Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Imperialism”
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Sun, Shuting. "Imperialist Ideology and Kurtz in Heart of Darkness and Apocalypse Now". English Language and Literature Studies 9, nr 2 (23.05.2019): 64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ells.v9n2p64.
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This article will argue that the tragedy of both Kurtzes is that they are trapped in the perverse logic of the ideology of imperialism. The ideology of imperialism assumes the absolute superiority of the oppressor. It is self-contradictory because it is based upon classifying the oppressed as morally inferior, but maintaining imperialism requires systematic barbarity, which morally degrades the imperialist. The historical response of successful imperialists to this has been a special kind of hypocrisy embodied in an attempt at creating distance between actor and act, perpetrator and victim. This article will make the case that both Kurtzes are destroyed by their moral integrity. They honestly admit their depravity to themselves. This grants them great power in facilitating imperial strategic aims but forces them to acknowledge the lie at the heart of imperialist ideology that legitimized the strategy, rendering their acts purposeless. The honesty of their conduct undermines the imperialist ideology. The honesty of their undertakings causes the managers to increasingly perceive Kurtz as a threat and identify him with the ‘savages’ they are supposed to be ‘civilizing’. Kurtz challenges the hypocrisy of the ideology of imperialism precisely insofar as he helps it achieve its true aims.
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Merivirta, Raita. "Valkoisen linssin läpi". Lähikuva – audiovisuaalisen kulttuurin tieteellinen julkaisu 32, nr 4 (16.03.2020): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.23994/lk.90785.
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Englantilaisen Richard Attenborough’n ohjaama Gandhi (1982) on Mohandas K. Gandhin (1869–1948) elämää ihailevasti tarkasteleva historiallinen suurelokuva, joka kuvaa nimihenkilön elämän ohella myös sitä, kuinka brittiläinen imperiumi luopui Intiasta vuonna 1947 intialaisten vuosikymmeniä kestäneen itsenäisyyskamppailun jälkeen.Tässä artikkelissa Gandhia luetaan brittien itselleen kertomana tarinana imperialismistaan ja kolonialismistaan ja niiden päättymisestä Intiassa. Tähän liittyy kiinteästi kysymys rotusuhteista kolonisoidussa Intiassa. Artikkelissa kysytään mitä Gandhi kertoo katsojilleen imperialismista, kolonialismista ja britti-hallinnosta Intiassa? Mikä merkitys on Gandhia alinomaa ympäröivillä valkoisilla henkilöillä? Käytän elokuvan tarkasteluun postkoloniaalista näkökulmaa yhdistettynä kulttuurihistorialliseen lähestymistapaan.Siitä huolimatta, että Gandhi suhtautuu nimihenkilöönsä ja tämän väkivallattomaan vastarintaan kunnioittavasti ja myönteisesti, elokuva myös kaunistelee britti-imperialismia ja siihen liittynyttä rasismia ja nostaa keskeiseen asemaan valkoisia, angloamerikkalaisia toimijoita monien intialaisten itsenäisyystaistelijoiden ohi. Gandhi onkin imperialismin ja kolonialismin vastaisuudestaan huolimatta erinomainen esimerkki eurosentrisen diskurssin hallitsemasta elokuvasta ja valkopestystä historian tulkinnasta. Elokuvaan on kirjoitettu runsaasti valkoisia, länsimaisia henkilöitä, jotka eivät elokuvan kuvaamien tapahtumien ja tulkintojen kannalta olisi olleet historiallisesti välttämättömiä. Gandhi kuvaa ”tavalliset britit” hyvinä yksilöinä ja ”tavalliset intialaiset” potentiaalisesti väkivaltaisina ja väkijoukkojen osana. Brittiläinen Intia ei elokuvassa tunnusta rasistisuuttaan, vaan kysymys imperialismista esitetään kysymyksenä Intian parhaasta hallinnosta ja hallinnasta.Through a White Lens: Imperialism, Racialization and Media in GandhiThe British film Gandhi (1982), directed by the English filmmaker Richard Attenborough, presents an admiring portrait of the Indian leader Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869–1948). Along with the life of the mahatma, the grand historical film also depicts (by necessity) the Indian independence struggle and the withdrawal of the British from India in 1947. In this article, Gandhi is read as a British narrative about British imperialism, colonialism, and the decolonization of India. These are inextricably intertwined with racial relations in colonial India.The article examines what Gandhi tells its viewers about imperialism, colonialism, and the British rule in India and asks, what is the meaning of all the white characters surrounding Gandhi. The film is analyzed from a postcolonial perspective.Despite the film’s respectful and admiring take on Gandhi and his philosophy and method of nonviolence, Gandhi also sanitizes British imperialism and racism, and has white, Anglo-American characters in central roles, all the while omitting or downplaying the role of many central Indian historical figures. It can be argued that though Gandhi is written in principle as an anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist text, it is also a prime example of Eurocentric and whitewashed historical interpretation. A number of white, Western characters who are not historically integral or necessary to the story being told have been included in the film. “Ordinary Brits” are depicted as good guys in Gandhi – British imperialists are an estranged elite – whereas “ordinary Indians” appear as potentially violent members of a mob. The British India of Gandhi does not admit its racist character, and the question of imperialism is presented as a question of the best possible governance of India.
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van der Putten, Frans-Paul. "Small Powers and Imperialism The Netherlands in China, 1886–1905". Itinerario 20, nr 1 (marzec 1996): 115–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300021562.
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Ever since its publication in 1966, Tussen Neutraliteit en Imperialisme (‘Between Neutrality and Imperialism’) has been the standard work on Dutch policy towards China between 1863 and 1901. In this study the author, F. van Dongen, stresses the adherence to neutrality towards the strong European neighbour states as the fundamental guideline for Dutch foreign policy, not only within Europe but also in the Far East. This policy stemmed from the fact that the European balance-of-power system had been extended to China in the late nineteenth century, through the participation of most European states in imperialist policies concerning that country. According to Van Dongen this adherence to neutrality slowed down imperialist tendencies, as the Netherlands were anxious to avoid entering in conflicts between the great powers, but at the same time the Dutch were forced to ‘play a modest part in the common Western policy towards China’. Whenever the great powers took a united stand the Netherlands must follow suit. So as a result of its European policy the Netherlands joined the imperialist powers in China, although usually careful not to take the initiative. The Netherlands were, therefore, classified by Van Dongen as a reluctant and generally passive element of imperialism in China: ‘the Dutch were at worst accessories after the fact’. Finally he concluded that whenever Dutch actions concerning China ‘savoured of imperialism, this was not the result of a deliberate policy to exercise control over the empire or to obtain Chinese territory, but an almost accidental by-product of the general aim of promoting the Netherlands’ economic interest'.
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Farias, Flávio Bezerra de. "PROLEGÔMENOS À CRÍTICA DO IMPERIALISMO GLOBAL". Revista Políticas Públicas 18 (5.08.2014): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2178-2865.v18nep85-101.
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O texto trata da passagem da crítica da economia política para a crítica do imperialismo global. Isso envolve questões de Estado e capital, sociedade e história, virtualidade e realidade, práxis e transformação.Palavras-chave: Imperialismo global, economia política, marxismo.Preliminaries to the global imperialism criticAbstract: The text is about the passage of the critique of political economy to the critique of global imperialism. This involves questions of State and capital, society and history, virtuality and reality, praxis and transformation.Key words: Global imperialism, political economy, marxism.
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Reeves, Caroline. "Lost in Translation: Local Relief Provision and Historiographical Imperialism". New Global Studies 12, nr 2 (28.08.2018): 277–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ngs-2018-0033.
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Abstract The historiographical record of charity, both visual and written, has long been appropriated by philanthro-imperialists intent on using material aid to further their own agendas. International actors committed to bringing their own priorities and prerogatives with them overseas have ignored or intentionally erased accounts of local, particularly non-Western, humanitarian and charitable initiatives. In some contexts, local communities have also chosen to erase their own charitable history. This article uncovers one such hidden charitable tradition, that of pre-Maoist China. I discuss indigenous Chinese charitable work and its interplay with Western charitable actors and activities at the turn of the twentieth century, at the height of the New Imperialism (c. 1870–1914) to explore two little-recognized facets of the relationship between charity and imperialism: the erasure of local traditions of charity in the annals of imperialist powers and the importance of language in the preservation and validation of these traditions.
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Kotz, David M. "Imperialism and Marxist Theory". WORLD MARXIST REVIEW 1, nr 1 (20.04.2024): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.62834/9x85qz55.
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Inspired by Cheng Enfu’s new concept of neoimperialism, this article reflects on the Marxist theory of imperialism from the height of our times. It examines the roots of imperialism in the basic relations of capitalism and reviews the evolution of the imperialist system in the capitalist era through about 1990, and finally assesses the contemporary world system.
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Plys, Kristin. "Theorizing Capitalist Imperialism for an Anti-Imperialist Praxis". Journal of World-Systems Research 27, nr 1 (21.03.2021): 288–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2021.1022.
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How does one craft an explicitly left theory of anti-imperialism that would animate an anti-imperialist praxis? World-systems analysis has a long history of engagement with theories of anti-imperialism from an explicitly Leninist perspective. For the founding fathers of World-Systems Analysis—Immanuel Wallerstein, Giovanni Arrighi, Samir Amin, and Andre Gunder Frank—anti-imperialism was an early central concern. Each of the four founders of world-systems analysis reads Lenin’s theory of imperialism seriously, but each has slightly different interpretations. One significant commonality they share is that they adopt Lenin’s periodization of imperialism, seeing imperialism as emergent in the late 19th century as part of a particular stage within the historical development of capitalism. However, as I will argue in this essay, perhaps it would be preferable to temporally expand Lenin’s concept of imperialism. Walter Rodney’s concept of “capitalist imperialism,” as I shall show in this essay, similarly calls Lenin’s periodization into question. Thereby, putting Rodney in conversation with Amin, Arrighi, Frank, and Wallerstein, leads me to further historicize world-systems’ theories of global imperialism thereby refining existing theories and levying that to build stronger praxis.
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Friedman, Edward. "Reconstructing China's National Identity: A Southern Alternative to Mao-Era Anti-Imperialist Nationalism". Journal of Asian Studies 53, nr 1 (luty 1994): 67–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2059527.
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By the 1990sit was a commonplace that Mao-era anti-imperialist nationalism in China was dead. The anti-imperialist perspective had pitted an exploitative foreign imperialism against a courageous Chinese people (Hu 1955). This nationalist understanding of Chinese history was encapsulated in the Great Leap Forward-era film on the Opium War,Lin Zexu, which drew a contrast between patriotic Sanliyuan villagers and traitorous ruling groups in the capital city. If the brave peasants would join with all patriotic Chinese and not fear to die, then, under correct leadership, the foreign capitalists who got rich in making Chinese poor by forcing opium into China would be thrown out. But ruling reactionaries, afraid of popular mobilization, preferred to sell out to the imperialists. As with patriots who had led exploited peasants throughout Chinese history, Mao's Communists would save the nation by providing the correct leadership that would mobilize patriotic Chinese, push imperialists out of China, and thus permit an independent China to prosper with dignity.
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Ford, Joseph Brandon, i Lewis Feuer. "Imperialism and the Anti-Imperialist Mind." Contemporary Sociology 17, nr 3 (maj 1988): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2069608.
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Betts, Raymond F., i Lewis Feuer. "Imperialism and the Anti-Imperialist Mind". American Historical Review 93, nr 4 (październik 1988): 1013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1863540.
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Pradella, Lucia. "Imperialism and Capitalist Development in Marx’s Capital". Historical Materialism 21, nr 2 (2013): 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341300.
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Abstract This article aims at contributing to current debates on the ‘new imperialism’ by presenting the main results of a reading of Marx’s Capital in light of his writings on colonialism, which were unknown in the early Marxist debate on imperialism. It aims to prove that, in his main work, Marx does not analyse a national economy or – correspondingly – an abstract model of capitalist society, but a world-polarising and ever-expanding system. This abstraction allows the identification of the laws of development of capitalism and its antagonisms, and reflects the tendency of the capital of the dominant states, by making permanent recourse also to methods of so-called ‘primitive accumulation’, to expand and increase the exploitation of workers worldwide, and, at the same time, the cooperation between them. What, for Marx, was later defined as imperialism is the concrete form of the process of ‘globalisation’ of the capital of the dominant states. With the development of his analysis, Marx became increasingly aware of the economic and political consequences of imperialism. In his activity within the First International, with regard to the question of Irish independence, he affirmed the fundamental importance of building a real solidarity between class struggles in imperialist countries and anti-colonial resistance in colonised and dependent countries. His examination of imperialism and internationalist perspective were downplayed, denied, if not completely reversed in the interpretation and systematisation of his thought by reformist leaders within the Second International. In their attempt to react against this tendency and develop an analysis and a political strategy adequate to the new phase of generalised imperialist expansion, increased inter-imperialist rivalries and rising anti-colonial resistance, Rosa Luxemburg and Lenin reaffirmed the centrality of the critique of imperialism at the economic and at the political levels. Even if they were partially unaware of this, they thus developed and expanded on some aspects already present in Marx’s work.
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Woods, Colleen. "Seditious Crimes and Rebellious Conspiracies: Anti-communism and US Empire in the Philippines". Journal of Contemporary History 53, nr 1 (9.01.2017): 61–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009416669423.
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This article details how US colonial policymakers and Filipino political elites, intent on fostering a non-revolutionary Philippine nationalism in the late 1920s and 1930s, produced an anti-communist politics aimed at eliminating or delegitimizing radical anti-imperialism. Communist-inspired, anti-imperial activists placed US imperialism in the Philippines within the framework of western imperialism in Asia, thereby challenging the anti-imperial ideology of the US empire. Americans and elite Filipinos met this challenge by repressing radical, anti-imperialist visions of Philippine independence through inter-colonial surveillance and cooperation, increased policing, mass imprisonment, and the outlawing of communist politics in the Philippines.
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Ekpo, Denis. "Chinua Achebe’s Early Anti-Imperialism in the Court of Postcolonial Theory". Commonwealth Essays and Studies 27, nr 2 (2005): 27–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/120ts.
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Chinua Achebe is well known for his trenchantly anti-imperialist literary positions. In his critical interventions, he excoriates the unrepentant Conradian eye of imperialistically minded foreign critics of Africa’s artistic works. However the current postcolonial turn in both critical practice and cross-cultural sensibilities has brought about some drastic redescriptions of both imperialism and anti-imperialism. This paper returns to some of the earliest construction sites of Achebe’s anti-colonial discourse in order to examine, in the light of postcolonial theory, the strengths and aporias of Achebe’s double-edged policy of unconditional cultural protectionism towards Africa and unmitigated critique of imperialism.
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Pałuchowski, Adam. "Why did the Athenians Fail so Miserably where the Romans Succeeded so Brilliantly?" Res Historica 56 (21.12.2023): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2023.56.23-44.
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The study is comparative and focuses, essentially, on classical antiquity, it means both its major centers that are, on the one hand, Athens, the city-reason of chaotic imperialism, and, on the other hand, Rome, the city-world of pragmatic and fully assumed imperialism. First of all, but still, from a comparative perspective, it begins with Near Eastern much older imperialist background, such as the micro-empire set up by Sargon of Akkad or the Assyrian empire during the reign of Shalmaneser III. However, the main aim is to answer the question about why Athenian imperialism fell, despite the obviousness of the lost Peloponnesian War and in contrast to the dazzling success of Roman imperialism. Narrative as well as epigraphic sources are comparatively analysed and one takes advantage of the network theory.
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Aulia, Selfa Septiani. "PARIWISATA INDONESIA DI MASA NEW IMPERIALISM ATAU IMPERIALISME MODERN: SEBUAH KRITIK DAN REFLEKSI TERHADAP PERENCANAAN PENGEMBANGAN PARIWISATA DI BOROBUDUR DAN MANDALIKA". Jurnal Wilayah dan Kota 5, nr 01 (10.04.2018): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.34010/jwk.v5i01.2449.
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Pariwisata merupakan sektor unggulan yang memberikan kontribusi cukup tinggi terhadap Produk Domestik Bruto (PDB) di berbagai negara pada saat ini. Meningkatnya destinasi dan investasi pariwisata menjadikan pariwisata sebagai faktor kunci dalam pendapatan ekspor, penciptaan lapangan kerja, serta pengembangan usaha dan infrastruktur. Pariwisata telah mengalami ekspansi dan diversifikasi berkelanjutan, sehingga menjadi salah satu sektor ekonomi yang terbesar dan tercepat pertumbuhannya di dunia (UNWTO, 2016). Tidak terkecuali Indonesia, saat ini juga Indonesia sedang gencar-gencarnya melakukan perencanaan pengembangan pariwisata. Akan tetapi, perencanaan pengembangan pariwisata pun tidak hanya memberikan dampak positif saja, karena banyak juga dampak-dampak negatif yang dihasilkan dari perencanaan pengembangan pariwisata, terutama di masa new-imperialism atau imperialisme modern. Seperti munculnya kebocoran aliran uang yang dihasilkan dari kegiatan wisata ke negara-negara pemberi modal yang menandai dampak negatif pariwisata di masa new-imperialism atau imperialisme modern. Sehingga hal ini mengakibatkan dilema untuk para perencana di Indonesia dalam merencanakan pengembangan pariwisata.
Kata Kunci : Pengembangan Pariwisata, New Imperialism, dilema perencanaan
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Danail, Akrm E. "The Role of Literature in Challenging Cultural Imperialism". Cihan University-Erbil Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 6, nr 1 (10.02.2022): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24086/cuejhss.v6n1y2022.pp35-39.
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The reality of cultural imperialism is a subject that has been extensively explored by many scholars. Many writers have written out their thoughts about this crucial topic. In this sense, it is imperative to understand that imperialism would not exist without the establishment of an Empire. However, all dominated territories have experienced a high level of cultural imperialism; and this structure has affected their lives, history, identity, uniqueness, and the way they live. The truth is that the superior force subjugates the weaker one and imposes its culture over it and this is where the theorization of cultural imperialism begins to come into form. However, this mindset of cultural imperialism has made the modern superpower to continue to influence the way other nations of the world live even without the cultural consensus. The expansion of the modern Empire brought about colonialism and eventually led to cultural imperialism. The writers have tried to write in a way that reflects the resistant spirit in which the literature is used in challenging this peculiar phenomenon. It is in this sense this study examines how literature becomes an effective weapon in challenging cultural imperialism—a new form of imperialist system that we experience in recent times.
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Veltmeyer, Henry, i James Petras. "Imperialismo y capitalismo: repensando una relación íntima". Estudios Críticos del Desarrollo 5, nr 8 (28.01.2015): 9–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.35533/ecd.0508.hv.jp.
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The literature on imperialism suffers from a fundamental confusion surrounding the relationship between capitalism and imperialism. The aim of this work is to bring clarification. In the first part, we state our position regarding the capitalism-imperialism relationship; in the second, we discuss some important points in the marxist debate on imperialism; and in the third, we review the various paths imperialism has taken in Latin America under capitalist development. The central point of this work is the way that it places imperialism at the conjuncture of capitalist development, particularly extractive capitalism. This conjuncture is characterized by the decline of neoliberalism as an economic model; a growing demand for energy, minerals and other «natural» resources in the world market; and the political economy of the development of natural resources (large-scale investment to acquire lands and the natural resources they contain, the export of primary products). The key dynamic of what we call «imperialist extractivism» is analyzed in the South American context, which represents the most advanced, but regressive, form that capitalism has taken, so far, in the new milennium. Our analysis of this dynamic is summaried in 12 theses.
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BUCHANAN, TOM. "‘The Dark Millions in the Colonies are Unavenged’: Anti-Fascism and Anti-Imperialism in the 1930s". Contemporary European History 25, nr 4 (14.10.2016): 645–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000394.
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The quotation in this title expresses a dilemma, as the ‘dark millions’ were likely to remain ‘unavenged’ so long as authors were asked to take sides on the Spanish Civil War rather than colonial oppression. Indeed, anti-fascism might well be thought of as, in a sense, antithetical to anti-imperialism. This article explores the relationship between anti-fascism and anti-imperialism, focusing on Britain and France. The first part looks at anti-imperialism in the era of the Popular Front; the second looks at how the tensions between anti-fascism and anti-imperialism were played out in the case of the major conflicts of the later 1930s in Abyssinia, Spain and China; the third discusses the imperialist assumptions of many anti-fascists. The article concludes by looking at the early phase of the Second World War.
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Canterbury, Dennis C. "Capitalismo extractivo, imperialismo extractivo e imperialismo: una aclaración". Estudios Críticos del Desarrollo 8, nr 15 (29.11.2018): 117–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35533/ecd.0815.dcc.
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In this article the «extractive capitalism», the «extractive imperialism» and the «imperialism» are analyzed in order to clear out the confusion on the debate about neoextractivism caused by the interchangeable usage of these concepts. Urgent attention is required to reinforce the comprehension about the underlying class struggle in the extractive industries. The strating point is the counterpoint developed by Petras and Veltmeyer about the theorical and political issues of the state role in their review concerning the theory of neoextractivism. In order to understand their arguments is necessary to involve the three concepts. Their analysis about the relation between capitalism and imperialism is crucial to understand the extractive capitalism and the extractive imperialism. The argument is that the extractivism is the incarnation of a particular form of productive activity in the capitalist era that deepens the capitalism in the capitalist periphery. The extraction of natural resources is not a purely capitalist process or imperialist; the human beings have extracted their livelihood from the nature since the primitive communalism until the current capitalism. It is not the specific productive activity of extracting natural resources, that is capitalist or imperialist, since the capitalism, and by extension, the imperialism is associated with a variety of productive activities. The productive activity must have a place inside a capital-work salaried nexus in order to belong to a capitalist kind. Some of the first expositions about the definitions of this concepts are reviewed to help the activists to have a clear comprehension about the debate of the neoextractivism.
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KIBUUKA, BRIAN. "O IMPÉRIO NEOASSáRIO E ISRAEL: imperialismo e exálio". Outros Tempos: Pesquisa em Foco - História 16, nr 28 (21.07.2019): 200–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.18817/ot.v16i28.728.
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Os deslocamentos populacionais decorrentes de crises são problemas hodiernos que requerem a adoção de poláticas públicas e a constante reafirmação dos Direitos Humanos e dos valores da cidadania. Na Antiguidade, O Imperialismo Assário constitui um dos exemplos que permitem a observação do fenômeno da crise migratória. O Antigo Israel foi um dos povos submetidos pelos assários ao desterramento. Este artigo analisa as poláticas imperialistas assárias a partir da documentação textual e material, e relaciona essa documentação com as referências ao exálio na Báblia Hebraica.Palavras-chave: Exálio. Império Neoassário. Antigo Israel. THE NEO-ASSYRIAN EMPIRE AND ISRAEL: imperialism and exileAbstract: Population displacements due to crises are current situations that require the adoption of public policies and constant reaffirmation of Human Rights and the values of citizenship. In Antiquity, Assyrian imperialism is one of the examples that allow us to observe the phenomenon of the migratory crisis. The Ancient Israel was one of the peoples submitted by the Assyrians to the exile. This article analyzes Assyrian imperialist policies from textual and material documentation and relates this documentation to the references to exile in the Hebrew Bible.Keywords: Exile. Neo-Assyrian Empire. Ancient Israel. EL IMPERIO NEOASSáRIO E ISRAEL: imperialismo y exilioResumen: Los desplazamientos poblacionales derivados de crisis son problemas cotidianos que requieren la adopción de poláticas públicas y la constante reafirmación de los Derechos Humanos y de los valores de la ciudadanáa. En la Antigá¼edad, el imperialismo asirio constituye uno de los ejemplos que permiten la observación del fenómeno de la crisis migratoria. El Antiguo Israel fue uno de los pueblos sometidos por los asirios al destierro. Este artáculo analiza las poláticas imperialistas asirias a partir de la documentación textual y material, y relaciona esa documentación con las referencias al exilio presentes en la Biblia Hebrea.Palabras clave: Exilio. Imperio Neoasário. Antiguo Israel.
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Hall, Martin, i John M. Hobson. "Liberal International theory: Eurocentric but not always Imperialist?" International Theory 2, nr 2 (lipiec 2010): 210–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971909990261.
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This article has two core objectives: first to challenge the conventional understanding of liberal international theory (which we do by focussing specifically on classical liberalism) and second, to develop much further postcolonialism’s conception of Eurocentrism. These twin objectives come together insofar as we argue that classical liberalism does not always stand for anti-imperialism/non-interventionism given that significant parts of it were Eurocentric and pro-imperialist. But we also argue that in those cases where liberals rejected imperialism they did so not out of a commitment to cultural pluralism, as we are conventionally told, but as a function of either a specific Eurocentric or a scientific racist stance. This, in turn, means that Eurocentrism can be reduced neither to scientific racism nor to imperialism. Thus while we draw on postcolonialism and its critique of liberalism as Eurocentric, we find its conception of Eurocentrism (and hence its vision of liberalism) to be overly reductive. Instead we differentiate four variants of ‘polymorphous Eurocentrism’ while revealing how two of these rejected imperialism and two supported it. And by revealing how classical liberalism was embedded within these variants of Eurocentrism so we recast the conventional interpretation. In doing so, we bring to light the ‘protean career of polymorphous liberalism’ as it crystallizes in either imperialist or anti-imperialist forms as a function of the different variants of Eurocentrism within which it is embedded. Finally, because two of these variants underpinmodernliberalism (as discussed in the Conclusions) so we challenge international relations scholars to rethink their conventional understanding of both classical- and modern-liberalism, as much as we challenge postcolonialists to rethink their conception of Eurocentrism.
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Nunan, Timothy. "“Doomed to Good Relations”". Journal of Cold War Studies 24, nr 1 (2022): 39–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_01056.
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Abstract This article sheds new light on the end of the Cold War and the fate of anti-imperialism in the twentieth century by exploring how the Soviet Union and the Islamic Republic of Iran achieved a rapprochement in the late 1980s. Both the USSR and Iran had invested significant resources into presenting themselves as the leaders of the anti-imperialist movement and “the global movement of Islam,” and both the Soviet and Iranian governments sought to export their models of anti-imperialist postcolonial statehood to Afghanistan. However, by the mid-1980s both the Soviet Union and revolutionary Iran were forced to confront the limits to their anti-imperialist projects amid the increasing pull of globalization. Elites in both countries responded to these challenges by walking back their commitments from world revolution and agreeing to maintain the Najibullah regime in Afghanistan as a bulwark against Islamist forces hostile to Marxism-Leninism and Iran's brand of Islamic revolution. This joint pragmatic turn, however, contributed to a drought in anti-imperialist politics throughout the Middle East, leaving the more radical voices of transnational actors as one of the only consistent champions of anti-imperialism. Drawing on new sources from the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, as well as sources from Iran, Afghanistan, and the “Afghan Arabs,” the article sheds empirical and analytical light on discussions of the fate of anti-imperialism in the twilight of the Cold War.
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Adji, Alberta Natasia. "Revolting Against Imperialism and Capitalism in Sherlock Holmes: a Game of Shadows (2011)". Humaniora 8, nr 2 (30.04.2017): 131. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v8i2.3891.
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The purpose of the study was to reveal the struggle among imperialism, capitalism, and social class dominance found within Guy Ritchie’s A Game of Shadows (2011), which was set in Britain, France, and Germany in 1891. British imperialism, capitalism, and social class were very well-related since they formed the basic classic social tradition in European countries that confined minorities such as working-class people and immigrants. The study was particularly focused on (1) the imperialist and capitalist representations were portrayed by Professor Moriarty as the much honoured academic figure who was able to disguise his criminal activities, and (2) the revolt of the marginalized people which were represented by the working-class; Gypsy immigrant minorities who are isolated from the imperialist West European social class strata. The study was conducted using the perspectives of AJ Greimas’ narrative structure through identifying all of the sequences and actantial models of the film, as well as relating them to capitalism and social class issues. The result of the study shows that the film has managed to show the success in fighting against imperialism and capitalism that initially determine the characters’ positions.
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Alex, Jolly. "The Politics of Missionary Discourses". SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 7, nr 11 (28.11.2019): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v7i11.10126.
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Missionaries have characteristically been charged with, cultural annihilation and for conjuring up biased images of diverse and distant peoples and places. Employing the tools of rhetorical analysis, to bear upon such “non-literary texts”, it can be contended that the relation between mission and imperialism is one of ambivalence, which refuses to be restricted in the binary framework but is in reality an amalgamation of dynamic and complex relationships. The aim is to evaluate critically the charges of imperial orthodoxy levelled on missionaries, being considered to be co-conspirators with the imperialists. Though, the missionaries cannot be said to be totally free from the influence of the empire and it has been conceded that they have their faults yet they may more appropriately designated as “ambivalent imperialist”.
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Park, Pae Keun. "Korea and TWAIL: Does She Fit into the Picture?" Korean Journal of International and Comparative Law 1, nr 1 (2013): 49–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134484-12340009.
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Abstract The historical experiences of Korea around the 19th century do not seem to fit well into the theoretical perspective of TWAIL. It was not Europeans who colonized Korea. Cultural differences cannot explain the Korean experience of exclusion and marginalization as they were brought about by Japan and China who belong to the same cultural sphere as Korea. The cause of imperialism and colonialism may not be confined only to cultural differences. It is not only Europeans who were imperialist and colonialist. Even though it is an undeniable fact that imperialism and colonialism were largely exerted by Westerners, imperialism and colonialism are not solely racial problems. These facts, together with many other facts about Korea, suggest the necessity of a revision of some of the assertions of TWAIL.
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Carchedi, Guglielmo, i Michael Roberts. "The Economics of Modern Imperialism". Historical Materialism 29, nr 4 (27.12.2021): 23–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341959.
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Abstract This work focuses exclusively on the modern economic aspects of imperialism. We define it as a persistent and long-term net appropriation of surplus value by the high-technology imperialist countries from the low-technology dominated countries. This process is placed within the secular tendential fall in profitability, not only in the imperialist countries but also in the dominated ones. We identify four channels through which surplus value flows to the imperialist countries: currency seigniorage; income flows from capital investments; unequal exchange through trade; and changes in exchange rates. We pay particular attention to the theorisation and quantification of international UE and of exchange-rate movements. Concerning UE, we extend Marx’s transformation procedure to the international setting. We use two variables in the analysis of UE: the organic composition of capital and the rate of exploitation, and we measure which of these two variables is more important in contributing to UE transfers. We research a time span longer than in any previous study. We also introduce the distinction between narrow and broad unequal exchange according to whether two countries are assumed to trade only with each other or also with the rest of the world. As for the analysis of the exchange rates as a channel for appropriation of international surplus value, we reject conventional approaches because they are rooted in equilibrium theory. We find very strong empirical evidence that exchange rates tend towards the point at which the productivities are equalised. This is only a tendency because this equalisation is inherently incompatible with the nature of imperialism. Finally, given its topicality, we apply our analysis to the relation between the US and China and find that China is not an imperialist country according to our definition and data.
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Knott, Janae. "Thought Leadership and Women’s Liberation Politics". Caribbean Quilt 6, nr 2 (4.02.2022): 60–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cq.v6i2.36953.
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Claudia Jones’ life and intellectual work have made impactful contributions in several spaces, including Marxist-Leninist ideology and anti-imperialism discourse. This review analyzes The Left of Karl Marx: The Political Life of Black Communist Claudia Jones written by Carol Boyce Davies. Davies offers valuable insight into Jones’ anti-imperialist ideas, which are layered as she believed imperialism was the root cause of racism and fascism. Further- more, Davies draws upon a wide range of Jones’ journalistic pieces to highlight the impact she has had in areas like Communist ideology and women’s political liberation.
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Sumbayak, Desri Maria. "ULTIMATUM TO NEO IMPERIALISM; ECOCRITICISM IN KHAIRANI BAROKKA POEM ‘ULTIMATUM ORANGUTAN’". 3rd Annual International Conferences on Language, Literature, and Media 4 (21.09.2022): 252. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/aicollim.v4i1.1948.
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The article discusses issues of ecology injustices in a single poem Ultimatum Orangutan written by Khairani Barokka in 2021. The poetry is taken from her second poetry collection entitled the same Ultimatum Orangutan which is shortlisted for Barbellion Prize. The study employs ecocriticism frameworks in literary works and uses a qualitative-interpretative method. The words, phrases, and lines are observed, connected, inferred, and concluded based on the subthemes of the discussion. The study results in two parts. Firstly, the forms of neo-imperialism exploitation of lands are conveyed through foreign imperialists such as big industrial companies based in Indonesia, and the movie and play game industry. The form also shows the authority in Indonesia that always supports capitalism. Secondly, the neo-imperialisms addressed in the poem include the extinction of orangutans, the death of people, and the loss of land in Indonesia. This study reflects that the literature could function to challenge the issues of climate justice in very provocative ways.
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Caton, Steven C. "The New Old Imperialism in the Arabian Peninsula". History of the Present 10, nr 1 (1.04.2020): 101–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21599785-8221443.
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Abstract This essay argues that the horrific war in Yemen (2015–present) waged by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates against the Houthis who control the northern part of the country is not really a Sunni-Schi’a conflict or a proxy war against Iran or a replay of the Cold War—all of which have been put forward to explain it—but rather is better understood as the actions of belligerent imperialist powers located in the Arabian Peninsula, acting in their own right (rather than as puppets of Western powers). Such an explanation, however, flies in the face of what we have understood imperialism to be historically. This essay looks at two understandings of imperialism, one coming out of Marxist theory and another out of a Foucauldian understanding of power as developed by Hardt and Negri in their book Empire (2000), and then goes on to show that both are helpful, though in different ways, in explaining the Yemen war as an imperialist intervention.
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Ramirez Kuri, Georgette, Thays K. S. Fidelis i Ayelén Branca. "Cambios y tendencias del capitalismo dependiente latinoamericano en la fase neoimperialista". Reoriente: estudos sobre marxismo, dependência e sistemas-mundo 2, nr 2 (19.08.2023): 166–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.54833/issn2764-104x.v2i2p167-191.
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RESUMO Com o objetivo de contribuir para a compreensão da realidade social latino-americana na atual fase neoimperialista, retomamos as contribuições de Ruy Mauro Marini sobre o capitalismo dependente e sobre as transformações históricas dos padrões de reprodução do capital. Considerando a relação dialética entre dependência e imperialismo, a co-determinação entre Estado e capital e a crise estrutural capitalista como características do imperialismo, articulamos as teses da Teoria Marxista da Dependência sobre os tipos de desenvolvimento capitalista dependente e as distintas modalidades do padrão neoliberal. Defendemos a necessidade de mudanças estruturais para a transição a uma fase de superação da dependência.Palavras-chaves: capitalismo dependente; crise capitalista; neoimperialismo; neoliberalismo; Estado. RESUMENCon el fin de contribuir a la comprensión de la realidad social latinoamericana en la actual fase neoimperialista, retomamos los aportes de Ruy Mauro Marini sobre el capitalismo dependiente y las transformaciones históricas de los patrones de reproducción del capital. Considerando la relación dialéctica entre dependencia e imperialismo; la codeterminación entre Estado y capital, y la crisis estructural capitalista como característica del neoimperialismo, articulamos los planteamientos de la Teoría Marxista de la Dependencia sobre los tipos de desarrollo capitalista dependiente y las modalidades diferenciadas del patrón neoliberal. Planteamos la necesidad de cambios estructurales para transitar a una fase de superación de la dependencia.Palabras claves: capitalismo dependiente; crisis capitalista; neoimperialismo; neoliberalismo; Estado.ABSTRACTWith the aim to contribute to the understanding of the Latin American social reality in the current neo-imperialist phase, we return to Ruy Mauro Marini's contributions to dependent capitalism and the historical transformations of capital reproduction patterns. Considering the dialectical relationship between dependency and imperialism; the co-determination between the State and capital, and the capitalist structural crisis as a characteristic of neo-imperialism, we articulate the approaches of the Marxist Dependency Theory on the types of dependent capitalist development and the differentiated modalities of the neoliberal pattern. We raise the need for structural changes to move to a phase of overcoming dependency.Keywords: dependent capitalism; crisis of capitalism; neoimperilism; neoliberalism; State.
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Pasqualina, Stephen. "Bringing Home the Picture: Mark Twain's Anti-Imperialism as Visual Mediation". Mark Twain Annual 19, nr 1 (1.11.2021): 40–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/marktwaij.19.1.0040.
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Abstract This essay examines Twain's anti-imperialism as a theory and method of visual mediation. In so doing, the essay reveals the degree to which Twain appropriated methods of colonial visual culture to formulate his critiques of imperialism, and it reconsiders the relationship between Twain's anti-imperialism and his late embrace of a mechanistic, determinist philosophy of history and of human nature. The essay brings together a wide range of Twain's late work—including Following the Equator, King Leopold's Soliloquy, “To the Person Sitting in Darkness,” What Is Man?, “The United States of Lyncherdom,” and Twain's autobiographical dictation on the Moro Crater Massacre—to consolidate a theory and method of “bringing home the picture” from Twain's wide-ranging experiments in visual mediation. The essay argues that Twain's primary contributions to anti-imperialist thought lie principally in the mediational strategies he developed to transmute geopolitical abstractions into immediate images.
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Crowhurst, Andrew. "Empire Theatres and the Empire: The Popular Geographical Imagination in the Age of Empire". Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 15, nr 2 (kwiecień 1997): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d150155.
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The role of the emerging mass media in informing popular attitudes towards imperialism in late-Victorian and Edwardian Britain is explored through a case study of music hall. It is argued that, in contrast to practices adopted in other media, music hall songs and sketches contributed little to the nurturing of an imperialist popular imagination. I take issue with the assertion first made by J A Hobson in The Psychology of Jingoism that music halls promoted militarist and imperialist activities and fostered a popular chauvinism. I also suggest that although music hall songs and sketches purveyed images of racial difference they did not contribute to the discourse of racial supremacy upon which the moral justification of British imperialism rested. Rather, the halls celebrated the emergence of a culture of consumption that transcended social and ethnic boundaries and confronted the dominant ascetic value system of the Victorian bourgeoisie.
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Milios, Jannis, i Dimitris P. Sotiropoulos. "Marxsche Theorie und Imperialimus". PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 40, nr 159 (1.06.2010): 259–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v40i159.395.
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For more than a century ‘imperialism’ has been a key concept in theoretical discussions and politics, never denoting a single theoretical approach. In classical Marxist theories imperialism was seen as the notion deciphering capital’s global trajectories, to the extent that the different nation-states were not fading away despite the global character of capitalism. Many subsequent narratives of international capitalism represent alternative attempts at conceptualizing the very same problem of the ‘lack of correspondence’ between the territory of the national state on the one hand and the sphere of operations of capital. In our view, all these theoretical strategies share a common point of departure: namely, the rejection of the Marxian concept of social capital. This rejection has significant consequences for the way of understanding how class power is organized within a social formation and so the way in which we should understand imperialism. The concept of the imperialist chain opens up a fertile theoretical terrain in an endeavor to extend the Marxian problematic.
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Fraser, Jennifer. "Imperial contradictions in Arthur Conan Doyle’s The Sign of Four". SURG Journal 5, nr 2 (22.04.2012): 19–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21083/surg.v5i2.1595.
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Despite Britain’s rapid territorial expansion and its marked success in establishing international colonies, the early nineteenth century British public held widely divergent views concerning imperialist endeavors. While the colonies retained their element of exoticism and decadence, attracting the British public to the idea of colonial enterprise, native insurrections against British imperial rule inspired fear within the British public. By calling the loyalties of colonial natives into question, and casting doubt upon the overall security of Britain, popular support of territorial expansion began to wane. To understand these contradictory popular responses to British imperialism, this article will undertake an analysis of Arthur Conan Doyle’s popular piece of mystery fiction: The Sign of Four, a literary work written in the context of the Indian Mutiny of 1857. By reflecting contemporary attitudes held in response to British Imperialism, The Sign of Four provides a medium through which popular contradictory responses towards British imperialism can be critically examined.
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Basdeo, Stephen. "The Imperialist Games Ethic in Late-Victorian and Edwardian Robin Hood Novels". Bulletin of the International Association for Robin Hood Studies 4, nr 1 (11.08.2022): 57–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/biarhs.4.1.57-76.
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This article examines a number of Robin Hood novels written for children in the late-Victorian and Edwardian periods. The article finds that the ideology of the public school ethos, or “games ethic,” is diffused throughout the novels: the “New” Imperialism of the public schools of the late 1800s became increasingly militaristic and imperialist, and this imperialist ideology is reflected in the late-Victorian and Edwardian Robin Hood texts.
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Sharif, Shazia. "Colonial Elements in Krishnachandra's Short Stories". Dareecha-e-Tahqeeq 5, nr 2 (30.06.2024): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.58760/dareecha-e-tahqeeq.v5i2.167.
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Krishan Chandar is renowned short story fictional writer. He has woven his stories from the society and depicted the bitter realities in impressive style. In colonial era, Krishan observed its harsh impacts on layman’s life with the help of satitical realism and social consciousness, he becomes the writer of departion unaccomplished dreams and poverty of common masses due to imperialism and capitalisim. Having core affinity to progressive movement he wrote masterpiece with his artist mind. Mostly his characters are from bottom of society who are being crushed under the heavy boots of colonisess and imperialists. Consciousness, affinity, imperialism, depitration, capitalisim
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Brantlinger, Patrick. "Imperialism". Victorian Literature and Culture 46, nr 3-4 (2018): 735–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150318000694.
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Campbell, Horace. "Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism in Africa". Monthly Review 67, nr 3 (7.07.2015): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-067-03-2015-07_7.
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When international media were broadcasting live video footage of Tunisians gathering in hundreds of thousands in front of the central office in Tunis of the long-terrifying ministry of home security, chanting in one voice "the people want to bring down the regime," something had already changed: ordinary people realized they could make huge changes. Weeks later, the Egyptian uprising removed the Mubarak regime that had been entrenched in power for over thirty years…. The neoliberal forms of imperial rule that had destroyed the hopes of the liberation movements were under attack. In order to counter the possibilities for a massive breakthrough at the popular level, the Western forces mounted an invasion of Libya using the mantra of humanitarianism to disrupt, militarily, political and economic life in Africa. Later in collusion with the counter-revolutionary forces in the Egyptian military, Western imperialism sought to roll back the gains of people in the streets of Tunis and Cairo.<p class="mrlink"><p class="mrpurchaselink"><a href="http://monthlyreview.org/index/volume-67-number-3" title="Vol. 67, No. 3: July 2015" target="_self">Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the <em>Monthly Review</em> website.</a></p>
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Bose, Prasenjit. "'New' Imperialism? On Globalisation and Nation-States". Historical Materialism 15, nr 3 (2007): 95–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920607x225898.
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AbstractA major contradiction of globalisation lies in the universalisation of the imperatives of international finance-capital. The ascendancy of international finance has kept inter-imperialist rivalry under check since the past few decades, and imperialist nation-states under its imperatives have displayed greater unity under the leadership of the US. But the dominance of speculative finance and the deflationary impact it generates, threatens to precipitate worldwide recession. The US is trying to pre-empt any potential competition in this milieu, by pursuing an aggressive and unilateralist military policy of endless war. However, the capacity of the US to sustain such high levels of military expenditure and debt-induced consumer spending is circumscribed by the fragility of the dollar hegemony in the backdrop of the growing indebtedness of the US vis-à-vis the rest of the world. Re-appearance of recessionary conditions in the US would be set the stage for inter-imperialist contradictions as well as the contradiction between imperialism and the Third World to play themselves out and create possible ruptures in the present world order.
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Blumi, Isa. "Reorientating European Imperialism: How Ottomanism Went Global". Die Welt des Islams 56, nr 3-4 (28.11.2016): 290–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700607-05634p02.
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Scholars have long studied Western imperialism through the prism of pre-World War I literature and journalism. Characterizing this literature as Orientalist has become programmatic and predictable. The sometimes rigid analysis of this literature often misses, however, the contested dynamics within. This is especially the case with analyses of Ottoman contributions to the rise of a Western colonialist ethos – orientalism, imperialism, and racism – reflecting the political, structural, and economic changes that directly impacted the world. Essentially, colonial pretensions – servicing the ambitions of European imperialism at the expense of peoples in the ‘Orient’ – were articulated at a time when patriotic Ottomans, among others, were pushing back against colonialism. This article explores the possibility that such a response, usefully framed as Ottomanism, contributed regularly to the way peoples interacted in the larger context of a contentious exchange between rival imperialist projects. What is different here is that some articulations of Ottomanism were proactive rather than reactive. In turn, some of the Orientalism that has become synonymous with studies about the relationship between Europe, the Americas, and the peoples “East of the Urals” may have been a response to these Ottomanist gestures.
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Arisaka, Yoko. "Beyond “East and West” Nishida's Universalism and Postcolonial Critique". Review of Politics 59, nr 3 (1997): 541–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500027716.
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During the 1930s and 1940s, many Japanese intellectuals resisted Western cultural imperialism. This theoretical movement was unfortunately complicit with wartime nationalism. Kitaro Nishida, the founder of modern Japanese philosophy and the leading figure of the Kyoto School, has been the focus of a controversy as to whether his philosophy was inherently nationalist or not. Nishida's defenders claim that his philosophical “universalism” was incompatible with the particularistic nationalism of Japan's imperialist state. From the standpoint of postcolonial critique, it is argued that this defense is insufficient. Philosophical universalism is not in itself anti-imperialist, but can in fact contribute to imperialist ideology.
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Owens, Rhys. "A Welsh Vision of Empire? Welsh Imperialists and the Indian Empire". Britain and the World 17, nr 1 (marzec 2024): 42–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2024.0412.
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Neither Welsh history nor imperial history has given much attention to the Welsh connection with empire. While English, Scottish, and Irish imperial history have been developed in recent decades, Wales has been largely ignored. In relation to India, there have been projects on missionaries and the East India Company, but little that focuses on Welsh imperialists during the period of Crown Rule. Despite having a smaller presence than other British nationalities, the Welsh were present in India between 1858–1947, and interacted with imperialism in ways which were distinctly Welsh. This research will explore the Welsh in India during this period and how their Welsh identity interacted with the empire to create a unique Welsh conception of imperialism. Constructed in the domestic press, it emphasised Welsh understanding of indigenous peoples through their own experience of being a minority within the UK and attached itself to a strong sense of Britishness manifested in loyalty to the empire. This ideology, however, had limited impact on the ground in India, with Welsh imperialists generally conforming to the racial and class norms of British India. Welsh imperialism remained a prism through which the Welsh thought about themselves rather than a method of action. Examining this experience adds new dimensions to imperial thinking, especially in relation to how faith and language were transported, reimagined, and contested in the colonial sphere. It demonstrates how the British exported their national and regional ideological baggage which continued to influence their thinking, despite being removed from the physical landscape in which they were forged. Welsh people like Sir Lawrence Jenkins and the missionaries of the Northeast of India had tangible impacts on the colonial space which were fundamentally inspired by their Welshness. This greatly adds to our understanding of how British imperialism operated and has implications far beyond India.
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Khader, Serene. "Is Universalism the Cause of Feminist Complicity in Imperialism?" Social Philosophy Today 35 (2019): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/socphiltoday20193569.
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Global and transnational feminist praxis has long faced a seemingly inexorable dilemma. Universalism is often charged with causing feminist complicity in imperialism. In spite of this, it seems clear that feminists should not embrace relativism; feminism is, after all, a view about how certain types of treatment based on gender are wrong. This article clears the path for an anti-imperialist feminist universalism by showing how feminist complicity in imperialism is not caused by the fact of having universalist normative commitments. What I call “missionary feminism” stems more from ethnocentrism, justice monism, and idealizing and moralizing ways of seeing that associate Western culture with morality (and thus prevent Western culture and Western intervention from becoming objects of normative scrutiny) than from universalism about the value of gender justice.
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Martins, Carlos Eduardo, Adrian Sotelo Valencia i Fabio Maldonado. "John Smith: Las teorías del imperialismo en el siglo XXI". Reoriente: estudos sobre marxismo, dependência e sistemas-mundo 3, nr 1 (3.12.2023): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.54833/issn2764-104x.v3i1p9-25.
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Entrevista al escritor británico John Smith, que en 2016 publicó Imperialism in the Twenty-First Century: Globalization, Super-Exploitation, and Capitalism's Final Crisis, un libro que renovó la teoría del imperialismo, situó la superexplotación de los trabajadores en el centro de su economía política y abrió un diálogo con el marxismo latinoamericano, en particular con la teoría marxista de la dependencia.
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Maerk, Johannes. ""Ciência Cover" em ciências humanas e ciências sociais na América Latina". Conhecimento & Diversidade 9, nr 17 (4.10.2017): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18316/rcd.v9i17.3411.
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Este pequeno ensaio trata de analisar o porquê de haver uma longa tradição nas ciências humanas e sociais na América Latina de importar, indiscriminadamente, teorias e conceitos dos países do Norte. Chamamos “Ciência Cover” a atitude de copiar os conceitos estranhos à realidade social latino-americana. Ao mesmo tempo, há esforços importantes de elaboração própria, como a teoria da dependência, a sociologia da exploração e o conceito de "imperialismo interno", que apontam para uma autêntica construção latino-americana de conhecimento.Palavras-chave: Ciência Cover. América Latina. Teoria da independência. Sociologia da exploração. Imperialismo interno."Science Cover" in Humanities and social sciences in Latin AmericaAbstractThis small essay tries to analyze why there is a long tradition in Latin American humanities and social sciences to import theories and concepts from the countries of the North. I call “cover science” an attitude of importing ideas and concepts from other regions and of applying them indiscriminately to local social realities. At the same time, there are important efforts of authentic Latin American knowledge construction such as dependency theory, the sociology of exploitation or the concept of "internal imperialism”.Keywords: Science cover. Latin America. Theory of independence. Sociology of exploration. Internal imperialism.
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CHARBONNEAU, BRUNO. "The imperial legacy of international peacebuilding: the case of Francophone Africa". Review of International Studies 40, nr 3 (13.02.2014): 607–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210513000491.
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AbstractComparisons of peacebuilding with historic practices of imperialism are common, but these comparisons have sustained a hegemonic antagonism between humanitarian and imperialist interpretations of international peace intervention. This article argues that this common framing externalises the problem of intervention, romanticises local resistance, and forecloses to investigation the articulation between militarised peace practices and transnational capitalist relations. To do so, the article analyses the case of Francophone Africa, thus providing a context that has been left unexplored in peacebuilding debates. By bringing back in the historicity of particular Franco-African imperial experiences into peacebuilding research, the article reveals the militarisation of politics, transnational elite networks, and the dominant intellectual predispositions that work to reproduce the legitimacy of hegemonic practices of ‘peace’ interventionism. In the last section, the article analyses the debates over the UN-French 2011 intervention in Côte d'Ivoire to reveal the connections between the ethics of humanitarian interventions and the political economy of imperialism. The article concludes that the imperial legacy of peacebuilding is found in old capabilities, new organising logics, and specific practices and power relations and that to focus on the humanitarian-imperialist antagonism caricatures the relationships between ‘local’ and ‘international’ actors.
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Yu, Bin. "Neo-imperialism, the Final Stage of Imperialism". International Critical Thought 10, nr 4 (1.10.2020): 495–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2020.1871800.
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Mueller, Justin. "Temporality, sovereignty, and imperialism: When is imperialism?" Politics 36, nr 4 (8.07.2016): 428–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395716644941.
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Robinson, William I. "Imperialism, Anti-Imperialism, and Transnational Class Exploitation". Science & Society 88, nr 3 (lipiec 2024): 319–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1521/siso.2024.88.3.319.
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Akter, Shammi. "Shooting an Elephant: A study of Hypocrisy; not Heroics". Journal of English Language and Literature 8, nr 1 (31.08.2017): 595–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.17722/jell.v8i1.326.
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Hypocrisy is the practice of engaging in the behavior or activity for which one critics the other. George Orwell’s ‘Shooting an Elephant’ is an essay where hypocrisy is exposed. Because in one side Orwell claims that imperialism is an evil thing and he hates it more bitterly and at the end of the story he establishes himself as an example of a genuine imperialist by performing his noble duty- that really carries his true identity as a hypocrite. It is an act of hypocrisy not heroics in a sense that he shows no courage to express the truth publicly and likes to impose it on the natives. As an agent of British imperialism Orwell shows the tendency of an act of hypocrite by wearing the musk of imperialism and finally unfolded it through the actions and his attitudes. So this paper is a modest attempt to show how hypocrisy is focused through the actions and the descriptions of the narrator who is bold enough in speaking the truth and exposing the lies. Actually the writer as an agent of the British Raj at first knows what he should do to the natives but he tries to show his innocence which becomes an issue here.