse these two phenomena. In this chapter, we describe the general outline of our study. We emphasise that we follow the example of Cammett et al. (2020), in attempting to present our own empirical data from recognised social science surveys on political Islam. In doing so, the focus is on a tradition influenced by the mathematical logic and analytical philosophy of the Vienna Circle through Rudolf Carnap (1988), of relying on the extension of a contested concept. In our case—of “political Islam”—the research of the Arab Barometer as well as Francois Burgat, but also Jocelyne Cesari, John Esposito, Gilles Kepel and Oliver Roy have in any case very clearly outlined which important value patterns the adherents of political Islam represent (five items from the Arab Barometer) and which political movements and governments of countries can be assigned to the extension of the phenomenon, such as the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Sudan and Jordan, Jamaat-i-Islami in South Asia, the Refah Party in Turkey, the Islamic Salvation Front in Algeria, al Nahda in Tunisia, Hizballah in Lebanon, Hamas and Islamic Jihad in the Palestinian territories and Gamaa Islamiyya and Jihad in Egypt. It is certainly also legitimate, in the light of the above literature, to describe the current AKP government in Turkey and the Islamist regime in Iran as “political Islam in power”. Our measurement of “political Islam” thus adopts this perspective without “ifs” and “buts” and 1:1. After all, according to the “Arab Barometer” team, “political Islam” occurs whenever the following opinions are held in the region: It is better for religious leaders to hold public office Religious leaders should influence government decisions Religious leaders are less corrupt than civilian ones Religious leaders should influence elections Religious practice is not a private matter.
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"Appendix I:". W Iran, Islam and Democracy, 295–307. The Gingko Library, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvhrcxqj.17.

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"Ṭibb-i Sunnatī (Iran)". W Islam, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism, 692. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-024-1267-3_100123.

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"Khameneism and the Absolute Velayat-e Faqih". W How Islam Rules in Iran, 264–96. Cambridge University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781009460880.009.

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"Chapter Two. Power Structures And Factional Rivalries In The Islamic Republic Of Iran". W Power, Islam, and Political Elite in Iran, 31–67. BRILL, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004171763.i-304.16.

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"Preliminary Materials". W Power, Islam, and Political Elite in Iran, i—xxviii. BRILL, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004171763.i-304.2.

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"Chapter Three. Factional Rivalries And Economic Policies". W Power, Islam, and Political Elite in Iran, 69–97. BRILL, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004171763.i-304.24.

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"Chapter Four. Factional Rivalries And Socio-Cultural Developments". W Power, Islam, and Political Elite in Iran, 99–145. BRILL, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004171763.i-304.31.

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"Chapter Five. Factional Rivalries And Foreign Policy". W Power, Islam, and Political Elite in Iran, 147–99. BRILL, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004171763.i-304.38.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Iran. Vizārat-i Irshād-i Islāmī"

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ÖZLÜ, Zeynel, i Enver DEMİR. "MİLLİ MÜCADELE SONRASINDA MİLLİ TARİH ŞUURU OLUŞTURMA ÇALIŞMALARINA BİR ÖRNEK: MUSTAFA KEMAL ATATÜRK’ÜN TARİH ÖĞRETMENİ MEHMED TEVFİK BEY’İN CİHAN HARBİNDE TÜRKLER VE MEZİYETLERİ ADLI ESERİ (1928)". W 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.93.

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Milli Mücadelenin başarıyla sonuçlanmasının ardından inkılâp hareketlerine girişen Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’ün bu yöndeki en önemli çalışmalarından biri Türk toplumunda milli tarih yazımı ve milli tarih şuuru oluşturma çabasıdır. Çalışmamızda Milli mücadele sonrasında “Türk Milli Şuuru” nu oluşturmak amacıyla Mehmed Tevfik Bey tarafından kaleme alınan 1928 tarihli “Cihan Harbinde Türkler ve Meziyetleri” adlı eser hakkında bilgi verilecektir. Türk Tarihini ve kültürünü, İslamiyet ve Türklerin İslam dinine girişleri, Türk meşhurları ve eserleri, Türklerin ilim, medeniyet, insaniyet ve İslamiyet’e yaptıkları hizmetler ve Türklerin meziyetleri başlıkları altında tanıtan eserde; Türklerin İlk vatanı olan Orta Asya yaylasının sınırları, İslamiyet öncesinde Türklerin Çin ve Bizans Devletleriyle olan ilişkileri, giyiniş tarzları, silahları, ekonomik faaliyetleri (tarım, hayvancılık, ticaret), servetleri, aile hayatları, hukuk kuralları, itikat ettikleri kuvvetler (toprak, ağaç, su, ateş ve demir), en çok sevdikleri renkler (Vatanısarı, mavi, kırmızı, kara ve beyaz), İslam dinini kabul etmeden önce benimsedikleri inanışlar (Zerdüştlük, Şamanizm, Budizm, Nasturilik, Mani ve Hristiyanlık), diğer medeniyetlerle olan münasebetleri, birçok kültür ve mezhepleri benimsemelerine rağmen asıl olan lisanları Türkçe’yi kullanmaları, yine Türk olmalarına rağmen Arapça ve Acemce dilinde eserler vermeleri ve ilgili dönemlerde yetiştirilen meşhurlar (Mevlana Celaleddin-i Rumi-Mesnevi, Buhari-Sahih-i Buhari, Farabi-Kitab’ül musiki, İmam Gazali-İhya’ul-ulum, Yakut el HamaviMu’cemu’l Buldan, AhmedYesevi- Divan-ı Hikmet vb.), destanları (Ergenekon ve Oğuz), dini merasimleri ve eğlence kültürleri (mersiye, kopuz ve sagu) hakkında bilgi vermektedir. “İslamiyet ve Türkler” başlığı altında; Hazreti Ömer devrinde Türk-Arap ilişkileri, Emeviler ve Abbasiler döneminde Türkler, Türklerin bu dönemde kurdukları devletler (Tolunoğulları, Memlukler, İhşitler, Eyyubiler, Gazneliler, Bulgarlar, Peçenekler, Selçuklular, Akkoyunlular, Karakoyunlular, Osmanlılar) ve bu devletlerin meydana getirdikleri kültür eserleri, savaşları, yaptıkları meslekler (hattatlık, mücellitlik, müzehhiblik, silahçılık, saraçlık, dokumacılık, halıcılık, oymacılık, kakmacılık, çinicilik, mimarlık, askerlik, topçuluk, sedefçilik, çadırcılık, kılıç imali) hakkında bilgi verilmiştir. “Türklerin Hizmetleri” başlığı altında; Türklerin ilim, medeniyet, insaniyet ve İslamiyet’e yaptıkları önemli hizmetler (Abbasilerin bekasını taht-ı temine almaları, kavimler göçüne neden olmaları, hamaset ve şehametleriyle Çinlileri Çin Seddini yapmak zorunda bırakmaları, Avrupa’yı titreten Napolyon Bonapart’a ilk mağlubiyet acısını tattırmaları, muazzam toplar dökerek ve cihanı hayrette bırakacak bir şekilde gemileri karadan deryaya indirmek suretiyle İstanbul’u fethetmeleri, Bizans ordularını Marmara kıyılarına kadar sürüp Anadolu’da Türklüğü temelleştirmeleri, Avrupalı devletler tarafından istila edilmiş olan İstanbul’u ve Anavatanımız olan Anadolu’yu cihanı hayrette bırakacak surette kurtuluşa erdiren ve ardından Türkiye Cumhuriyeti’nin varlığını bütün cihana tanıtmaları vb.) anlatılmıştır. Son olarak “Türklerin Meziyetleri” başlığı altında ise; Türk ırkının başarılarla dolu bir geçmişinin olduğu, Türk ırkının gelenek ve göreneklerinin özellikle lisanlarının ebedi olduğu, Türkler ‘in dünyanın her tarafına dağılmış olmaları (Çin, Sibirya, Hindistan, İran, Irak, El-Cezire, Kafkasya, Suriye, Filistin, Kostantiniyye, Arabistan, Yemen, Mısır, Kuzey Afrika, Avrupa, Baltık, Finlandiya, İngiliz adaları) ve Türk ırkının dünyada mevcut milletler arasında ilmi kuvvet itibariyle en yüksek bir mevkide olduğundan bahsedilmiştir.
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Pakseresht, Sahar, i Manel Guardia Bassols. "From the so-called Islamic City to the Contemporary Urban Morphology: the Historic Core of Kermanshah City in Iran as a Case Study". W 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.5210.

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Sahar Pakseresht¹, Manel Guàrdia Bassols¹ ¹ Department of Theory and History of Architecture. Polytechnic University of Catalonia (UPC). Av. Diagonal, 64908028 Barcelona, Tel:93-4017874 E-mail: sahar.pakseresht@estudiant.upc.edu, manel.guardia@upc.edu Keywords: Iranian city, Kermanshah, urban morphology, Islamic city, urban transformation, Modernisation Conference topics and scale: City transformations, urban form and social use of space Pre-1920 cities in Iran are characterized by a number of features considered to be typical of the so-called “Islamic city”. A set of features are shared by traditional cities where dominated by Islam religion. The notion of “Islamic city”, often criticised for its Eurocentric nature, has guided most studies of these traditional cities. The modernisation process in so-called Islamic cities is crucial due to its serious impacts on the traditional morphology and transformation of their urban structure. We, thus, need more holistic and integrated understanding about changes of these cities derives from the modernisation process. In order to explore the broad and wide-spread changes due to modernisation process in the traditional cities in Muslim world, it is more enlightening if we study second order cities, rather than studying the transformations of major capitals such as Cairo, Istanbul or Teheran, where interventions are goal to approach a more exceptional and rhetorical characters. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to study the historic core of Kermanshah city, to understand the link between urban transformations and social due to modernisation process by tracing it historically. We will focus, particularly, on studying the stages of urban transformation and changes of urban morphology as well as conflict and differences between traditional urban features with the modern ones. For example, we are interested in understanding how traditional morphology and structure of residential and commercial zone are affected by the opening of new and wide boulevards in course of modernisation process, and how these changes influence everyday people life. References Kheirabadi, M. (2000). Iranian cities: formation and development. Syracuse University Press. Clarke, J. I., & Clark, B. D. (1969). Kermanshah: an Iranian provincial city (No. 10). University of Durham, Department of Geography. Bonine, M. E. (1979). THE MORPHOGENESIS OF IRANIAN CITIES∗. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 69(2), 208-224. Stefano Bianca. (2000). Urban form in the Arab world: Past and present (Vol. 46). vdf Hochschulverlag AG. Habibi, M. (1996). Az shar ta Shahr (de la Cite a la Ville). Analytical review of the city concept and its physical image in the course of time), Tehran: University of Tehran. (In Persian)
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