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1
Harding, Lucy Helen. "Masculinities, women's rights & human rights : advocacy to address sexual violence". Thesis, University of York, 2015. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/9690/.
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Using a masculinities and human rights framework, this thesis explores civil society advocacy to address sexual violence. This thesis provides recommendations aimed at enhancing civil society effectiveness. Ultimately, seeking to reduce the real rate of rape and improve survivors’ access to justice. This study seeks to respond to current literature gaps to: broaden our understanding of human rights advocacy, examine activists’ conceptualisation of masculinities and human rights as a field, identify the impact of this field of women’s rights - and explore how responses to sexual violence may account for men’s experiences of victimisation. Alongside a review of the literature, this thesis uses two case studies to address the research questions. The first of these case studies looks at civil society advocacy to enact and implement the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act 32 of 2007. The second of these case studies explores the work of a South African based ‘masculinities and human rights’ NGO, named Sonke Gender Justice Network. This thesis challenges the dominant literature on human rights advocacy. In contrast to the literature’s focus on transnational advocacy networks, this study explores a domestic network which is a product of new cross-sector alliances. The exploration of male rape in South Africa introduces two new concepts: accidental and ambivalent advocacy. These concepts are applied in order to explain how male rape came to be legally recognised, without concerted advocacy to champion the rights of male rape victims. Ultimately, this thesis argues that the impacts of a masculinities and human rights framework are contradictory and dependent on the way the framework is realised in practice. The framework provides some opportunities for developing civil society advocacy to address male rape. However, the way the framework is currently implemented by South Africa’s largest masculinities and human rights NGO raises concerns regarding its impact on women’s rights.
2
Dasanayake, Upulee. "NGOs and the globalization of universal human rights a "Do No Harm" approach to human rights advocacy /". Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3424.
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Thesis (M.S.)--George Mason University, 2008.Vita: p. 113. Thesis director: Mark Goodale. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Conflict Analysis and Resolution. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Mar. 9, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 107-112). Also issued in print.
3
Rubagumya, Jean Chrysostome. "Application of international Human Rights instruments (IHRIs) by domestic courts : a comparative study of Rwanda and Ghana". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18622.
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The essence of human rights and their dimension goes beyond national level. It is universal because it is inherent to human kind. The main source of human rights norms is international human rights instruments. The concern for human rights has grown worldwide and therefore they have been given priority by most nations. They are more and more integrated into national legal frameworks mainly in states constitutions with more or less enforcing mechanisms. As far as the realization of rights is concerned various mechanisms are involved on different levels: international, regional and national. Each of the three levels has its advantages and disadvantages. Yet, the local mechanisms appear to be more effective and adequate given the fact that they are closer to the real subject of the rights (the individuals). In point of fact, human rights involve mainly the relationships between individuals and states but sometimes also between individuals living somewhere in a nation.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
4
Fragiskatos, Peter. "Rebels and representation : Kurdish human rights and the limits of advocacy". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265525.
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This thesis attempts to ascertain the implications for human rights when rebels become the only advocates of a population targeted by mass violence. The specific focus is placed on the case of Kurdish rebel organisations from Iraq and Turkey. Lacking an ability to organise freely within either state, these groups established a presence in the more open political environment of the West where they undertook efforts aimed at winning global support. After setting a theoretical basis in chapters one and two, the case studies that follow begin with an overview of the causes of the violence experienced by the Iraqi and Turkish Kurds, before proceeding to assess how this violence was represented on the global stage by the rebel organisations and their representatives. The time period assessed runs from the immediate aftermath of World War One through to the present day. Whereas previous studies of advocacy in International Relations have looked closely at the actions of more benign actors such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, this study is more concerned with what happens when important human rights abuses go unnoticed. In such a context, rebels often become a people's only representatives. The result is that the message presented to the global community is one that conforms to the interests of the rebel organisation. This raises major questions and problems for millions whose perspectives might not match with rebel aims. In short, what is not said is more important than what is said. This focus on rebel-directed activism also casts serious doubts on the value of advocacy by exploring its role in reproducing rebel power at the expense of those that are most in need of support. It was only when Kurdish activists were able to establish an independent perspective that some of these limitations were addressed. In this, the act ivities carried out by the London-based Kurdish Human Rights Project (KHRP) are especially notable. By helping bring cases to the attention of the European Court of Human Rights, the KHRP has helped give voice and obtain tangible results for ordinary Kurds who never figured prominently in the agendas of any Kurdish rebel faction.
5
Thoreson, Ryan R. "The politics of brokerage and transnational advocacy for LGBT human rights". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7882b813-7e5a-45a6-9058-9ea6974adffa.
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In this project, I look at the work of the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission (IGLHRC) and the role that brokers at the organization play in constructing, promoting, and institutionalizing a body of LGBT human rights. While a great deal is being written about the diffusion of LGBT politics and human rights discourses from the Global North, there are few ethnographic analyses of who is doing the exporting, how, and toward what ends. Based on a year of fieldwork in IGLHRC’s New York and Cape Town offices, I look at the history of IGLHRC, the interactions among brokers and how these shape their daily work, how brokers understand their mandate and the hybridity that it so often requires, and how partnership with groups in the Global South, the production, verification, and circulation of information, and the possibilities and constraints of the formal human rights arena all shape the work that brokers do. Ultimately, I conclude that human rights advocacy must be understood holistically if it is to be understood at all. Such advocacy always necessarily involves a degree of theoretical elaboration, promotion, and codification by human rights defenders and NGOs, and focusing exclusively on one or another of these aspects paints a skewed portrait of what it means to work within a human rights framework. Drawing from the anthropology of sexuality, queer theory, literature on brokerage, and interdisciplinary studies of transnational advocacy networks, this project aims to deepen understandings of how LGBT NGOs and the brokers that animate them regularly engage in the construction, promotion, and institutionalization of particular understandings of sexuality and the claims that can be made by sexual subjects globally.
6
Baldauf, Maria. "Promoting the rule of law through civil society and human rights advocacy". Connect to Electronic Thesis (ProQuest) Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2008. http://worldcat.org/oclc/449188379/viewonline.
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Anderson, Kirsten N. "Challenging state human rights practices from the outside Argentina's transnational advocacy network during dictatorship, transition, and democratic rule /". [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0005400.
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Wong, Wendy H. "Centralizing principles how Amnesty International shaped human rights politics through its transnational network /". Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3307141.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 9, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 248-272).
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Wilson, Elizabeth Ford Markward Martha J. "Exploratory study of victim advocacy practices, strategies, resistance and relationships among crime victim service agencies". Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri--Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/7027.
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Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on March 1, 2010). The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Dissertation advisor: Dr. Martha Markward. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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Lunze, Karsten. "Health and human rights: advocacy tools for structural HIV prevention among Russian drug users". Thesis, Boston University, 2013. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/12155.
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Thesis (D.P.H.)--Boston UniversityInjection drug use fuels the HIV/AIDS epidemic in the Russian Federation (Russia). Evidence suggests that repressive drug law enforcement is part of the HIV risk environment and associated with risk behaviors that promote HIV transmission among people who inject drugs (PWID). However, no quantitative studies on police involvement and associated risk behaviors or health outcomes exist from Russia. We conducted a mixed-methods study in St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Vladikavkaz to characterize the impact of current policing practices on HIV-risk behaviors and overdose among PWID; and to explore attitudes of stakeholders about Russian drug policy and opportunities to change. Descriptive and multivariate regression analyses of quantitative cross-sectional data from 582 HIV prevention trial participants showed that reported policing practices such as arbitrary arrests, planting of false evidence, and extrajudicial syringe confiscations, are common in Russia and are associated with adverse risk behaviors and health outcomes such as receptive needle sharing and drug overdose, respectively. These policing practices often constitute human rights violations. We failed to demonstrate any deterrent effect of abusive policing practices on drug use. A qualitative exploration among 23 key stakeholders revealed that police violence in various forms is ubiquitous in the lives of Russian PWID. Police abuse is rooted in stigma and a power imbalance between police and PWID, and reinforced by police corruption and the dehumanization of PWID. This study suggests that police practices are part of the HIV risk environment of Russian PWID. The translation of empiric evidence into policy change in the Russian country context might be facilitated by police trainings emphasizing public health and harm reduction principles as well as the development of joint public safety/public health task forces. Using research evidence from other countries to influence policy in Russia has had limited effects. Therefore, more evidence from Russian studies is needed to advance the alignment of public health and public safety efforts to effectively address drug userelated harm and HIV prevention in Russia.
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Baltodano, Egner Charlotte. "The process of transforming human rights practices in Latin America : NGOs and their quest to develop international human rights norms". Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=78200.
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International lawyers are increasingly interested in studying NGOs ("NGOs") and their influence on state behavior, but few have studied the impact that domestic NGOs can have on transforming and generating international norms. This paper explores the links between Latin American NGOs and their aim of changing international norms into more effective instruments against systematic violations of human rights by states. I will aim to articulate the stages of the processes that NGOs go through to change state behavior.I decided to write about NGOs and changes to human rights norms because I have dedicated most of my life to trying to eliminate human rights violations in Latin America. To the detractors that insist that such attempts are futile, I would respond that every effort one can contribute to the human rights movement is one step towards the goal of transforming beliefs and principles into real changes to state practices.
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Awoniyi, Henry Olufemi. "An assessment of the Nigerian Christian magazine's response to oppression in Nigeria as an advocacy journal 1967-1987". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.362170.
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For twenty-three years, the Christian Council of Nigeria made plans for a newspaper with which to plead the cause of the disadvantaged in Nigeria. In April 1967, it eventually launched the Nigerian Christian magazine as a Christian journal for reporting and reflection on matters of importance to the nation. This thesis assesses the Nigerian Christian magazine's response to oppression in Nigeria, in order to determine whether the magazine lived up to its foundling vision. The study is delimited to 1) the Nigerian Christian's reporting and reflection over a twenty-year period beginning from its debut, and 2) the following issues: (i) national ideology, (ii) the rule of law, (iii) constitutional view of subsistence rights, (iv) official corruption, and (v) the strike phenomenon. The concept of advocacy press, a journalistic category, currently articulated and promoted by the World Association for Christian Communication, was adapted and used as a normative frame of reference, for assessing the Nigerian Christian's response to oppression in Nigeria. Having established that the criterion is both a journalistic category and a socio-ethical tool with a sound theological basis; its news-worthiness criteria were adapted and reformulated for this study as follows: 1) alternative time-frame, 2) alternative social actors, 3) alternative narrative. The analysis shows that the Nigerian Christian, in its reporting, lived up to its founding vision with respect to the first news-worthiness criterion. It was less faithful to its vision with the second. With reference to the third criterion, the Nigerian Christian betrayed its founding vision because its reflection on the five issues was an echo of the status quo.
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Cardinale, Richard Nicholas. "Moral Linkage: The Impact of Transnational Networks on the Early Advocacy Campaigns of the U.S. Helsinki Watch Committee, 1978-1982". Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/21017.
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This thesis traces the influence that transnational networks had on the early advocacy campaigns of the U.S. Helsinki Watch Committee, from its founding in February 1979 through the Madrid follow-up Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, which began in November 1980. An investigation of the organization’s early advocacy strategies reveals how contact between activists in the United States and the Soviet Union helped shape the U.S. Helsinki Watch Committee’s presentation of Soviet human rights abuses to American audiences. U.S. Helsinki Watch utilized nongovernmental contact across transnational networks to advocate for greater human rights protections using a strategy I refer to as “moral linkage.” This strategy reframed the Soviets’ failure to observe such rights as an obstacle to greater cultural, educational and scientific exchanges between states, calling upon private organizations and individuals involved in such exchanges to insist that future cooperation be contingent upon the recognition of these rights.
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Gilbert, Paul Carson. "NGOs and Human Rights Promotion: Socialisation, Framing, and the Case of West Papua". Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1694.
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Recent developments in international relations have seen dramatic increases in the number and activities of human rights non-governmental organisations (NGOs). This has inspired research that seeks to explain processes of human rights socialisation, particularly in crisis zones. In this context, NGO advocacy is often welcomed as being inherently beneficial for adherence to human rights principles. Such a position, however, fails to account for the
critiques offered by theorists who suggest that the wielding of any power to affect change can have negative as well as positive outcomes, and the critiques of realist international relations theorists who assert the dangers of unqualified promotion of normative concerns in the face of power interests. In this context, this thesis offers a critical evaluation of the contributions of NGO advocacy in human rights socialisation.
Two models of human rights socialisation – the spiral and boomerang models – are utilised in
examining human rights advocacy in West Papua, a province of Indonesia. The West Papuan case study indicates that detrimental outcomes can result from the failure of human rights
advocates to account for political interests and state sovereignty in their strategies of human rights promotion. Human rights campaigns framed in terms of people’s rights to physical security and subsistence, instead of more political rights, such as the right to selfdetermination,
are likely to be more positive for human rights adherence. This points to the desirability of a hierarchy of rights principles in human rights advocacy and suggests, for the socialisation models used, a need for clearer distinctions between the human rights principles prescribed for advocacy.
15
Avani, Christina. "The power of "the human rights approach to HIV/AIDS" : gender, health and the transnational advocacy networks". Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=82652.
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This thesis undertakes an in-depth examination of the power of human rights advocacy in combating women's vulnerability to HIV/AIDS. Focusing on sub-Saharan Africa, the thesis explores the gender discrimination that lies at the core of women's susceptibility to the virus. Culturally-imposed social roles are depicted as the fundamental cause of the violation of women's human rights, including their right to health. The objective of the thesis is to analyze the potential of using a human rights approach to address this issue. It adopts the assumption that "the mobilization of shame" triggered by civil society's actors can alter states' human rights practices. Looking at a specific type of actors, namely the transnational advocacy networks, the thesis concludes that "the human rights approach to HIV/AIDS" can be an efficient and effective strategy to pressurize governments to implement their international human rights obligations.
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Sogunro, Ayodele. "Advocacy, social control, and the criminalisation of same-sex relationships : the evolution and enforcement of ‘anti-gay laws’ in Nigeria". Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/78375.
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Since the enactment of Nigeria’s Same Sex (Marriage) Prohibition Act of 2013, advocacy for the protection of sexual and gender minorities in Nigeria has grown rapidly. This advocacy often toes a line of legal formalism, under an international human rights law framework. This framework uses strategic litigation, petitions before international bodies, presentation of violations reports to the national human rights bodies, and public engagement on the equality of application of human rights norms for sexual and gender minorities. Despite these efforts, political rhetoric and public opinion continue to be antagonistic to advocacy efforts, based on the claim of political and religious leaders that same-sex relationships and non-heteronormative sexuality and gender identity are incompatible with the cultures and religions of the Nigerian population.
This thesis argues that the evolution and enforcement of Nigerian laws criminalising same-sex relationships and non-heteronormative sexuality and gender identity (‘criminalising laws’) are part of a system of wider social control leveraged by the political elite to perpetuate its hegemonic power. Consequently, this thesis proposes that, to advance the legal protection of sexual and gender minorities in Nigeria, advocates must critically understand, and take measures to reduce, the underlying power dynamics in the criminalising laws.
Using doctrinal and empirical research, this thesis proposes democratic strategies to challenge and reduce hegemonic power dynamics in Nigeria, and to strengthen existing advocacy for the protection of sexual and gender minorities in Nigeria. The research shows that the evolution of laws criminalising same-sex relationships in Nigeria is based on the use of political homophobia by the political elite as a tool of social exclusion. It further concludes that law enforcement authorities in Nigeria are guided by hegemonic considerations in the enforcement of the criminalising laws. The thesis identifies social control linkages between the criminalising laws and the existence of wider social exclusion in Nigeria. An increased awareness by advocates of these underlying hegemonic motivations can lead to a more nuanced, more contextual, and more intersectional advocacy for the rights of sexual and gender minorities in Nigeria.Thesis (LLD)--University of Pretoria, 2020.
Centre for Human Rights
LLD
Unrestricted
17
Deyi, Busiswe. "When rights collide with reality : an argument for dialogic approach by the African court on Human and Peoples' Rights to the 'effective remedy' principle based on a distributive justice Ethos". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18623.
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The African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (AfCHPR) was created amidst great criticism to the ineffectiveness of the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (AfCmHPR) in protecting human rights on the content. After much debate, spanning four decades the Protocol on the Establishment of an African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the Protocol) was adopted by the Organisation of African Unity Assembly and entered into force on the 25th of January 2004. Later the 4th AU summit in January 2006 elected the eleven judges of the Court.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Nibogora, Berry Didier. "The right to reparations in the context of transitional justice : lessons for Burundi from South Africa, Chile, Peru and Colombia". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/18620.
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I believe that the most important components of transitional justice must be the rights of victims, which include the right to the truth, the right to acknowledgment, the right to reparations and the obligation to take steps to ensure that violation will not occur again.
In many societies, transition from war to peace or from dictatorship to democracy has been dominated by a debate on how best past massive human rights violations can be addressed without undermining a fragile and transitional peace. Therefore, political considerations have entirely shaped legal solutions adopted to bring about transitions with less regard to accountability and appropriate remedy for victims of human rights abuses and violations.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2011.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
nf2012
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Redwood, Loren Kate. "Immigrant labor exploitation and resistance in the post-Katrina deep south success through legal advocacy /". Pullman, Wash. : Washington State University, 2009. http://www.dissertations.wsu.edu/Dissertations/Fall2009/L_Redwood_113009.pdf.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Washington State University, December 2009.Title from PDF title page (viewed on Dec. 11, 2009). "Department of American Studies." Includes bibliographical references (p. 142-157).
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Chabane, Polo Evodia. "Enforcement powers of national human rights institutions : a case study of Ghana, South Africa and Uganda". Diss., University of Pretoria, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/5295.
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The purpose of this study is to analyse the effectiveness of the Uganda Human Rights Commission UHRC), which possesses judicial powers vis-à-vis the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice of Ghana (CHRAJ) and the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) which do not
possess such powers. The difference notwithstanding, all the three have been rated as the best national
institutions in Africa. Due to time and space constraints, one will focus specifically with the mandates of
the three commissions and in particular, on the different or distinct mandates assigned to them, namely,
that of CHRAJ to deal with corruption, that of SAHRC to deal with economic, cultural and social rights
and UHRC of dealing with torture matters and generally of constituting a tribunal. This study was motivated by the fact that Lesotho will be setting up a national institution in 2008 and one would like to
draw lessons from these institutions and pick up elements that could best suit Lesotho.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007.
Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof Kofi Quashigah of the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Legon
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
21
Holgersson, Karolina. "Is There Anybody Out There? : Illegal Abortion, Social Work, Advocacy and Interventions in the Philippines". Thesis, Ersta Sköndal högskola, Institutionen för socialvetenskap, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:esh:diva-1819.
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Unsafe abortion is a worldwide reproductive health issue and a contributing factor of high numbers of maternal death in the developing world. Many international conferences and assemblies acknowledge the issue and urge governments to take action. Abortion is a phenomenon surrounded by strong opinions, many times regulated by restrictive laws as well as socio-ethical, religious and cultural norms. Factors often active in making abortion a clandestine procedure which take place under unsafe conditions.The Philippines have one of the most restrictive laws on abortion in the world, but it does not diminish the occurrence of abortion in the country. There is unmet need for family planning that in turn makes way for unwanted pregnancies ending in unsafe abortion. Attempts in congress aiming at providing universal reproductive health service are being opposed and the issue of abortion is surrounded by its criminal ban and a great social stigma. The Roman Catholic Church is very present in the Philippine society and also offers a powerful voice against abortion and equally rejects modern contraception.This study look into how the issue of abortion – under its criminal ban – is being dealt with and if there are any actors/groups/organisations of social work, within the reproductive health sector or women’s organisations acting upon this, making abortion an issue and a part of their work. It asks if there is any advocacy for abortion in the Philippines and any interventions for the women concerned. If so, how is abortion spoken about and understood and how is that notion put into action? Groups are identified as either anti-abortion or pro-abortion, two discourses addressing abortion as a public health issue in fundamentally different ways.There are groups that might not be public about their opinion being pro-abortion, as they do not wish to get on the wrong side of the general opinion or negatively affect their reputation. Some pro-abortion groups are found acting against the law by providing safe abortions for these women. Trough social constructivist glasses this study look at the structure surrounding abortion in the Philippines, analysing how these discourses are being reconstructed and transferred under different postulations as anti-abortion or pro-abortion.
22
Markland, Alistair. "Knowledge and global advocacy : a sociological study of INGO practitioners and their epistemic limits". Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/2bf2fc16-7349-49f2-ad80-962d2e74d826.
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This doctoral research project conducts a political sociology of knowledge of non-governmental actors engaged in advocating and reporting on issues relating to conflict and human rights. It engages the following research question: what are the limits of knowledge produced by non-governmental advocates? This question is applied to empirical case studies looking at, firstly, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Crisis Group, and secondly, a network of global activists working on post-war Sri Lanka (2010-2014). Applying a Bourdieusian sociological framework, the thesis argues that professional advocates' epistemic practices are shaped by an array of socio-political dependencies. Contrasting with past applications of Bourdieu to International Relations, this thesis reveals contextually-specific dependencies through multiple levels and scales of analysis. At the organisational level, these dependencies manifest through advocacy NGOs' market-like relations with their targeted consumers, as well as their relations with rival knowledge producers. At the level of the human practitioner, it is shown how leading advocacy NGOs are reliant upon a relatively narrow labour market, consisting of practitioners who share a strong dispositional affinity with their consumers. Studying a smaller group of global advocates working on post-war Sri Lanka, the thesis also demonstrates how symbiotic relations between NGO practitioners and leading policy stakeholders had a structuring effect on advocates' network relations, as well as stimulating a deference to a dominant policy discourse of 'liberal peace'. Shifting the attention to advocates' extraction of knowledge from its proximal contexts, this thesis also examines the influence of advocates' localised dependencies. In the case of post-war Sri Lanka, it is shown how foreign advocates' knowledge is informed by a limited set of domestic actors, primarily encompassing the country's liberal elites. Overall, these dependencies are argued to place significant constraints on knowledge generated in advocacy contexts - limits that differ to other modes of knowledge production.
23
Del, Toro Marilu. "The discursive impact of transnational advocacy networks : how amnesty international and human rights watch influenced the media coverage of the Rwanda genocide". FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2765.
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Initial representations of the Rwanda genocide in the Western media were at best inaccurate and at worst, stereotypical, citing African "tribal savagery" and "centuries-old tribal hatred" as the reason for the mass killings. Two major human rights organizations, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, had the opportunity to correct media portrayals and help shape the agenda for policymakers. The purpose of this study was to take a critical look at media portrayals and discover whether these two nongovernmental organizations played a role in influencing the coverage. An extensive media analysis of three elite Western newspapers found that NGOs were the single largest source of nuanced political explanations countering stereotypes of African "tribal warfare." Human Rights Watch, in particular, played a pivotal role in sensitizing the media to the genocide's character as a planned, politically motivated campaign.
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Wiratraman, R. Herlambang Perdana Sriprapha Petcharamesree. "Good governance and legal reform in Indonesia /". Abstract, 2006. http://mulinet3.li.mahidol.ac.th/thesis/2549/cd392/4837954.pdf.
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Nattorp, Nora. "All bark and no bite? : European Union Human Rights and Democracy Advocacy & Development Aid: A case study of Myanmar and the Rohingya". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk historia och internationella relationer, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-182508.
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The principles of human rights and democracy have been of great importance for a long time and for many actors globally, especially for the European Union. This paper has the purpose of examining the European Union’s bilateral development aid and its relation to the organisation's human rights and democracy promotion. The study is a case study of Myanmar in the years 2000-2017 and with particular focus on the situation for the Muslim minority Rohingya. The case is investigated through the perspective of Ian Manners’ Normative Power Europe supplemented with aspects collected from previous research, to see if it can explain the behaviour of the aid flow. The conclusions of this study were that human rights and democracy while appearing greatly central has not had any major influence on the aid from the Union to Myanmar, and neither can the idea of European normative power explain the nature of the aid allocation.
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Adi, Ana. "The Beijing 2008 Olympic Games, human rights and China : a framing analysis of advocacy groups , Olympic organizers, international media and online public discourse". Thesis, University of the West of Scotland, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.569037.
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The Olympic Games is a mechanism through which numerous advocacy and political groups compete to frame the media coverage that it generates. These processes are restricted by the relatively fixed guidelines imposed upon Olympic media by the International Olympic Committee (IOC, 2007). Yet, in the past years, the interaction among and communication between communicators, media and various publics has changed dramatically through the Internet one of the reasons being the emergence of convergent media structures. This thesis investigates the process of media convergence and transition that is occurring within the Olympic infrastructures as seen during the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games. Employing Entman’s (1993) framing theory as a theoretical background, this thesis analyses how ideology influenced the framing of China and discourses about its human rights record. Using online data collected during the Beijing 2008 Olympic Games, the thesis examines how discourse about China’s human rights changes from the official materials released by advocacy groups (Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch) and Olympic organizers (The Beijing Organizing Olympic Committee – BOCOG - and The International Olympic Committee – IOC) into online, international traditional media outlets (CNN, BBC, CCTV Channel 9, New York Times, Chicago Tribune, Guardian, The Telegraph, People’s Daily, China Daily) to the online readers that left comments for the media outlets. As such, employs qualitative and quantitative methods as well as traditional and computer assisted analysis to analyse the framing functions human rights had in different discourses. By integrating framing with the hegemonic thesis, it presents framing as a dynamic process, conceptualizing it as a strategy of constructing and processing news and as a characteristic of the discourse itself.
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DeLuca-Acconi, Robin Ann. "The Power of Advocacy in Bridging the Ideological Divide| The Campaign for Human Rights and Corporate Responsibility in the Cocoa Industry 2001-2014". Thesis, State University of New York at Stony Brook, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10003928.
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A cornerstone of social work’s mission is to advocate for practices that create social justice. This study encourages social workers to broaden their advocacy efforts into the global arena and educate them about Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) that are fighting for equitable globalization policies. This longitudinal case study (2001-2014) explores the public debate surrounding human rights abuses in the cocoa industry. Qualitative framing analysis is employed to explore the stakeholders’ discourse surrounding both the causes of and solutions to the Worst Forms of Child Labor (WFCL). This study analyzes press releases from human rights activists, the cocoa industry, and the media in order to recount the debate’s history. Throughout the campaign, the TANs and cocoa companies conflicted over how to improve the Harkin-Engel Protocol and other policies designed to eradicate the WFCL. This study chronicles the TANs’ strategies and rhetoric used throughout the campaign against the WFCL. Findings include that intense early movement agitation, the practice of “naming and shaming,” mobilizing stockholder activists and strong resonant frames led to positive changes in the cocoa industry. This study recounts the cocoa industry’s reaction from denial of the problem to eventual acceptance of human rights as a corporate norm. Stakeholders ultimately transcended the conflict caused by contrasting ideological differences and created corporate social responsibility policies. It is essential for varied stakeholders to come together and bridge ideological divides in an effort to solve complex societal issues. This study encourages social workers to advocate for change in prevailing inequitable globalization policies. Social workers can play a vital role in envisioning a just world, and through partnering with advocacy networks, be architects of that world’s creation.
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Santos, Juliana. "O Advocacy e o papel das Organizações de Direitos Humanos no Legislativo Brasileiro: As campanhas da Rede Justiça Criminal". Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/21529.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Comunicação Social, vertente de Comunicação EstratégicaA presente dissertação tem como objetivo compreender, a partir da análise do trabalho de uma rede de organizações não governamentais (ONG) brasileiras, como o advocacy em questões de direitos humanos é desenvolvido para a defesa de causas perante o Poder Legislativo, identificando os seus contributos e a sua eficácia. Para isso, adota o método de investigação indutivo com abordagem qualitativa e emprega as técnicas de entrevista em profundidade semiestruturada e pesquisa documental. O trabalho desenvolve-se no campo científico das relações públicas, utiliza como referencial a Teoria Crítica e a Teoria Retórica das Relações Públicas e está fundamentado no conceito do advocacy. Enquanto função das relações públicas, o advocacy consiste em um processo constituído de esforços sistemáticos que visam influenciar a tomada de decisões políticas que beneficiem os cidadãos sem voz na arena política. Neste trabalho observaram-se as estratégias e as táticas empregadas na operacionalização de duas campanhas de advocacy promovidas por uma rede ONG brasileiras e as suas contribuições para a defesa de direitos humanos no legislativo. A partir da análise das campanhas pode-se observar alguns resultados do trabalho de advocacy, como a maior conscientização dos decisores políticos, além da influência na definição da agenda política e na ação dos tomadores de decisão. Esses resultados favorecem o fortalecimento do ambiente democrático, uma vez que aumenta o poder e a influência da sociedade civil na tomada de decisões no âmbito do Poder Legislativo. Em última instância, o estudo permitiu observar que o advocacy fortalece a participação dos cidadãos no sistema político. Dessa forma, reforça-se a importância da continuidade de estudos nesta área, que possam acompanhar os resultados de médio e longo prazo obtidos em campanhas de advocacy executadas por organizações da sociedade civil no legislativo e nas demais esferas do poder público.
This study aims to understand, from the analysis of the work of a Brazilian network of non-governmental organizations (NGOs), how advocacy on human rights issues is developed to defend causes with the Legislative Branch, identifying their contributions and its effectiveness. For this, it adopts the method of inductive investigation with a qualitative approach and uses the techniques of semi-structured in-depth interviews and documentary research. The work is developed within the scientific field of public relations, uses as reference the Critical Theory and the Rhetorical Theory of Public Relations and is based on the concept of advocacy. As a function of public relations, the advocacy is a process made up of systematic efforts that aims to influence political decision-making that benefits citizens without a voice in the political arena. In this work, were observed, the strategies and tactics employed in the implementation of two advocacy campaigns promoted by a Brazilian NGOs network, and their contributions to the defense of human rights with the legislative branch. From the analysis of the campaigns, it is possible to observe some results of the advocacy work, such as the greater awareness of political decision-makers, in addition to the influence on the definition of the political agenda and on the action of the political decision-makers. These results encourage the strengthening of the democratic environment, since it increases the power and influence of civil society in the political decision-making within the scope of the Legislative Branch. Ultimately, the study showed that advocacy reinforces citizens participation in the political system. Therefore, this work reinforces the importance of continuing studies in this area, which monitor the medium and long-term results obtained in advocacy campaigns promoted by civil society organizations in the Legislative Branch and in other spheres of public power.
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Silva, Maíra Martins Almeida da. "Advocacy, política externa e controle legislativo: uma análise da participação da Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Minorias no Comitê Brasileiro de Direitos Humanos e Política Externa de 2006 a 2015". Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-20022018-134331/.
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Partindo da perspectiva de que a política externa é uma política pública, o presente artigo pretende verificar a hipótese de fortalecimento da atuação da Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Minorias da Câmara dos Deputados (CDHM-CD) no exercício de suas prerrogativas de controle da política externa brasileira ao integrar o Comitê Brasileiro de Direitos Humanos e Política Externa (CBDHPE), coalizão de advocacy que agrega organizações da sociedade civil e entes estatais em prol do objetivo comum de fortalecer a participação cidadã e o controle democrático da política externa brasileira em direitos humanos. Com esse propósito, analisamos quantitativamente as atividades de interface internacional realizadas pela Comissão entre os anos de 1995 e 2015, esperando verificar aumento relativo daquelas que pretenderam monitorar e avaliar a atuação externa estatal a partir de 2006, ano de constituição do Comitê. Os resultados obtidos apontaram para a realização periódica pela CDHM-CD, de 2005 em diante, de eventos de monitoramento da política externa brasileira em direitos humanos, que contaram com a participação da sociedade civil e de autoridades de Estado, investigados no trabalho. Concluímos que, embora a análise quantitativa realizada não corrobore nossa hipótese inicial, não podemos descartar a importância do Comitê na instituição e continuidade da iniciativa acima mencionada, que representou inovação no rol das atividades desempenhadas pela Comissão. Além disso, a evolução das atividades da CDHM-CD a partir da constituição do CBDHPE sugere que a atuação da primeira passou a refletir, em maior medida, o potencial da política externa como instrumento para o avanço dos direitos humanos e, em consequência, o próprio caráter transnacional desses direitos, em diálogo com a hipótese teórica de aprendizado político entre membros de uma mesma coalizão proposta pelo referencial Advocacy Coalition Framework.From the perspective of foreign policy as a public policy, the article herein intends to verify the hypothesis that the Commission on Human Rights and Minorities of the Brazilian House of Representatives (CHRM-HR) has intensified its efforts in monitoring the performance of the Executive Branch of the Brazilian government with regards to the State\'s foreign policy when it became a member of the Brazilian Committee on Human Rights and Foreign Policy (BCHRFP), advocacy coalition that brings together civil society organizations and state entities to strengthen civic participation and democratic control over the Brazilian Foreign Policy on Human Rights. For this purpose, we quantitatively analyzed the activities performed by the Commission between 1995 and 2015 that presented an international interface. In this respect, we expected to note a relative increase of those aiming at monitoring and evaluating State\'s external actions from the creation of the Committee in 2006. The results obtained pointed that from 2005 on periodic events have taken place in the CHRM-HR with the specific purpose of controlling Brazilian foreign policy, with the participation of civil society and State authorities. We concluded that, although the quantitative analysis did not corroborate our initial hypothesis, we cannot rule out the importance of the Committee in the institution and continuity of the initiative above, which represented an innovation among the activities carried out by the CHRM-HR. In addition, the evolution of the Commission\'s activities in scope since the constitution of BCHRFP could suggest that the actions of the first have begun to reflect the power of foreign policy in advancing human rights and the very transnational character of these rights, in accordance with the theoretical hypothesis of policy-oriented learning among members of the same coalition proposed by The Advocacy Coalition Framework.
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Calnan, Scott Law Faculty of Law UNSW. "In the trenches: a comparative analysis of the nature and effectiveness of the mobilisation of law by domestic human rights NGOs in the United States, Britain and Germany". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Law, 2004. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/23951.
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This thesis critically compares how domestic human rights NGOs (DNGOs) in the United States, Britain and Germany use (or mobilise) law to enforce human rights standards and proposes a method to measure their effectiveness in doing so. To do this it draws upon both case studies and literature from many disciplines. On the basis of the data and the literature it finds that, despite their great diversity, DNGOs in each jurisdiction show general similarities in their ???styles??? of operation and use of the law. It also finds that their effectiveness in enforcing human rights can be ascertained with reasonable accuracy and that a DNGO???s size and access to resources does not necessarily correlate with its effectiveness. The context in which the above questions were investigated was one in which there existed very little literature that examined the work of DNGOs (as opposed to international NGOs) as well as few theoretical approaches that would allow their activities to be critically examined and compared. It was also a context in which there was a great deal of discussion in the literature about the crucial importance of DNGOs in human rights enforcement and a growing suspicion that Globalisation might be making their role even more important than it was in the past. To address these issues the author used case studies to supply the necessary detail and a method using ???ideal types??? to assess the data. He also proposed a method to measure DNGO effectiveness so that the case studies could be more thoroughly compared and their true success in human rights enforcement revealed. Despite the incredible diversity among DNGOs the author was able to draw a few useful conclusions about how successful DNGOs operate. In response to these conclusions the author proposed that one possible route by which DNGOs could improve their effectiveness was to transplant their characteristics between jurisdictions. The author also found some evidence that Globalisation was having an effect on DNGOs and proposed some ways in which individual case studies could take advantage of this.
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Coetzee, Cari. "South Africa's foreign policy of quiet diplomacy towards Zimbabwe : constructivism as a framework to highlight the contradictory norms of human rights and African solidarity". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50099.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The downward spiral of Zimbabwe under President Robert Gabriel Mugabe and the slide into lawlessness has excited international opinion. Perhaps even more controversial, has been South African President Thabo Mbeki's obvious reticence to condemn Mugabe's increasing authoritarianism and breach of human rights and democratic standards. South Africa's foreign policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe has received strong criticism. Whilst both domestic and international audiences expected South Africa to take a stronger stance towards Mugabe because of his increasing violation of human rights and democratic standards, President Mbeki has been notably reticent to publicly criticise Mugabe. Consequently, the South African government has been criticised for condoning Mugabe's behaviour, which in turn has raised questions as to South Africa's commitment to the advocacy of human rights and its attempts to establish a leadership position in Africa. Although both internal and external pressures have given rise to South Africa's strong commitment to the international norm of human rights in 1994, this commitment seemed to weaken as the years passed. The commitment to human rights, that was especially prominent during the Nelson Mandela presidency, has given rise to foreign policy tensions and contradictions within the South African government. South Africa's turn to multilateral mechanisms as the main vehicle for South Africa's principled commitment to human rights has been accompanied by a decline in the priority placed on this principle. This loss of ardour in the commitment to the human rights advocacy, moreover, has seemed to increase during the Mbeki presidency. President Mbeki's desire to playa leadership role in Africa and his vision for African renewal and rebirth have been accompanied by a stronger emphasis on African solidarity as a foreign policy principle. South Africa's commitment to the norm of human rights, however, has thwarted South Africa's attempts to strengthen African solidarity since it required a rejection of the norms of 'state sovereignty' and 'not to speak out against each other'. Since high priority is attached to these norms in Africa, contradictions arose between the norms of human rights advocacy and African solidarity. This study argues that South Africa's policy of 'quiet diplomacy' towards Zimbabwe can only be understood by focusing on the role of norms and identity on South Africa's policy. It aims to illustrate how South Africa's aspiration for continental leadership has constrained its commitment to human rights advocacy, as accentuated by the Zimbabwean crisis. This study explores the role of norms and identity in South Africa's foreign policy decisions towards Zimbabwe by drawing on constructivism as a theoretical framework. The international relations theory of constructivism provides a framework for analysing the potential influence of norms in international relations. Constructivism illustrates that South Africa's freedom of action has been determined by the interplay between policy actors and social forces with very different ideological convictions about the country in the world, the pressures incumbent upon it and the extent to which it can influence world affairs.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Zimbabwe se toenemende ekonomiese en politieke agteruitgang onder die presidentskap van Robert Gabriel Mugabe, asook die geleidelike oorgang na wetteloosheid, het internasionale veroordeling voortgebring. President Thabo Mbeki van Suid-Afrika se ooglopende teensinnigheid om Mugabe se toenemende outoriteit en skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde te veroordeel, was selfs meer omstrede. Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor President Mugabe van Zimbabwe het dus sterk kritiek uitgelok. Terwyl beide binnelandse en internasionale sfere van Suid-Afrika verwag het om 'n sterker standpunt teenoor Mugabe in te neem in die lig van Mugabe se toenemende skending van menseregte en demokratiese standaarde, was President Mbeki merkbaar teensinnig om Mugabe openlik te kritiseer. Die Suid-Afrikaanse regering is gevolglik daarvan beskuldig dat dit Mugabe se gedrag verskoon, wat weer aanleiding gegee het tot die bevraagtekening van Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte en pogings om 'n leierskapsposisie in Afrika te vestig. Alhoewel beide interne en eksterne druk tot Suid-Afrika se sterk verbintenis tot die internasionale norm van menseregte in 1994 bygedra het, het hierdie verbintenis mettertyd geleidelik vervaag. Hierdie verbintenis tot menseregte was veral prominent gedurende die Mandela presidentskap en het spoedig aanleiding tot spanning en teenstrydighede in Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid gegee. Suid-Afrika se wending tot multilaterale meganismes as voertuig vir die bevordering van menseregte, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n afname in die prioriteit wat aan hierdie beginsel geheg word. Hierdie afname in Suid-Afrika se dryfkrag in hul verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, het gedurende die Mbeki presidentskap vergroot. President Mbeki se begeerte om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, asook sy visie vir Afrika hernuwing en herlewing, het dus gepaard gegaan met 'n sterker klem op die belang van Afrika solidariteit as 'n buitelandse beleidsbeginsel. Suid-Afrika se verbintenis tot menseregte het egter Suid-Afrika se pogings om Afrika solidariteit te bevorder, verhinder, aangesien 'n verbintenis tot menseregte die verwerping van die norme van 'staatsoewereiniteit' en 'nie teenoor mekaar uit te praat nie' vereis het. Aangesien hierdie twee laasgenoemde norme steeds voorrang geniet in die Afrika konteks, het daar teenstrydighede tussen die norme van menseregte en Afrika solidariteit ontstaan. Hierdie studie argumenteer dat Suid-Afrika se beleid van 'stille diplomasie' teenoor Zimbabwe slegs begryp kan word deur op die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se beleid te fokus. Daar word gepoog om te illustreer hoe Suid-Afrika se aspirasie om 'n leiersposisie in Afrika in te neem, beperk is deur die verbintenis tot die bevordering van menseregte, soos beklemtoon deur die krisis in Zimbabwe. Hierdie studie ondersoek dus die rol van norme en identiteit op Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleidsbesluite teenoor Zimbabwe met behulp van konstruktivisme as 'n teoretiese raamwerk. Die internasionale betrekkinge teorie van konstruktivisme bied 'n raamwerk vir die analise van die potensiële invloed van norme in internasionale betrekkinge. Konstruktivisme illustreer dat Suid-Afrika se vryheid van aksie bepaal word deur die wisselwerking tussen beleidsakteurs en sosiale kragte met verskillende ideologiese oortuigings oor die staat in die wêreld, die druk wat daarop inwerk en die mate waartoe dit wêreld gebeure kan beïnvloed.
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Hennebel, Ludovic. "Le régionalisme comme garant de l'universalisme des droits de l'homme: le cas du mécanisme de recours individuel de la Convention américaine des droits de l'homme". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211047.
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Elmalky, Rania. ""489 Days"". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2008. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1538690/.
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489 Days is an animated documentary about the harrowing experiences of Egyptian-American Mohamed Soltan, who survived 16 months of hunger strike in an Egyptian prison. Caught up in the political turmoil which followed the Arab Spring uprisings, Soltan was unjustly incarcerated between August 2013 and May 2015, when the United States government intervened to release him weeks after an Egyptian court sentenced him to life in prison. The film is also the larger story of an estimated 60,000 political detainees currently held in Egypt without due process, and in violation of local and international human rights conventions.
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Elmalky, Rania. "489 Days". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1538690/.
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489 Days is an animated documentary about the harrowing experiences of Egyptian-American Mohamed Soltan, who survived 16 months of hunger strike in an Egyptian prison. Caught up in the political turmoil which followed the Arab Spring uprisings, Soltan was unjustly incarcerated between August 2013 and May 2015, when the United States government intervened to release him weeks after an Egyptian court sentenced him to life in prison. The film is also the larger story of an estimated 60,000 political detainees currently held in Egypt without due process, and in violation of local and international human rights conventions.
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Norell, Rebecca. ""... men allra viktigast är det att vara metaforisk." : En analys av metaforer i rättstillämpningen". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Avdelningen för retorik, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-326112.
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Beaujeu, Mélodie. "La "cause des migrants" : un moment transnational ? (1990-2014) : l’enjeu migratoire, au cœur de la restructuration des champs sécuritaires et militants transnationaux dans le temps long". Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019IEPP0037.
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Cette thèse porte sur l’émergence de coalitions transnationales de plaidoyer pour la « cause des migrants » entre la fin des années 1990 et le milieu des années 2000. Elle cherche en particulier à élucider un paradoxe : l’apparente contradiction entre, d’une part l’intensité et l’ampleur atteintes en peu d’années par les mobilisations sur ce thème, et d’autre part le recul relatif, non moins rapide, de ces mobilisations. Pour rendre compte de ce qui fait figure de mobilisations éphémères, notre recherche combine trois approches, peu présentes dans la littérature relative à ces objets : une approche historique, une réflexion poussée sur mon expérience de « professionnelle-militante », et la perspective théorique ouverte par Christian Topalov avec la notion de « champ faible ». L’objectif est d’interroger le caractère « nouveau » de ces mobilisations transnationales de plaidoyer, en les envisageant comme des points d’entrée sur un champ ancien de mobilisation qui connaitrait, à partir de la fin des années 1990, une nouvelle mutation; mutation que la thèse a pour objet de caractériser. A cette fin, j’adopte une stratégie de recherche « en entonnoir » : A partir d’un point de vue à la fois historique et très « macro », centré sur l’analyse des contextes et des modalités d’émergence de coalitions d’acteurs divers – religieux, élites administratives, ONG - dans une première partie, je resserre ensuite la focale sur un échelon franco-européen-africain de formation d’alliances transnationales. L’observation de la place qu’occupe l’enjeu migratoire au sein des trajectoires individuelles et organisationnelles permet de rendre compte du caractère éphémère des coalitionsThis thesis focuses on the emergence of transnational advocacy coalitions on the “cause of migrants” between the end of the 1990s and the mid-2000s. It purports to account for an episode of intense transnational mobilization around the cause of migrants and the question of migrations, between the end of the 1990s and 2014, that is, before what became known as the “refugee crisis” or “migrant crisis”. In particular, it aims at explaining a paradox: the apparent contradiction between, on the hand hand, the level and scope taken by these mobilizations over the course of a few years, and on the other the decline, albeit relative but very quick, of these mobilizations. To account for this ephemeral mobilization, this research combines three sets of approaches, which together draw a lens little used in the scholarship: a historical approach, a reflexion anchored in my own experience as a “professional/advocate”, and the theoretical perspective opened by Christian Topalov and his theoretical tool of the “weak field”. This approach leads to questioning the “novelty” of these transnational advocacy coalitions, by seeing them, rather, as a temporary restructuration of a much older field of mobilization that underwent a new mutation from the end of the 1990s; a change which this thesis seeks to empirically trace. To this end, it adopts a “funnel” research strategy. Starting with a historical and “macro” focus, retracing the contexts and conditions for the emergence of diverse coalitions of actors - religious, administrative elites, NGOs - from the 19th century, in the first part, the thesis then channels attention towards the constitution of transnational alliances within a French-European-African political and militant space. Empirically, focusing on the role of the cause of migration within individual and organisational trajectories is an entry-point to account for the constantly evolving and transient character of these coalitions
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Milongo, Moukongo Paterne Gervilen. "Comparaison du rôle de la société civile dans le processus de démocratisation en Namibie et au Congo Brazzaville au cours de la période 1989-1994»". Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30005.
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On peut considérer que le démarrage du processus de démocratisation en Namibie a lieu en 1989 et au Congo Brazzaville en 1990 : pour le premier il s’agit, de la libération du joug sud-africain avec l’accession à l’indépendance et la mise en place d’un régime démocratique, pour le second la chute d’un régime de parti unique et l’instauration du multipartisme puis de la démocratie. Cette phase de bouleversement a été rendue possible par la mobilisation des forces sociales, notamment les organisations syndicales.La recherche consiste ici à considérer le rôle de ces forces sociales dans ce processus et à s’interroger sur leur nature, en particulier pour déterminer si elles constituent une société civile. Ainsi les Eglises jouent un rôle déterminant, et ce dans les deux pays. Au moment de l’ouverture démocratique, les associations se multiplient. La mise en place des premières institutions est marquée par une course au pouvoir, et se révèle la plus critique pour la société civile, dont le positionnement même est mis à mal ; les organisations sont soumises à rude épreuve. Certains meneurs des mouvements de contestations se retrouvent à la tête de partis politiques, dans un environnement à haut risque. Les rivalités ethniques ou tribales et le régionalisme s’enracinent dans la conscience populaire.Si la Namibie va poursuivre son chemin vers la démocratie, malgré la faiblesse de la société civile et les blessures du passé, le Congo va sombrer d’abord dans une guerre civile avant de chercher le chemin de la paix. La société civile anéantie au moment du conflit revient sur le devant de la scène à travers le Conseil œcuménique des Eglises mais échoue à consolider la démocratieOne can acknowledge that the democratisation process in Namibia started in 1989 and in Congo Brazzaville in 1990: for the first one it meant freeing itself from the South African rule as the country conquered its independence and established a democratic regime, for the second one, it meant the fall of a one-party rule and installing a multiparty system in a move to democracy. This upheaval phase was made possible through social forces mobilisation, especially trade unions. Our research consists in looking into the role played by these social forces in the process and in questioning their nature, particularly in order to determine whether they form some civil society. In both countries, churches are instrumental in the process. When democracy is introduced, associations flourish. As the first institutions are set, a struggle for power is engaged that soon proves to be critical for civil society, as even their position is challenged ; organisations are under deep stress. Some leaders of these social movements join or head political parties, in a high-risk context. Ethnic or tribal rivalries, as well as regionalism roots in the people's consciousness. If Namibia continues its path to democracy, despite the weakness of civil society and the wounds from the past, the Congo will first fall into civil war before searching for a way towards peace. Civil society, which has collapsed during the conflict, comes back to front stage through the Ecumenical Council of Churches but fails to consolidate democracy
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CHEN, YI-CHIEH, i 陳怡潔. "Human Rights Advocacy For New Immigrants: The Experience Of AHRLIM". Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/21758718564796047319.
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碩士國立臺北大學
社會工作學系
94
The purpose of this study is aimed at exploring the track of human rights advocacy for new immigrants in Taiwan and focusing on the advocacy experience of the Alliance for Human Rights Legislation of Immigrants and Migrants ( AHRLIM ) . The results of the study are concluded as following: 1. The track of human rights advocacy for new immigrants in Taiwan from 1994 to August 2005 can be divided into the three following phases: the initial stage of human rights issues for new immigrants; the divergent development stage of human rights advocacy for new immigrants; and the initial combination of human rights advocacy for new immigrants. 2. The operation of the Alliance for Human Rights Legislation of Immigrants and Migrants can be divided into two following parts: in the internal discussion, members rely on meetings ,internet ,and telephone contact ; in the external relationship, AHRLIM is opening to the external advocates and government decision makers. At last, the suggestions of the study are given to the Alliance for Human Rights Legislation of Immigrants and Migrants, other advocates, social work profession, and government policy.
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Lee, Peng-hsuan, i 李芃萱. "The Judical Persecution International Human Rights Advocacy on Tibetan Political Prisoners". Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/t2pc3y.
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碩士國立臺灣大學
政治學研究所
105
Tibet has been occupied by China for 58 years since 1959. The civil and political rights of Tibetans are deprived as same as the rights of other ethnic groups living under the authoritarian regime. However, due to their significantly different culture, history and other backgrounds from Han Chinese, the Chinese authority has implemented overall assimilative policies in the name of modernization, which severely threatened their rights to culture, language and religion. Advocating on the basic rights of Tibetans in Tibet usually results in cruel crackdowns. To make it worse, Chinese authority would easily consider it as a threat on national security, which makes Tibetans face persecution worse than the Han Chinese counterparts. Under such backgrounds, the research portrays the process of Tibetan political prisoners being systematically persecuted by Chinese authority with the information from human rights organizations, Tibet groups and media. It depicts the comprehensive image of how Chinese authority use the criminal procedure such as investigation, trial and punishment to oppress the rights of Tibetans; it also examines each stage of the process on how it violates the domestic laws of China and the international human rights standards. Furthermore, the research reviews Chinese authority’s response to international human rights mechanisms and campaigns, and the universal human right values, and elaborates the Chinese’s re-interpretation on the definition and content of human rights. The research also observes the effect of international human rights campaigns through the testimony and story of Tibetan political prisoners, and attempts to raise a few suggestions on the human rights campaigns for Tibet.
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"Promoting the rule of law through civil society and human rights advocacy". GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY, 2009. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1462390.
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Laurienti, Jerry M. "On the front line of hearts and minds the evolution and impact of US military human rights promotion in Latin America /". 2006. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/133182811.html.
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Katherion i 廖千謙. "international political advocacy networks- take the human rights non-governmental organizations as an example". Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/85103137603847294356.
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碩士東海大學
政治學系
95
Receives global vicissitude the impact, the country no longer is only in the international political only behavior body.The massive non- national behavior body joins the international affairs in the scope, enable the global government the concept to obtain the seed, day by day also arouses international society's interest. These join international political the non- national behavior body by way of the news transmission and the transnational relation, forms the so-called transnational advocacy networks, has the trifle influence to the country.However, under such international circumstance, actually the non- national behavior body in on international displays what to affect? The influence degree also has broadly? Therefore, this research attempts the international advocacy networks which composes from the non-governmental organizations to operate understood actually in international political the non- official organization does pour into what kind of strength for the international affairs. The research only concentrates the focal point in the human rights non-governmental organizations , and to this discusses the non-governmental organizations the function which occurs in the international political operation.
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Atol, Dorottya. "NGOs as norm-constructors : the human rights activism of Asian NGOs and their role in shaping the regional human rights discourse". Thesis, 2010. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/506677.
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This thesis focuses on the human rights activism of Asian NGOs, especially with regard to their regional operations and contribution to the human rights discourse within the Asian region. Despite being the world’s most populous region, Asia is the only continent without a regional human rights mechanism, whereas Europe, the Americas, and Africa have their own human rights systems with established institutional and normative frameworks. Nevertheless, the subject of human rights has a growing appeal in the Asian context, and efforts are ongoing to establish a regional human rights instrument, which is partly due to the campaigning activities of NGOs. This thesis seeks to contribute to the analysis of the regional activism of NGOs, their involvement in norm construction and in the shaping of an Asian human rights system. Building on the general discussion of Asian human rights NGOs operating on the national level, I explore the construction, operations and impact of Asian human rights NGOs’ regional activism. I employ theories of human rights regionalisation, norm construction, and transnational advocacy networking. Two case studies of regionally operating Asian human rights NGOs are used to support my argument about NGOs’ constitutive role in the regionalisation of human rights in Asia. Although the Asian Human Rights Commission (AHRC) and the Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA) pursue different regional advocacy strategies, they equally have effect on the regional development of human rights. Whereas the AHRC facilitates collective civil society initiatives to address regional human rights problems with the construction of normative frameworks, FORUM-ASIA seeks to influence the policies of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the only Asian intergovernmental body that has so far shown commitment toward creating a human rights instrument. This thesis demonstrates that both NGOs contribute to the shaping of Asian conceptions of human rights and to the creation of a regional human rights mechanism. Such regional activism of NGOs has significance, on the one hand, for the improvement of the human rights situation at the grassroots, and on the other hand, in constructing new norms, policies and institutional frames that can become integral part of a future human rights system in Asia. It is argued that NGO activism gives rise to new norms or re-interprets existing norms that become part of a distinctive Asian human rights discourse.
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Ramirez, Allison Marie. "Human rights strategies in the context of changing political opportunity structures : the case of two transnational networks in El Salvador". Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2012-05-5569.
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This report explores the evolution of advocacy strategies amongst human rights organizations in El Salvador over the past two decades, focusing in particular on domestic activists’ perceived need to use transnational venues for activism in order to achieve positive domestic results. The Salvadoran political transition in 2009 is used to examine how changing political opportunity structures at the domestic level affect human rights organizations’ transnational strategies. Extensive in-country fieldwork in 2011 involved eighteen in-depth interviews with activists, academics, and government officials, four months of participant observation with one of the human rights organizations of interest, and primary document content analysis. The results of this research allow for two human rights networks to be considered: the historical human rights movement seeking justice and reparations for human rights violations committed during the Salvadoran civil war, and the contemporary migrants’ rights movement seeking both protection and reparations for Salvadoran migrants and their families. The findings suggest that despite significant openness at the domestic level, activists perceive transnational strategies as an important complement to domestic strategies that allow them to achieve positive concrete change and protect against future reversals in policy.text
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"Multiple Discourses: The Mobilization of Trauma Narratives within Burma's Transnational Advocacy Network". Master's thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2286/R.I.8959.
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abstract: Since the 1988 uprising, a transnational advocacy network has formed around the issue of democracy and human rights in Burma. Within this transnational advocacy network, personal narratives of trauma have been promulgated in both international and oppositional news media and human rights reports. My thesis critically analyzes the use of the trauma narrative for advocacy purposes by the transnational advocacy network that has emerged around Burma and reveals the degree to which these narratives adhere to a Western, individualistic meta-narrative focused on political and civil liberties. Examining the "boomerang" pattern and the concept of marketability of movements, I highlight the characteristics of the 1988 uprising and subsequent opposition movement that attracted international interest. Reflecting on the psychological aspects of constructing trauma narratives, I then review the scholarship which links trauma narratives to social and human rights movements. Using a Foucauldian approach to discourse analysis, I subsequently explain my methodology in analyzing the personal narratives I have chosen. Beyond a theoretical discussion of trauma narratives and transnational advocacy networks, I analyze the use of personal narratives of activists involved in the 1988 uprising and the emergence of Aung San Suu Kyi's life story as a compelling narrative for Western audiences. I then explore the structure of human rights reports which situate personal narratives of trauma within the framework of international human rights law. I note the differences in the construction of traumatic narratives of agency and those of victimization. Finally, using Cyclone Nargis as a case study, I uncover the discursive divide between human rights and humanitarian actors and their use of personal narratives to support different discursive constructions of the aid effort in the aftermath of the cyclone. I conclude with an appeal to a more reflexive approach to advocacy work reliant on trauma narratives and highlight feminist methodologies that have been successful in bringing marginalized narratives to the center of human rights discussions.Dissertation/Thesis
M.A. Social Justice and Human Rights 2011
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Busia, Nana K. A. "The state, non-state actors and violation of economic, social and cultural rights : making the case for paradigm shift in human rights advocacy and protection in Africa". Diss., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/3602.
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For many sets of reasons, including the unequal power relationship between them and most underdeveloped states, and probably more in Africa than anywhere else in the world, non-state actors (NSAs) like states are involved in the violation of human rights. With the phenomenon of globalization, their role has become even more pronounced with some of the traditional functions of the state being performed by them, with implications for human rights, especially socioeconomic rights. Unfortunately, state-centred traditional international law has proved to be ill-equipped to hold NSAs directly accountable and liable for their violations of human rights. NSAs are only expected to adhere to non-binding voluntary standards, such as codes of conduct. Yet, if properly interpreted and enforced, the African Charter for Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR) can be relied upon to hold them accountable.
Against this backdrop, the study interrogates the existing universal and regional human rights laws and systems with the view to identifying any rules, principles, case law or literature that can help hold NSAs directly accountable for human rights violations. For better advocacy and protection of human rights on the African continent, it makes a case for a paradigm shift away from a state centred to a holistic approach that would include NSAs and ensure that they are also bound to protect human rights and become accountable for their violations.Private Law
LL.M.
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Oliveira, Natalia Carrusca Alvim de. "A sociedade civil e o comércio externo da União Europeia: Promovendo o diálogo político, os direitos humanos e o ativismo em rede". Master's thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/89909.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais - Estudos da Paz, Segurança e Desenvolvimento apresentada à Faculdade de EconomiaO presente trabalho busca compreender como organizações da sociedade civil (OSCs) atuam na política comercial da União Europeia (UE), partindo de reflexões das literaturas construtivista, gramsciana e transnacionalista sobre a atuação política da sociedade civil (SC) e sobre a importância de elementos como valores, normas e “visões de mundo” na política internacional. Discutem-se a participação da SC na política comercial da UE e seu nexo com os direitos humanos (DH). Com base no quadro de análise de Keck e Sikkink sobre o ativismo transnacional, analisa-se o caso da “GSP Reform Platform” como exemplo do ativismo da SC no comércio externo da UE. Esta rede transnacional resulta da articulação entre um conjunto diverso de OSCs. Ela reivindica, por meio de práticas coordenadas de “advocacy”, mecanismos mais efetivos de direitos humanos no Sistema de Preferências Generalizadas (SPG) da UE, além de espaços institucionais mais amplos e substanciais de diálogo entre a Comissão Europeia (CE) e OSCs sobre a estrutura e o monitoramento deste instrumento comercial. As discussões são enriquecidas pela combinação entre referências teóricas variadas, informações extraídas de documentos de OSCs e de instituições europeias e de dados obtidos por meio de entrevistas não-estruturadas com representantes de OSCs e um oficial da UE. A análise sugere, corroborando o argumento inicial, que a atuação de OSCs na política comercial da UE, marcada pela articulação para além de fronteiras nacionais, é orientada essencialmente por reivindicações de diálogo político e da proteção e promoção dos DH. Uma das principais observações extraídas das reflexões do trabalho diz respeito à relevância estratégica da comunicação para o ativismo da SC, assim como da “articulação em rede” para que práticas de advocacy se tornem mais estruturadas, coerentes e robustas.
This dissertation aims to understand the way in which civil society organisations engage with the European Union’s trade policy, building on reflections of the Constructivist, Gramscian and Transnationalist literatures on the subject of civil society’s political action and on the importance of elements such as values, norms and “world views” in the realm of international politics. Civil society's involvement in the European Union’s trade policy, as well as the latter’s nexus with the principles of human rights, are discussed. Furthermore, based on Keck and Sikkink's framework of analysis on transnational activism, the case of the “GSP Reform Platform” is analysed as an example of civil society activism in the European Union’s external trade. This transnational network results from the articulation between a diverse group of civil society organizations. It claims, through coordinated practices of “advocacy”, stronger human rights mechanisms in the European Union’s Generalized System of Preferences, and wider and more substantial spaces of dialogue between the European Commission and civil society organisations on the structure and the monitoring of this trade instrument. The discussions are enriched through the combination between the diverse theoretical references, information extracted from documents from civil society organisations and the European institutions, and additional data obtained through unstructured interviews with two representatives of civil society organisations and one official of the European Union. The analysis suggests, supporting the initial argument, that the role of civil society organisations in the European Union’s trade, marked by articulations across and beyond national borders, is essentially driven by demands for political dialogue and for the protection and promotion of human rights. One of the key observations drawn from the work's reflections concerns the strategic relevance of communication to civil society activism, as well as of “network articulations” in making advocacy practices more structured, coherent and robust.
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Kalmbach, Amy Booth. "Mind the gaps : studying the absence of indigenous policies in major INGOs". 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/22692.
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Indigenous peoples are garnering more focus on the world stage, and as such it is critical to understand their role in development. Indigenous peoples are especially impoverished, and often face institutionalized discrimination by their governments and other forces. This repression, limited access to services, and resource predation endanger indigenous peoples’ lives and livelihoods. I attempted to identify indigenous peoples’ policies in seven major development international non-governmental organizations, and after finding none upon document research and staff interviews, propose theories for why this could be the case. I compare international non-governmental organizations’ lack of policies to the presence of policies in international organizations. The difference between these two types of organizations formed the base of my theories, which were based primarily around the organizational structure and the different types of pressure and expectations that they face. I argue, though, that international non-governmental organizations should have indigenous peoples’ policies for several reasons including the improvement seen in international organizations’ treatment of indigenous peoples and the importance of accountability and transparency in the development process. The Report finishes by suggesting avenues to test the theories proposed, and plans for indigenous advocates.text
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Tapfuma, Maria. "A critical analysis of President Thabo Mbeki's approach to resolving the 2008 disputed election results in Zimbabwe". Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/23299.
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Evaluating the effectiveness of Thabo Mbeki’s political mediation in the Zimbabwean
conflict of 2008, following a disputed election outcome, is the principal objective of this
study. The Ripeness Theory of mediation and conflict resolution that was proposed by
William Zartman and developed by other scholars is deployed as the theoretical
framework of the study. The principal measure of the effectiveness of mediation lies in its
success in resolving conflict in a sustainable manner. There is consensus in conflict
resolution scholarship that the post-cold war era has witnessed a marked shift of conflicts
from the inter-state scene to the intra-state domain, such as the one in Zimbabwe, 2008.
This shift has brought with it increasing attention to issues of human security, human
rights and democratisation in mediation and conflict resolution. As a result, a compelling
need for the effective resolution of such conflicts, and guarantee of the enforcement of
human rights, security and promotion of democratisation as part of mediation, has arisen.
There is also a general acceptance, amongst scholars, that the success of mediation
goes beyond the signing of mediated agreements as often case conflict has re-ignited
after the signing of peace agreements. For that reason, the argument that mediation is
counter-productive as it often puts a lid on the can of conflict without resolving the
underlying conflict issues has achieved currency. There is therefore a general
convergence of views in mediation literature that addressing the structural causes of
disputes guarantees the sustainable resolution of conflict. It is in the context of these
developments and views in international relations and politics that this study evaluates,
using the Ripeness Theory, its limits noted, the effectiveness of Thabo Mbeki’s mediation
in Zimbabwe, and the argument is advanced that often case mediated agreements are
not effective mechanisms for the sustainable resolution of conflict and the achievement
of democratisation and durable peace. Civil society groups need to be involved to expand
the scope of negotiations and limit effects of mediator partiality.Political Sciences
M.A. (International Politics)
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Le, Roux Cheryl Sheila. "The evolution and educational implications of the children's rights movement : a study in time perspective". Diss., 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17182.
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The dissertation traces events that contributed towards a climate where the status of
children changed from property to that of person status with the concomitant recognition
of children's rights. Social conditions in England, America and France from late
preindustrial times to the early twentieth century were investigated. The United Nations'
role in establishing children rights documentation and an evaluation of these d~μrpents
in terms of the educational implications thereof were described and discussed. The African
perspective towards international children's rights documents events was outlined while the
attempts of Africa to address the unique needs of the African child were detailed. In the light
of the changing social orientation in the Republic of South Africa, children's rights advocacy
in South Africa was reviewed. Criteria for evaluati-ng documents addressing the needs of children were proposed and based on the findings of the study, recommendations regarding
the direction of children's rights advocacy were advanced.M. Ed. (History of Education)