Rozprawy doktorskie: „Internal security – United States – History”

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Sinks, George W. "Reserve Policy for the Nuclear Age: The Development of Post-War American Reserve Policy, 1943-1955". Connect to resource, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1210099254.

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Orbovich, Cynthia Biddle. "Cognitive style and foreign policy decisionmaking : an examination of Eisenhower's National Security Organization /". The Ohio State University, 1986. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu148726514314785.

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Machado, Luís Rodrigo. "Cooperative security strategy in the South Atlantic : United States internal determinants and region ressignification". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/168662.

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Esta dissertação tem como objetivo central discutir a importância do Atlântico Sul para os Estados Unidos da América, a partir da análise das suas políticas de segurança cooperativa para a parcela sul do Oceano Atlântico considerando, principalmente, seus determinantes internos e a própria ressignificação da região entre os anos de 2003 e 2014. Ela se enquadra nas Resoluções nº 114/2014 e 115/2014 da Câmara de Pós-Graduação da UFRGS e, portanto, é dividida em três capítulos, correspondendo a três partes distintas. O Primeiro Capítulo é desenvolvido em três etapas: Primeiro, relaciona o contexto da dissertação na linha de pesquisa “Segurança Internacional” do PPGEEI/UFRGS. Segundo, aborda alguns elementos das políticas externa e de segurança dos EUA, a importância do mar para a condução dessas políticas e uma breve contextualização do Atlântico Sul. Terceiro, ressalta os principais pontos analíticos e considerações desenvolvidos no capítulo seguinte. O Segundo Capítulo traz o artigo publicado na Revista da Escola de Guerra Naval que conduz, primeiro, uma breve discussão de alguns conceitos teóricos importantes para entender a postura dos Estados Unidos na condução de sua política externa e de segurança, recorrendo ao debate da influência da política interna nas suas relações internacionais. Em seguida, discute brevemente a importância do "uso do mar" para a política externa dos EUA, contextualizando o Atlântico Sul como uma região estratégica, discutindo suas fronteiras geográficas, aspectos econômicos e organizações multilaterais. Finalmente, discute alguns dos programas norte-americanos de segurança cooperativa para o Atlântico Sul e a crescente importância da região, em linha com o novo posicionamento estratégico pós-11 de setembro. O Capitulo três faz uma breve análise dos resultados do artigo e também apresenta agendas de pesquisas possíveis de serem conduzias no PPGEEI. Foi verificada a importância do artigo para trazer a discussão da segurança cooperativa, pelo viés estadunidense, no âmbito da pesquisa no PPG e também para fomentar a visibilidade deste problema nos fóruns de discussão e leitores do periódico científico de sua publicação. Assim,foram cumpridos os objetivos de discutir a importância do Atlântico Sul para os Estados Unidos da América, a partir da discussão das políticas de segurança cooperativa, dos determinantes políticos internos e da mudança da relevância da região para a grande estratégia norte-americana. Inferindo então, a pertinência do Atlântico Sul, evidenciada pela busca de iniciativas de segurança colaborativa e combate às ameaças de baixa intensidade, visando conter novas ameaças e enfrentar atores não estatais.
The present dissertation aims to discuss the importance of the South Atlantic to the United States of America, from the analysis of its cooperative security policies for the southern part of the Atlantic Ocean, considering mainly its internal determinants and the re-signification of the region between the years of 2003 and 2014. It is in accordance with Resolutions 114/2014 and 115/2014 of the Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, and therefore comprises three chapters, corresponding to three distinct parts. Chapter One presents three steps: First, it relates the context of the dissertation in the research line "International Security" of the Post-Graduate Program in International Strategic Studies. Second, it addresses some elements of the U.S. foreign and security policy, the importance of the sea for the conduct of these policies and a brief contextualization of the South Atlantic. Third, it highlights the main analytical points and considerations that developed in the next chapter. Chapter Two brings the article published in the Revista da Escola de Guerra Naval which leads, firstly to, a brief discussion of some important theoretical concepts to understand the U.S. position in the conduct of its foreign and security policy, using the debate of the U.S. internal policy on their international relations. Then, briefly discusses the importance of "use of the sea" for U.S. foreign policy, contextualizing the South Atlantic as a strategic region, discussing its geographical boundaries, economic aspects, and multilateral organizations. Finally, discuss some North American cooperative security programs for the South Atlantic and the region's growing importance, in line with the new strategic post-9/11 position. Chapter Three brings a brief analysis of the paper's impacts and presents possibilities of investigation agendas to follow on PPGEEI. Therefore, it was possible to verify that the article was important to bring the discussion of cooperative security, by the American bias, in the African region to the scope of the research in the PGP and to promote the visibility of this problem in the discussion forums and readers of the scientific journal of its publication, fulfilling its objectives of discussing the importance of the South Atlantic to the United States of America, from the discussion of the cooperative security policies for the African West Coast, through the internal political determinants and the change of the region relevance to the global north American grand strategy. Inferring then, the relevance of the South Atlantic in this grand strategy, evidenced by the search for collaborative security initiatives and to combat low intensity threats such as piracy, aiming to contain new threats and face non-state actors.

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Tynes, Sheryl Renee. "Turning points in Social Security: Explaining legislative change, 1935-1985". Diss., The University of Arizona, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184501.

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This work is a sociological analysis of factors that led to the political success of old-age insurance in the United States from 1935-1985. Archival documents, the Congressional Record, House Ways and Means and Senate Finance Committee Hearings, and secondary sources were used to piece together the social and political history of the program. The historical record was assessed in light of the pluralist, neo-Marxist and neo-Weberian theoretical frameworks typically utilized to study political change. Two key arguments are put forth. First, analyses that focus on the long-term process of social and political change are required to distinguish between the unique and the general. Other works that focus on isolated time periods cannot make these distinctions. It is also through longitudinal analysis that causality can be determined. Insights gained from a broader time-frame relate to specification of economic, political, and demographic shifts that shape the political agenda. Second, meso-level specification of organizational actors is necessary to assess the logic behind these actors' shifting positions. Organizational theory carries the analysis further than do previous theoretical perspectives, primarily because it specifies which political actors, either inside or outside the polity, attempt to influence their environment. It is through an organizational theory framework that we can determine effective strategies for instituting social change. Finally, using organizational theory and extrapolating from past events, some predictions for the future of Social Security are suggested.

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MacDonald, Robert L. "Rogue State? The United States, Unilateralism, and the United Nations". See Full Text at OhioLINK ETD Center (Requires Adobe Acrobat Reader for viewing), 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=toledo1154015815.

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Popovich, Sara A. "Willy Brandt’s Ostpolitik: The Changing Role in United States-West German Relations, an Analysis of United States Government Internal Documents". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/80.

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This thesis analyzes a crucial period in the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States of America, through the use of US government internal documents. Willy Brandt brought forth a new vision of Ostpolitik that was starkly different from policies that the US had dealt with before, subsequently leaving the Nixon Administration largely unsure of how to react. The change in FRG economic positioning vis-à-vis the United States, and catalyst political events in the 1960’s, created the impetus for Brandt’s vision of OStpolitik, which culminated in the interim West German control of the Western Alliance’s Eastern Politics.

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Stefanidis, Ioannis. "United States, Great Britain and Greece, 1949-1952 : the problem of Greek security and internal stability". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244192.

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Erickson, Christian William. "The internal face of the garrison state : a comparison of United States and Russian internal security institutions and policy, 1900-2004 /". For electronic version search Digital dissertations database. Restricted to UC campuses. Access is free to UC campus dissertations, 2004. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.

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Hwang, In Soo. "The United States-Republic of Korea security relationship, 1953-1960 : great power and small state". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1999. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1318002/.

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This study investigates South Korea's security behaviour vis-a-vis the United States and that of the U.S. towards Korea. The significance of this study lies in its emphasis upon relations between South Korea and the United States during the 1953- 1960 period from the perspective of the patron-client state relationship. This study analyses the issues and historical events in order to trace the development of each nation's strategy, leverages, and tactics towards the other. Each chapter is related to the U.S. security commitment policy to South Korea, and South Korea's response in the frame work of the big power and small state relationship. The Introduction explains the purpose and importance of the research and the analytical framework. Chapter 1 analyses U.S. -South Korean diplomatic seesawing and Korean President Rhee's bargaining position during the Korean armistice negotiations. Chapter 2 traces the post-armistice period and the Korean Political Conference at Geneva during 1953-1954. As the Korean Armistice Agreement was a temporary measure to secure a complete cessation of hostilities, the Geneva Conference of 1954, intended to establish a political settlement, was a significant issue in the post-armistice period. Chapter 3 analyses U.S. security and military policy following the Korean War. The question of the proposed reduction of ROK forces and the redeployment of U.S. forces in Korea in connection with the 'New Look' policy were troublesome issues between Seoul and Washington, over which the two governments exerted their bargaining power. Chapter 4 deals with Rhee's conflicts with the U.S. concerning the normalisation of South Korea-Japan relations, U.S. economic policy towards Korea and its negative effects on Rhee's Government, and Rhee's undemocratic rule and dispute with the U.S. concerning Korean political affairs. Chapter 5, the conclusion of this study, summarises the research findings. As power and administration in South Korea were highly centralised under Rhee, it is important to ask to what extent did he, as the leader of the weaker state, manage and manipulate a bargaining position in Korea's relations with the United States.

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Jaehnig, James S. "Why the United States underestimated the Soviet BW threat". Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FJaehnig.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s):Peter R. Lavoy, Mikhail Tsypkin. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.53-55). Also available in print.

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Martin, Jerome Vernon. "Reforging the sword : United States Air Force tactical air forces, air power doctrine, and national security policy /". The Ohio State University, 1988. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487596807823823.

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Turek, Tyler John. "A Tale of Two Containments: The United States, Canada, and National Security during the Korean War, 1945--1951". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28694.

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In the first comparative study of Canadian and American foreign policy during the Korean War, this thesis argues that, while Canada and the U.S. shared some similar foreign policy goals and interpretations of the Soviet Union between 1945 and 1951, their national security policies were fundamentally distinct. In turn, these differing interpretations had a significant influence on each country's understanding of the Korean War. The United States believed that it had to uphold its international prestige by defending freedom everywhere in order to remain secure. Consequently, the Harry S. Truman administration pursued an aggressive campaign in Korea against the Soviet Union in order to safeguard its position as the leader of the free world. Conversely, Canada, which was preoccupied with its own sovereignty and content with a limited view of containment, had little interest in American objectives. Instead, Louis St. Laurent's government, influenced by past experiences with Great Power politics, sought to limit the excesses of the Truman administration in order to defend its autonomy. The consequence of this divergence forced officials in Ottawa and Washington to reconsider not only their national security strategies but also their relations with one another.

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Snead, David L. "United States national security policy under presidents Truman and Eisenhower : the evolving role of the National Security Council /". Thesis, This resource online, 1991. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-03022010-020152/.

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Grant, Meredith Anne. "Internal Dissent: East Tennessee's Civil War, 1849-1865". Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1962.

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East Tennessee, though historically regarded as a Unionist monolith, was politically and ideologically divided during the Civil War. The entrance of the East Tennessee and Virginia and East Tennessee and Georgia railroads connected the economically isolated region to Virginia and the deep South. This trade network created a southern subculture within East Tennessee. These divisions had deepened and resulted by the Civil War in guerilla warfare throughout the region. East Tennessee's response to the sectional crisis and the Civil War was varied within the region itself. Analyzing railroad records, manuscript collections, census data, and period newspapers demonstrates that three subdivisions existed within East Tennessee - Northeast Tennessee, Knox County, and Southeast Tennessee. These subregions help explain East Tennessee's varied responses to sectional and internal strife. East Tennessee, much like the nation as a whole, was internally divided throughout the Civil War era.

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Davis, Erik M. "THE UNITED STATES AND THE CONGO, 1960-1965: CONTAINMENT, MINERALS AND STRATEGIC LOCATION". UKnowledge, 2013. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/8.

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The Congo Crisis of the early 1960s served as a satellite conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Scholars have argued about U.S. motivations and interests involved in the Congo Crisis. The major division between scholars is between those who contend the United States acted for national security reasons and those scholars who argue the United States desired to establish a neocolonial regime to protect economic interests pertaining to vast Congolese mineral wealth. The argument of this thesis is that the United States policy in the Congo between 1960 and 1965 focused on installing a friendly regime in the Congo in order to protect its national security interests. This argument lends to the introduction of a new term to classify U.S. actions: pseudocolonialism. The previous term, neocolonialism, denotes a negative connotation based on economic greed and does not satisfactorily explain the motivations of the United States. By examining the value to the United States of Congolese uranium and cobalt as well as Congolese geographic location, the singular explanation of economic greed is weakened.

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Barbera, Gianni. "Denied to Serve: Gay Men and Women in the American Military and National Security in World War II and the Early Cold War". Chapman University Digital Commons, 2019. https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses/3.

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Gay men and women have existed in the United States and in the armed forces much longer than legally and socially permitted. By World War II, a cultural shift began within the gay communities of the United States as thousands of gay men and women enlisted in the armed forces. Military policies barred gay service members by reinforcing stereotypes that gay men threatened the wellbeing of other soldiers. Such policies fostered the idea that only particular kinds of men could adequately serve. There were two opposing outcomes for the service of returning gay and lesbian veterans. For many hiding their sexuality from public view, they were granted benefits for their service to the country. For others not as lucky, they received nothing and were stripped of their benefits and rank. With the benefits of the new GI Bill, millions of veterans attended schools and bought homes immediately after the war, and the 1950s marked a new era in the course of the United States. But the Cold War’s deep fear of communism and subversives gripped the United States at the highest levels of government and permeated to the rest of society. This thesis examines the experiences of gay men and women in the American military in World War II and the early Cold War. Particularly after World War II, their experiences as veterans were not only limited to their time in service, but extended far into their civilian lives. This research primarily incorporates scholarly sources from 1981 to present with early gay magazines of the 1950s and 1960s and other archival materials available through the ONE National Gay & Lesbian Archives at University of Southern California (USC) in Los Angeles.

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McManus, Patrick. "Stability and flexibility: The Rush-Bagot Agreement and the progressive modernization of Canadian-American security relations". Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28366.

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This dissertation examines the historical progression of the Rush-Bagot Agreement through the fundamental change versus transitory modernization debate that has emerged in North America as a result of the reorganization of continental security and defence since 2001. The Agreement, which was signed by Britain and the United States in 1817 and subsequently embraced by Canada upon its independence, has acted as a stable measure of the security and defence relationship on the continent throughout its entire history. It has persisted through nearly two centuries of industrialization, expansionism, war, and modernization, and remains relevant in governing security and defence relations on the Great Lakes. By tracing the development of this Agreement and relations on the Lakes through previous periods of continental and international discord, this paper suggests that the changes to continental security and defence since 2001 represent little more than the refurbishing of relations to address a new threat, and thus are consistent with past defence modernizations during periods of continental vulnerability.

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Colbert, Jason M. "Pakistan, madrassas, and militancy". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/2385.

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Following the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001, the US government has become increasingly concerned with madrassas, Islamic schools of religious education in Central and South Asia. U.S. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and Secretary of State Colin Powell denounced these religious seminaries as radical institutions which produce Islamic jihadists capable of threatening U.S. national security and interests. This thesis examines the history and current evidence available on madrassas. Specifically, it analyzes their historical evolution and reaction to domestic, regional and international developments. It finds that there is little evidence to connect madrassas to transnational terrorism, and that they are not a direct threat to the United States. However, Pakistani madrassas do have ties to domestic and regional violence, particularly Sunni-Shia sectarian violence in Pakistan and the Pakistani-Indian conflict in Kashmir, making them a regional security concern. This thesis argues that the best path for combating religious militancy in madrassas is by helping to create better alternatives to madrassa education, including state run and private schools, and not by targeting madrassas directly.

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Johnson, Susan Allyn. "Industrial voyagers a case study of Appalachian migration to Akron, Ohio : 1900-1940 /". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1140124259.

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Shackelford, Philip Clayton. "On the Wings of the Wind: The United States Air Force Security Service and Its Impact on Signals Intelligence in the Cold War". Kent State University Honors College / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ksuhonors1399284818.

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Kozuskanich, Nathan R. "“For the Security and Protection of the Community:” the frontier and the makings of Pennsylvanian Constitutionalism". The Ohio State University, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1133196585.

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Skaarup, H. A. "An intelligence advantage, collective security benefits gained by Canada through the sharing of military intelligence with the United States of America". Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22780.pdf.

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Givens, Seth. "Cold War Capital: The United States, the Western Allies, and the Fight for Berlin, 1945-1994". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1515507541865131.

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Jones, Brian Madison. "Abolishing the taboo : President Eisenhower and the permissible use of nuclear weapons for national security". Diss., Manhattan, Kan. : Kansas State University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/773.

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Ottosson, Björn. "A Cacophony of Voices : A Neoclassical Realist study of United States Strategy toward Central Asia and Southern Caucasus 1991–2006". Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-137026.

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U.S. strategy toward Southern Caucasus and Central Asia has not been studied sufficiently. The present study, which takes the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the subsequent independence of the states of CASC (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia) as its starting point, is probably the most detailed tracing of the evolution of U.S. strategy toward this specific region hitherto available. The study is methodologically committed to process-tracing and covers U.S. strategy toward CASC over a 15-year period covering three separate presidential administrations. A vast material has been collected and studied, and the primary contribution of the study is empirical. The study also sets out develop a neoclassical realist framework for analysing U.S. strategy, which introduces strategic culture as an intervening variable between the external actions of the U.S and the international environment. The theory in this study is based on three pillars. The first is structural realism. With its focus on the international environment and the pressure that is exerts, the study accepts the systemic imperative described by structural realists. The second pillar is cultural/constructivist theory. The study presupposes the notion of malleable norms and identities promoted by such theories. The third and most important pillar is neoclassical realism, which aims at finding intervening variables between a state´s external actions and the international environment. The definition of U.S. strategic culture relies heavily on American political and diplomatic history, the main argument being that U.S. policymakers constantly draw on U.S. strategic culture and have strong incentives to frame their policies so as to be culturally acceptable. The strategic culture thus both constrains and enables actions. The framework contributes to the ongoing effort to bridge the gap between realist and constructivist perspectives. This study will demonstrate that U.S. strategy toward CASC was shaped by specific U.S. strategic culture to a considerable extent. Throughout the entire period studied, the declared goal of the U.S. was the integration of CASC into the community of liberal market democracies. One very important theoretical finding of this study is that U.S. strategic culture had a powerful impact on U.S. strategy, independently of international pressures. This study will also demonstrate that U.S. strategy was incoherent, inconsistent, bureaucratically uncoordinated, susceptible to domestic pressure, and frequently subordinated to more important strategic goals outside of the region.

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Long, Katya. "Security and Liberty: the Republican dilemma in the Early American Republic". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210320.

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A la fin du 18ème siècle, les Etats-Unis inaugurent les révolutions fondatrices ou refondatrices, directement inspirée des Lumières et ayant dialoguées par-delà l’Atlantique. La période révolutionnaire a vue une élite politique nouvelle aux prises avec la nécessité de bâtir un «ordre nouveau», c'est-à-dire de créer un gouvernement et de définir le rapport au monde de ce nouvel Etat. Cette quête a amené les acteurs politiques de la révolution à chercher un modèle politique différent de celui, dominant, des monarchies absolues. L’idée de république s’impose dès la déclaration d’indépendance. En effet, les Lumières avaient redécouvert le républicanisme qui pouvait incarner l’espoir d’un ordre politique réformé. Cependant, les républiques classiques et les exemples contemporains confirment l’idée alors partagée par tous qu’une république ne peut être qu’une petite entité politique au sein de laquelle vit une population restreinte d’hommes libres et où les différences sociales sont relativement faibles. Non seulement cette petite taille des républiques était-elle un phénomène empirique mais elle semblait être une loi d’airain. Depuis la reformulation du dilemme républicain par Machiavel, l’idée qu’une république ne puisse pas être libre et étendue faisait consensus. Cette première république moderne, fille des Lumières pacifistes, a pourtant mené une expansion quasi-continentale. Comment cette petite république à la périphérie du monde pouvait-elle réconcilier sa volonté de rompre avec les tentations hégémoniques et son désir de puissance ?Comment pouvait-elle s’étendre tout en préservant sa liberté républicaine ?Nous avons formulé l’hypothèse que la réponse à ces questions se trouve dans une redéfinition des principes et des méthodes de leur politique étrangère. Afin de minimiser les risques de corruption de la république, les acteurs de la révolution ont cherché à mettre en place une politique étrangère républicaine fondée sur les idées des Lumières.

Cette hypothèse nous a mené à articuler notre travail autour de trois axes de recherche :le premier portant sur la théorie politique internationale, le second sur le débat idéologique autour de la politique étrangère et le troisième sur les institutions de prise de décision et de mise en œuvre de cette politique étrangère. Ces trois axes sont reliés par les idées qui forment la structure intellectuelle des débats entre les acteurs ainsi que les déterminants de la création institutionnelle.

C’est là le cœur de notre thèse. En faisant appel à la méthodologie originale développée par Pierre Rosanvallon, qu’il décrit comme une histoire conceptuelle du politique, nous avons tout d’abord procédé à une étude du cadre intellectuel de la révolution américaine en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la philosophie des relations internationales par une analyse de la contribution de Montesquieu à la théorie politique internationale.

La thèse porte ensuite sur les débats révolutionnaires, la tension entre les idéologies des Lumières telles qu’illustrées par la pensée de Montesquieu et le désir d’expansion territoriale ou de grandeur des acteurs de la révolution. Nous avons choisi de consacrer notre étude aux élites, non pas que nous ne considérions pas l’histoire sociale digne d’intérêt mais nous avons postulé que dans cette phase de bouleversement politique, ce sont les élites politiques qui ont joué le rôle déterminant. Enfin, la troisième partie de la thèse consiste en une étude du cadre constitutionnel, législatif et institutionnel de la politique étrangère républicaine issue de l’interaction entre la structure intellectuelle des Lumières et son interprétation par les acteurs.

Ainsi, notre analyse des idées, des acteurs et des institutions de la république américaine nous a permis de contribuer d’une part à la théorie des relations internationales en mettant en lumière les évolutions des concepts-clefs de la politique internationale au cours du 18ème siècle et d’autre part à l’histoire des idées politiques en étendant son champ aux questions internationales. Cela nous a permis également de mettre en lumière le lien étroit entre la structure idéelle, les intérêts et les stratégies des acteurs et la création des institutions politiques.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Blackstone, Benjamin D. "Strength Through Diplomacy: A Fundamental Review of the Relationship between North Korea and the United States". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1793.

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At the time that this thesis is printed, we are reminded of the tumultuous relationship between North Korea and the United States every day. If we follow the mainstream news regularly, it seems like we are on a steady path to war. Ultimately, this paper is centered around the question: what is the best foreign policy strategy for both countries to achieve respective goals, without descending into armed conflict? Specifically, I evaluated the failures of the last three U.S. Presidents and used their shortcomings to explain limitations in current foreign policy strategy. I also attempted to show North Korean concerns and perspectives regarding these issues, as our cultural and national biases often prevent us from seeing this issue with true clarity. For some background, I combined personal experience with a primary source interview. I then used scholarly articles from a variety of ideological lenses to analyze events from multiple viewpoints. Throughout the paper, I try to force readers to think critically about these events, rather than consume them through short headlines on the evening news. I learned that there is major potential for diplomatic alternatives to armed conflict in this relationship. I also learned that the current foreign policy strategies both countries are engaging in do not serve their best interests, or help to achieve foreign policy goals. These ideas are crucial to understand, as the likelihood for war between North Korea and the United States becomes greater each day. Furthermore, this war would result in immense loss of life and the displacement of millions of innocent people.

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Adelwerth, Shawn. "Security of a Small State: Case of Kuwait". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2004. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/694.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf
Bachelors
Arts and Sciences
Political Science

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29

Moens, A. Alexander. "The multiple advocacy strategy and the role of the custodian : the Carter years". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/29025.

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The increasing complexity and high stakes of foreign policy decisions, especially of major powers such as the United States, have generated specialized studies of decision making. One approach, called "multiple advocacy," maps a strategy of role tasks and process norms to guide the decision-makers towards an optimal decision-making process. This process allows the President to make an informed policy choice as a result of having heard a variety of options debated freely and openly among his advisors in his presence. A crucial actor in this process is the National Security Advisor. As process manager or "custodian," he must ensure that the key provisions of the strategy are met while abstaining from personal involvement in the substance of policy advice and execution. This thesis examines the internal coherence and usefulness of the strategy. The first two years of the Carter administration provide a close approximation of the strategy. Four important policy issues during this period form the empirical basis of this test: the "Deep Cuts" proposals in SALT II, the war in the Horn of Africa, Sino-American Normalization, and the fall of the Shah of Iran. While the basic principles of the strategy are found useful and sound, several of its provisions are challenged. First, in spite of its claim, the strategy does not produce multiple options when the advisors have no wide divergence of opinion. Second, contrary to the strategy's prescriptions, the custodian can improve the process in such situations by joining the policy debate. Third, custodial engagement in activities such as diplomacy and public speaking need not be prohibited too strictly. Last, the demise of the strategy can be more narrowly defined as the result of custodial disregard for a free flow of information and open participation among the advisors. Though further studies are needed to widen the empirical base, several tentative suggestions are offered to improve the strategy. The president must insist on a reasonable range of opinions when appointing advisors. While the National Security Advisor may join the policy debate to widen the range of options, his policy advice should not become the rule. At all times the President must insist that all policy debates among his advisors be brought to his attention, and that all policy options receive a fair hearing.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate

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30

Edgington, Ryan H. "Lines in the Sand: An Environmental History of Cold War New Mexico". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2008. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/10613.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation explores the complex interactions between the Cold War military-scientific apparatus, the idea of a culture of the Cold War, and the desert environment of the Tularosa Basin in south-central New Mexico. During and after World War II, the War Department and then the Department of Defense established several military reserves in the region. The massive White Sands Missile Range (at 3,200 square miles the largest military reserve in North America and larger than Rhode Island and Delaware combined) and other military attachés would increasingly define the culture and economy of the Tularosa Basin. Historians have cast places such as White Sands Missile Range as cratered wastelands. Yet the missile range and surrounding military reserves became a contested landscape that centered on the viability of the nonhuman natural world. Diverse communities sought to find their place in a Cold War society and in the process redefined the value of a militarized landscape. Undeniably, missile technology had a profound impact on south-central New Mexico and thus acts as a central theme in the region's postwar history. However, in the years after 1945, environmentalists, wildlife officials, tourists, and displaced ranchers, amongst many others, continued to find new fangled meanings and unexpected uses for the militarized desert environment of south-central New Mexico. The Tularosa Basin was not merely a destroyed landscape. The design and sheer size of the missile range compelled local, national, and transnational voices to not just make sense of the economic implications of the missile range and surrounding military sites, but to rethink its cultural and environmental values in a changing Cold War society. It was a former home to ranchers still tied to the land through lease and suspension agreements. New Mexico Department of Game and Fish personnel cast the site as perfect for experimentation with exotic big game. Environmentalists and wildlife biologists saw the site as ideal for the reintroduction of the Mexican wolf. Tourists came to know the landscape through the simple obelisk at the Trinity Site. While missiles cratered the desert floor, the military bureaucracy did not hold absolute power over the complex interactions between cultures, economies, and the nonhuman natural environment on the postwar Tularosa Basin.
Temple University--Theses

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31

Nardulli, Bruce Richard. "DANCE OF SWORDS: U.S. MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO SAUDI ARABIA, 1942-1964". Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1038586191.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2002.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiii, 520 p. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Allan R. Millett, Dept. of History. Includes bibliographical references (p. 508-520).

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32

Baffoni, Allison. "“It is the promiscuous woman who is giving us the most trouble”: The Internal War on Prostitution in New Orleans during World War II". ScholarWorks@UNO, 2015. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/2055.

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When the United States entered World War II, federal officials began planning a war on prostitution and decided to make New Orleans the poster city for reform. New Orleans held a reputation for being a destination for prostitution tin the U.S. A federally appointed group aptly named the Social Protection Division began a repression campaign in militarily dense areas throughout the United States. The goal was to protect soldiers by eliminating the threat from venereal disease carrying prostitutes. The Social Protection Division created a campaign with the New Orleans Health Department and the New Orleans Police Department to repression prostitution. Some in New Orleans, however, tried to undermine these efforts and continue the profitable tradition of prostitution. From 1942-1945, New Orleans became part of the internal war waged by the federal government against women deemed sexually dangerous to protect the patriotic male soldier being sent off to war.

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Schickler, Bonnie M. "U.S. intelligence reform a bureaucratic politics approach". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4689.

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This study investigates the current bureaucratic struggles that exist within the U.S. intelligence community as a result of the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act (IRTPA) of 2004. The first part of this research examines the history of intelligence reform in the United States beginning with the National Security Act of 1947. The second part provides an in-depth discussion of the 2004 legislation as well as an examination of the main bureaucratic conflicts that have arisen between the Director of National Intelligence (DNI) and the rest of the U.S. intelligence community. This study used the bureaucratic politics model to explain the development of the current disagreements, the reasons behind the DNI's struggle for power, and the intelligence community's inability to adapt to the reform. This research determined that the current conflicts have occurred as a result of the unclear authorities issued to the DNI by IRTPA and have been further exacerbated by interest-driven intelligence agencies and a well-developed culture that has proven difficult to abandon. This research also provides insight into several alternative approaches that can be used to explain the current U.S. intelligence reform process. Additionally, recommendations were made for reducing the bureaucratic friction that currently exists within the intelligence community and to strengthen the overall authority of the Director of National Intelligence.
ID: 029049859; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2010.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-108).
M.A.
Masters
Department of Political Science
Sciences

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34

Scott, Katherine Anne. "Reining in the State: Civil Society, Congress, and the Movement to Democratize the National Security State, 1970-1978". Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2009. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/38730.

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History
Ph.D.
This dissertation explores the battle to democratize the national security state, 1970-1978. It examines the neo-progressive movement to institutionalize a new domestic policy regime, in an attempt to force government transparency, protect individual privacy from state intrusion, and create new judicial and legislative checks on domestic security operations. It proceeds chronologically, first outlining the state's overwhelming response to the domestic unrest of the 1960s. During this period, the Department of Justice developed new capacities to better predict urban unrest, growing a computerized databank that contained millions of dossiers on dissenting Americans and the Department of Defense greatly expanded existing capacities, applying cold war counterinsurgency and counterintelligence techniques developed abroad to the problems of protests and riots at home. The remainder of the dissertation examines how the state's secret response to unrest and disorder became public in the early 1970s. It traces the development of a loose coalition of reformers who challenged domestic security policy and coordinated legislative and litigative strategies to check executive power.
Temple University--Theses

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35

Shackelford, Philip Clayton. "Fighting for Air: Cold War Reorganization and the U.S. Air Force Security Service, 1945-1952". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1461432022.

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36

Sowell, Patrick Wm. "Maintaining US Preeminence in a Hazardous Commons: Developing National Security Space Strategy to Address the Strategic Environment". Miami University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=muhonors1304110944.

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37

Seddelmeyer, Laura M. "All the Way with LBJ?: Australian Grand Strategy and the Vietnam War". Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1236630726.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, March, 2009.
Title from PDF t.p. Release of full electronic text on OhioLINK has been delayed until April 1, 2014. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-108)

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38

Farnia, Navid. "National Liberation in an Imperialist World: Race and the U.S. National Security State, 1959-1980". The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1563474429728204.

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39

Swensen, James R. "Dorothea Lange in Utah, 1936-1938: A Portrait of Utah's Great Depression". BYU ScholarsArchive, 2000. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/5157.

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In his 1978 biography of Dorothea Lange, Milton Meltzer appraised Lange's 1936 photography in Utah as nothing more than mundane work done for the benefit of the Farm Security Administration (FSA) and not for her own benefit as a photographer. Yet, her work in Utah encapsulates the aspirations, goals, and styles of Lange, and gives insight into her vision as a photographer and representative of the New Deal. Through carefully composed photographs, Lange shows the hardships and hope of life in Utah during the Great Depression. This thesis investigates Lange's photographs in order to gain a greater understanding of the FSA in Utah during the Great Depression, the nature of FSA photography, and her work in general. To accomplish these tasks, it will be necessary to investigate the photographs and their captions, the work of other FSA photographers, local histories, contemporary sources, and FSA scholarship. Using these sources, this thesis attempts to identify reasons why Lange took the photographs she did. Using the historical context under which Lange's photographs were made also allows for an examination of Lange's use of visual editing, or, in other words, her artistic manipulation in creating her own vision of the areas she was assigned to photograph. The manner in which she photographed the small rural towns of Consumers, Widtsoe, and Escalante, was not completely indicative of the towns' true nature, or the towns' reality. Rather, the portraits Lange created were personal visions that supported the FSA and her own beliefs and altruistic ideology.

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40

Romero, Sigifredo. "The Progressive Catholic Church in Brazil, 1964-1972: The Official American View". FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1210.

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This thesis explores the American view of the Brazilian Catholic Church through the critical examination of cables produced by the U.S. diplomatic mission in Brazil during the period 1964-1972. This thesis maintains that the United States regarded the progressive catholic movement, and eventually the Church as a whole, as a threat to its security interests. Nonetheless, by the end of 1960s, the American approach changed from suspicion to collaboration as the historical circumstances required so. This thesis sheds light on the significance of the U.S. as a major player in the political conflict that affected Brazil in the 1964-1972 years in which the Brazilian Catholic Church, and particularly its progressive segments, played a fundamental role.

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41

Bristow, Alexander. "The 1969 Summit within the Japan-US security treaty system : a two-level approach". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2e25b695-def3-4854-a04a-033566034384.

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This thesis reviews the significance of the 1969 Japan-US Summit between Prime Minister Satii Eisaku and President Richard Nixon in light of official documents that have been disclosed in Japan since 2010 and in the United States since the 1990s. Based on newly available sources, this thesis shows that the 1969 Summit should be considered a Japanese-led initiative with two aims: firstly, to announce a deadline for Okinawa's return with all nuclear weapons removed; and secondly, to reform the Japan-US security treaty system without repeating the kind of outright revision concluded in 1960. The Japanese plan to reform the security treaty system involved simplifying the prior consultation formula by making a public commitment to the security of South Korea of sufficient strength that the United States would agree to the dissolution of the 1960 secret 'Korea Minute'. The Japanese Government achieved its first aim but only partially succeeded in its second. Whilst the return of Okinawa was announced, the status of US bases in Okinawa and mainland Japan continued to be governed by an elaborate web of agreements, public and secret, which damaged public confidence and hampered an improvement in relations between Japan and its neighbouring countries. This thesis shows that commonly held academic opinions about the 1969 Summit are incorrect. Firstly, there was no quid pro quo in which Japan linked its security to South Korea in exchange for Okinawa: both these outcomes were in fact Japanese objectives at the beginning of the summit preparations. Secondly, the success of the summit did not depend on 'backchannel' negotiations between Wakaizumi Kei and Henry Kissinger: it is likely that an announcement on Okinawa's reversion would have been achieved in 1969 even if preparations for the summit had been left to the Japanese Foreign Ministry and the US State Department. Word Limit: Approx. 98,000 words, excluding Bibliography

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42

Berry, Dawn Alexandrea. "The North Atlantic Triangle and the genesis and legacy of the American occupation of Greenland during the Second World War". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8dfcb09d-955e-4d43-a43d-6c7c26f5ef1d.

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On April 9, 1940, Germany invaded Denmark. Instantly, the fate and status of Greenland, a Danish colony, was thrust into limbo. During the war, Greenland’s vital mineral resources and location made it significant for the warring parties on both sides of the Atlantic. However, conflicting international corporate and political interests made any act to defend the island on the part of the Allies, or the officially neutral Americans, problematic. Within a year of the Danish occupation, the American government had signed an agreement for the defense of Greenland, extending the protection of both the Monroe Doctrine and the American military to the island. This action was an important step in the formal expansion of American influence in the Western Hemisphere that occurred during the Second World War. This thesis argues that global economic, political, and technological changes led to Greenland’s increased geopolitical significance and set the stage for a shift in the balance of power within the North Atlantic Triangle. It demonstrates how decisions relating to the security of the island came to be made and how conflicting interests within and between governments affected the genesis of the occupation. It explores how Winston Churchill’s decision to mine the North Sea led to the American occupation of Greenland and examines the ways in which the effects of Churchill’s actions raised concerns in Canada about the possibility of a British defeat, which in turn led Mackenzie King, the Canadian Prime Minister, to align his foreign policy closer to that of the United States’ President Roosevelt. This thesis also asserts that Roosevelt successfully used the potential foreign occupation of Greenland to demonstrate to the American public the dangers of foreign conflicts to the United States and to further his hemispheric security objectives both domestically and abroad. These events had a profound and lasting impact on the relationships within the North Atlantic Triangle and on political identity in Greenland, and signalled an important shift in the foreign policy of the United States toward greater American involvement in world affairs.

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43

Holloway, Joshua T. "Help, Hinder, or Hesitate: American Nuclear Policy Toward the French and Chinese Nuclear Weapons Programs, 1961-1976". Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1555692933625691.

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Hedenberg, Ralph F. "Transition from peacekeeping to peacebuilding training/education implications /". View thesis, 2000. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA386337.

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Lesme, Anne. "L'enfant dans la photographie sociale américaine de 1888 a 1941 (Jacob A. Riis, Lewis W. Hine et des photographes dela Farm Security Administration) : enjeux sociaux et esthétiques". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM3122.

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La naissance de la photographie sociale aux États-Unis à la fin du XIXe siècle est contemporaine d'une place nouvelle accordée à l'enfant dans la structure familiale. Le contraste est grand entre l'enfant riche, sacralisé, à l'innocence louée dans les arts, et l'enfant pauvre, souvent exploité mais représenté de façon surtout pittoresque. Tout en mettant l'enfant pauvre au cœur de leurs préoccupations, les réformateurs font usage de la photographie dans une optique de progrès social et d'intervention où texte et image se révèlent indissociables, qu'il s'agisse de Jacob A. Riis, journaliste et photographe à New York à la fin du XIXe siècle et de l'engagement de Lewis W. Hine dans la lutte contre le travail des enfants avec le National Child Labor Committee, dans un contexte de forte immigration, d'industrialisation et d'urbanisation chaotique, ou des photographes de la Farm Security Administration à la fin des années 30 dans le cadre du New Deal. L'enfant est au centre d'une rhétorique qui s'appuie sur la dimension vivante et vraie de la photographie et sur son pouvoir émotionnel et il contribue à la définition d'un genre photographique : le documentaire social, dont le statut évolue sous l'effet de la diversification des modes de diffusion (presse, conférences, expositions, musée)
Social photography was born in the United States at the end of the 19th century at a time when children were beginning to occupy a new place in the family. There is a stark contrast between the rich children, who tend to be sanctified and whose innocence is praised through art, and the poor children, who are often exploited and depicted in a picturesque way. While putting poor children at the heart of their concerns, the reformers used photography as a means to promote social progress, in such a way that text and image prove to be indissociable. Such is the case with Jacob A. Riis, a journalist and photographer who worked in New York at the end of the 19th century, and Lewis W. Hine, through his commitment to the struggle against child labor with the National Child Labor Committee (at a time marked by high immigration, rapid industrialization, and chaotic urbanization), as well as the photographers who worked for the Farm Security Administration at the end of the 1930s within the New Deal. Children are at the heart of a rhetorical system that exploits the vivid and truthful dimensions of photography and its power to move us. They contribute to the emergence of a new genre of photography, social documentary photography, which evolved according to the various ways in which it was disseminated (the press, conferences, exhibitions, and museums). While the cause of children is most often defended and while they maintain their status as subjects in these photographs, the ways in which they are depicted through different means of communication and dissemination sometimes turn them into mere objects

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46

Slater, Graham. "Foreign Policy Evaluation and the Utility of Intervention". FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3217.

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This dissertation identifies and explains the factors contributing to the presence and severity of U.S. foreign-policy blunders, or gross errors in strategic judgment resulting in significant harm to the national interest, since the Second World War. It hypothesizes that the grand strategy of preponderance and the overestimation of military power to transform the politics of other states have precipitated U.S. foreign-policy blunders since 1945. Examining the Vietnam War and Iraq War as case studies, it focuses on underlying conditions in the American national identity and the problematic foreign policy decision-making (FPDM) that corresponds to this bifurcated hypothesis, termed the overestimation/preponderance theoretical model (OPM). Four indicators operationalize the OPM: (1) how U.S. foreign policymakers estimated the capacity of military power to transform the political dynamics of the target state through intervention; (2) and (3) how U.S. actors and institutions affected the capacity of the partner state and hostile state and nonstate actors; and (4) how the foreign policy was justified and rationalized within the leadership of government and to the general public as it encountered disconfirming information. In each case, the grand strategy of preponderance instituted a bounded rationality of mission in the FPDM stage and the operationalization stage that precluded the inclusion of an unfavorable outcome. In each case, U.S. foreign policymakers greatly overestimated the capacity of the partner state to establish security and legitimacy and underestimated the capacity of hostile actors to mobilize and threaten the partner state. However, these preference-confirmation biases diametrically contradicted the assessment that victory would be easy to achieve; U.S. foreign policymakers promulgated this corresponding overestimation/underestimation even while inflating the threat far beyond what the actual threat to the national-security element of the national interest represented. The subsequent implementing of this inverted calculation created a national-security national interest where none was extant, then significantly harmed that new interest via intervention. This tactical application of the grand strategy of preponderance facilitated the strategic-tactical gap in U.S. foreign policy by creating monsters in order to have monsters to slay, consistent with the ideological tradition of the imperative of crusade in the modern history of American foreign relations.

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47

Edmundson, Joshua R. "THE ONE EXHIBITION THE ROOTS OF THE LGBT EQUALITY MOVEMENT ONE MAGAZINE & THE FIRST GAY SUPREME COURT CASE IN U.S. HISTORY 1943-1958". CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/399.

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The ONE Exhibition explores an era in American history marked by intense government sponsored anti-gay persecution and the genesis of the LGBT equality movement. The study begins during World War II, continues through the McCarthy era and the founding of the nation’s first gay magazine, and ends in 1958 with the first gay Supreme Court case in U.S. history. Central to the story is ONE The Homosexual Magazine, and its founders, as they embarked on a quest for LGBT equality by establishing the first ongoing nationwide forum for gay people in the U.S., and challenged the government’s right to engage in and encourage hateful and discriminatory practices against the LGBT community. Then, when the magazine was banned by the Post Office, the editors and staff took the federal government to court. As such, ONE, Incorporated v. Olesen became the first Supreme Court case in U.S. history that featured the taboo subject of homosexuality, and secured the 1st Amendment right to freedom of speech for the gay press. Thus, ONE magazine and its founders were an integral part of a small group of activists who established the foundations of the modern LGBT equality movement.

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48

Todd, Maurice L. "Rhetoric or reality : US counterinsurgency policy reconsidered". Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/6431.

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This study explores the foundations of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine in order to better understand the main historical influences on that policy and doctrine and how those influences have informed the current US approach to counterinsurgency. The results of this study indicate the US experience in counterinsurgency during the Greek Civil War and the Huk Rebellion in the Philippines had a significant influence on the development of US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following World War II through the Kennedy presidency. In addition, despite a major diversion from the lessons of Greece and the Philippines during the Vietnam War, the lessons were re-institutionalized in US counterinsurgency policy and doctrine following the war and continue to have significant influence today, though in a highly sanitized and, therefore, misleading form. As a result, a major disconnect has developed between the “rhetoric and reality” of US counterinsurgency policy. This disconnect has resulted from the fact that many references that provide a more complete and accurate picture of the actual policies and actions taken to successfully defeat the insurgencies have remained out of the reach of non-government researchers and the general public. Accordingly, many subsequent studies of counterinsurgency overlook, or only provide a cursory treatment of, aspects that may have had a critical impact on the success of past US counterinsurgency operations. One such aspect is the role of US direct intervention in the internal affairs of a supported country. Another is the role of covert action operations in support of counterinsurgency operations. As a result, the counterinsurgency policies and doctrines that have been developed over the years are largely based on false assumptions, a flawed understanding of the facts, and a misunderstanding of the contexts concerning the cases because of misleading, or at least seriously incomplete, portrayals of the counterinsurgency operations.

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Rozema, Vicki Bell. "Rivers, Roads, and Rails: The Influence of Transportation Needs and Internal Improvements on Cherokee Treaties and Removal from 1779 to 1838". 2007. http://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_gradthes/203.

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This study examines the importance of transportation routes and internal improvements as factors in treaty negotiations and the removal of the Cherokees. Covering a period from approximately 1779 to 1838, the date of forced Cherokee removal from east of the Mississippi, it argues that the Cherokees opposed the construction of military roads and turnpikes and interfered with travel through Cherokee country. Safe passage clauses in Cherokee treaties, issues dealing with passports through Cherokee country, and disputes over ferries and taverns on transportation routes are reviewed. The plans of Southern leaders such as John C. Calhoun and Wilson Lumpkin to build canals and railroads through the Cherokee Nation are explored. Euro-Americans perceived the Cherokee Nation as an obstacle to economic trade and commercial transportation.

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50

Campos, Joseph H. "The state, terrorism, and national security discourse forging the state in a time of terror, in the face of fear /". Thesis, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?index=0&did=913513431&SrchMode=1&sid=1&Fmt=2&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1236900678&clientId=23440.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Internal security – United States – History”

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