Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Howard Government

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Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Howard Government”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021

Data aktualizacji: 20 lutego 2023

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Howard Government"

Fatmawati, Fatmawati, i Tarunasena Ma'moer. "DINAMIKA HUBUNGAN BILATERAL AUSTRALIAINDONESIA PADA MASA PERDANA MENTERI JOHN HOWARD TAHUN 1996-2007". FACTUM: Jurnal Sejarah dan Pendidikan Sejarah 7, nr 2 (1.10.2018): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/factum.v7i2.15602.

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Prime Minister John Howard’s behaviour often considered conservative and “Anti- Asian”, no exception to Indonesia. John Howard viewed Indonesia did not have a strategic position for Australia’s national interests. This study answered the question on “how did the dynamic of Australia-Indonesia bilateral relations at Prime Minister John Howard’s era in 1996-2007?”. At his administration, John Howard issued numbers of policy towards Indonesia, which are the policy related to East Timor issue, counterterrorism cooperation, the policy of Pacific Solution, assistance for tsunami disaster in Aceh that happened in 2004. These policies apparently made impacts to Australia- Indonesia bilateral relations. During eleven years administration of Prime Minister John Howard, the bilateral relations between Australia-Indonesia has experienced its dynamics of ebb and flow. These dynamics primarily caused by policies that Prime Minister John Howard issued, which gave more benefit to the Australian Government and created imbalance relations between two countries. Therefore, it became more interesting to be discussed for further study regarding which policies that gave more benefit for the Australian Government and in a contrary gave less benefit to Indonesian Government, thus the position of two countries became an imbalance in bilateral relations context. This research is expected to be a reference for other researchers who will examine the bilateral relations between Australia-Indonesia in John Howard’s era because there are still many aspects between the two countries relations that have not been elaborated by the researcher, namely economic, education and socio-cultural.

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McKay, Fiona H., Lucy Hall i Kehla Lippi. "Compassionate Deterrence: A Howard Government Legacy". Politics & Policy 45, nr 2 (kwiecień 2017): 169–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12198.

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Betts, Katharine. "IMMIGRATION POLICY UNDER THE HOWARD GOVERNMENT". Australian Journal of Social Issues 38, nr 2 (maj 2003): 169–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1839-4655.2003.tb01141.x.

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Wear, Rae. "Permanent Populism: The Howard Government 1996–2007". Australian Journal of Political Science 43, nr 4 (grudzień 2008): 617–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140802429247.

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Lewis, Chris. "Did the Howard Government Undermine Australian Democracy?" Australian Journal of Political Science 44, nr 4 (grudzień 2009): 713–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140903296602.

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Mackinnon, Bruce Hearn. "Employer Matters in 2007". Journal of Industrial Relations 50, nr 3 (czerwiec 2008): 463–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608090000.

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The year 2007 may well be remembered as one being short on major industrial disputation, yet one where industrial relations itself dominated public discussion and political life of the country like no other time in Australia's history. It was a year dominated by the electoral cycle, with both organized labour as well as major employers playing their cards very carefully, lest they provide political ammunition to their political and industrial opponents. Thanks largely to the effectiveness of the union movement's anti Work Choices campaign, major employer groups and their political allies the Howard government found themselves fighting a rearguard, and ultimately losing, battle, valiantly trying to defend the Work Choices regime. At year's end, the Liberal government had lost office, Prime Minister John Howard had lost his own seat in Parliament, and the Rudd Labor Government had been swept to power with a clear mandate to dismantle the Work Choices regime. Yet despite this conclusion to a year dominated by debate over industrial relations, it seems that employers had nevertheless lobbied Labor party leaders successfully enough to secure the continuation of many key components of the former Howard government's industrial relations regime.

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Sutherland, Carolyn, i Joellen Riley. "Industrial Legislation in 2007". Journal of Industrial Relations 50, nr 3 (czerwiec 2008): 417–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185608089997.

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The Howard government's draconian Work Choices laws will soon be history. A change of government at the 2007 federal election means that Australian industrial relations legislation will continue to be a turbulent field, for some time yet. This review provides an account of the last piece of industrial legislation passed by the Howard government, to introduce a `Fairness Test' in an attempt to ameliorate public concern about the patent unfairness of some aspects of the Work Choices laws. The same Act made some changes to the way in which `prohibited content' is regulated in workplace agreements. We also provide a brief summary of some of the more significant State manoeuvres in what remains to them of the field of industrial relations law.

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Warhurst, John. "The Howard Decade in Australian Government and Politics". Australian Journal of Political Science 42, nr 2 (czerwiec 2007): 189–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361140701319978.

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O'Regan, Tom, i Mark David Ryan. "From Multimedia to Digital Content and Applications: Remaking Policy for the Digital Content Industries". Media International Australia 112, nr 1 (sierpień 2004): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0411200105.

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This article analyses the two policy moments of digital content industries policy development of the Keating (1992–96) and Howard (2001–04) governments. In bringing these two moments into dialogue, our aim is to illuminate and evaluate the broader policy frameworks, and the political and policy contexts, which gave rise to and subsequently shaped these different digital content strategies. The Keating government connected culture and services to harness multimedia as a vehicle for cultural expression and as a new economically viable growth industry suited to a convergent information age. The Howard government's innovation agenda has reconstructed industry development priorities for the digital content industries, influencing their conception as inputs and enablers for both the ICT and broader industries in an information economy framework. The article concludes with an evaluation of the assumptions and priorities, shortcomings and advantages of these two quite different approaches to developing digital content industries.

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Gunstone, Andrew. "Indigenous Rights and the 1991-2000 Australian Reconciliation Process". Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 1, nr 3 (24.09.2009): 35–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v1i3.1141.

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The formal reconciliation process in Australia was conducted between 1991 and 2000 and aimed to reconcile Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples by 2001. In this paper, I detail the failure of both this reconciliation process and governments, in particular the Howard Government, to recognise Indigenous rights, such as sovereignty, a treaty, self-determination and land rights.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Howard Government"

Tiernan, Anne-Maree. "Ministerial Staff Under the Howard Government: Problem, Solution or Black Hole?" Thesis, Griffith University, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367746.

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This thesis traces the development of the ministerial staffing system in Australian Commonwealth government from 1972 to the present. It explores four aspects of its contemporary operations that are potentially problematic. These are: the accountability of ministerial staff, their conduct and behaviour, the adequacy of current arrangements for managing and controlling the staff, and their fit within a Westminster-style political system. In the thirty years since its formal introduction by the Whitlam government, the ministerial staffing system has evolved to become a powerful new political institution within the Australian core executive. Its growing importance is reflected in the significant growth in ministerial staff numbers, in their increasing seniority and status, and in the progressive expansion of their role and influence. There is now broad acceptance that ministerial staff play necessary and legitimate roles, assisting overloaded ministers to cope with the unrelenting demands of their jobs. However, recent controversies involving ministerial staff indicate that concerns persist about their accountability, about their role and conduct, and about their impact on the system of advice and support to ministers and prime ministers. The contemporary ministerial staffing system is an organisation of considerable complexity and diversity. This study profiles its key features and elements, with a focus on the governance framework within which ministerial staff work. Analysis of staffing arrangements under the Whitlam, Fraser, Hawke and Keating governments shows that all governments have built on the innovations of their predecessors, developing arrangements that reflect their own needs and preferences. But, as this thesis demonstrates, governance arrangements to regulate and control ministerial staff have not evolved as quickly as structures to help and support ministers. Two case studies from the later years of the Keating government demonstrate that problems always inherent to the ministerial staffing system became increasingly evident as public sector reforms challenged the role of the public service, and boundaries between the respective roles and responsibilities of ministerial staff and public servants became blurred. As ministerial offices became larger and there were greater demands on ministers, questions arose about their capacity to manage and supervise their ministerial staff. There has been no scholarly analysis of ministerial staffing arrangements under the Howard government. This thesis contributes original data and analysis documenting the further evolution of the ministerial staffing system during the period 1996 to 2004. This shows the trend towards large, active and interventionist ministerial staffing arrangements has continued under the Howard government. The ministerial staffing system has evolved in ways that reinforce the power of the Prime Minister. Ministerial staff are a key means by which public service responsiveness is achieved. They reach deep into the operations of the bureaucracy in their quest for information and advice. Although it has enhanced employment arrangements for ministerial staff, the Howard government has done little to strengthen the governance framework within which they operate. In the absence of a clear framework, confusion has arisen about the demarcation of roles between ministerial staff and public servants. Two cases, the 1997 Travel Rorts affair and the 2001 Children Overboard controversy, provide a dynamic account of the contemporary ministerial staffing system in operation. They also provide an empirical basis for assessing the adequacy of the current governance framework for ministerial staff. This thesis concludes that the actions of the Howard government in handling controversies involving ministerial staff have undermined the already weak governance framework regulating and controlling them. Over time, and especially in the past decade, the ministerial staffing system has broken out of the framework on which its development was premised. In a constitutional and managerial sense, the contemporary staffing system is ‘out of control’. This thesis identifies important parallels between the problems with ministerial staff that are being experienced in Australian and other Westminster systems, and those that have characterised the White House staff. The US experience offers a useful way of understanding the endemic problems of political staffing, and highlights potential trajectories along which the Australian system might develop if left unchecked. Finally, the thesis considers proposals for reforming the ministerial staffing system, and assesses the prospects of such proposals being adopted by current and future Australian governments.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Department of Politics and Public Policy
Griffith Business School
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Muncey, Lynette Marcia. "Family policy and the Howard government 1996-2002 : the "illusion of choice" /". Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm9634.pdf.

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Ester, Helen. "The Media and John Howard P.M.: The Canberra Press Gallery 1996-2007". Thesis, Griffith University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367561.

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This thesis examines the impact of the Howard government’s media management strategies on the Federal Parliamentary Press Gallery (FPPG) and its capacity to fulfil the quasi-institutional fourth estate role of independent over-sight of the parliament and the executive government. Although the relationship between politician and journalist in any parliamentary democracy is neither easy nor harmonious, tenets of open governance demand that, at the very least, this relationship is functional. The evidence in this thesis shows that this functionality was tested to its limits under the Howard government. Chapter 1 begins with the development of questions about the Howard government’s media strategies, their impact on the Canberra fourth estate and the role of more intense government media management, new technologies and the co-location of executive government and press gallery in Parliament House. Answers are sought with multi-method research including historical research, documentary analysis, case studies and elite interview techniques*. Twenty-five journalists from the FPPG’s thirty-three mainstream bureaus participated in interviews and their willingness to answer open-ended questions ‘on the record’ added valuable empirical data. Chapter 1 concludes with a comprehensive review of relevant literature and a brief survey of the further chapters. Chapter 2 is an historical analysis that explores key continuities and changes in executive-media relations across a number of Australian federal governments located in Canberra since parliament opened there in 1927 in order to identify the drivers or levers on hand when the Howard government took office in 1996. Particular attention is paid to strategies used under the Curtin, Menzies, Whitlam, Fraser, Hawke and Keating governments. Chapters 3-5 examine issues raised by government-FPPG relations during the Howard years. ‘The Interface’ (Chapter 3) deals with the effect of increasing numbers of ministerial media staff and closer control of face-to-face fora such as interviews, press conferences and background briefings. ‘Spinning along the Information Highway’ (Chapter 4) explores the reduction in access to political news by gallery journalists because new digital media technologies increase government control of the flow of political information, particularly by the deployment of sophisticated modern surveillance techniques. ‘News values in the New Parliament House’ (Chapter 5) examines changes in conventions arising from the new building’s architecture that facilitated the implementation of policies designed to maximise executive control of political news. Chapter 6 provides case studies of key moments in the interaction between the government and the gallery that demonstrate the executive’s powerful capacity to manipulate a relationship based only on convention and goodwill. The first study concerns the 2003 visit of US President Bush and the unprecedented way the Australian executive overrode longstanding conventions in relation to the FPPG and the parliament. The second concerns former Treasurer Peter Costello and the ‘Dinnergate’ episode that kept public information off the record for years. This thesis adds a fresh Australian perspective to international political communication scholarship by filling a gap in this literature where the self-reflexive views and experiences of political journalists working at the interface between the public and government have been overlooked. This study reveals the extent to which the Howard government used the executive’s latent power over media relations to maximise control over flows of information, and how its misuse can work to the detriment of parliament as well as political journalism. This thesis concludes that the Howard years bound and constrained Australian political communication because an increasingly dominant government executive successfully exploited the Canberra fourth estate’s poorly defined role and status. Whilst this study also confirms the need for reform in government-media relations, it is equally clear that it would be politically naïve to expect any government (or opposition) to develop the political will to tamper with conventions demonstrably weighted in the executive’s favour. However, the unpalatable media management regime of the Howard years also triggered an historic coalition of commercial and public media which conducted an independent audit of free speech in Australia (Moss 2007), and called for more explicit, legislative recognition of ‘Australia’s Right to Know’. This study argues that this presents a significant opportunity as any change for the better would not only need the pro-active goodwill of parliamentarians outside the citadels of party-executives, but also the media’s reassessment of the manner in which they resource Canberra political journalism. This thesis concludes that apart from issues relating to an imbalance of coverage in favour of the executive and away from the parliament, there are other weighty matters relating to the status of the FPPG worthy of the media’s further consideration—such as the status of media bureaus within parliament house (now that of ‘licensees’), and the fact not only is there no constitutional basis for the ‘right to know’ in Australia but there are few if any, applicable conventions in ‘either British constitutional precepts or Australian news media practice’ (Lloyd 2001, p.1).
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Griffith Business School
Griffith Business School
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Lourigan, Shawn Daniel. "News Limited and the Construction of Howard Government Discourse about Muslims in Australia 2001-2007". Thesis, Griffith University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365742.

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The 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre can be justifiably viewed as a turning point in relations between the Islamic world and the West, foregrounding a dominant pejorative representation of Muslims and Islam that continues unabated. The aim of this thesis is to explore media representations of Howard Government discourse about Muslims in Australia from 2001 to 2007. The research examined three prominent and highly popularised cases relating to Islam and Muslims, namely comments made in 2006 by the ex-Grand Mufti of Australian Muslims, Sheik Hilali; the arrest and detention in 2007 of Doctor Mohamed Haneef; and the discourse surrounding the traditional female Muslim garment known as the hijab. This thesis examines the language used by the government and by News Limited print media when referring to Muslims and Islam from 2001 to 2007, to ascertain whether there was a marked increase in the use of terms that could be classified as being negative or perpetuating stereotypes. I used a combined qualitative/quantitative methodology to examine both the collated newspaper articles and political documents.
Thesis (Masters)
Master of Philosophy (MPhil)
School of Humanities, Languages and Social Science
Arts, Education and Law
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Rogalla, Barbara, i com au BarbRog@iprimus. "Framed by Legal Rationalism: Refugees and the Howard Government's Selective Use of Legal Rationality; 1999-2003". RMIT University. Global Studies, Social Science and Planning, 2007. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20080122.100946.

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This thesis investigated the power of framing practices in the context of Australian refugee policies between 1999 and 2003. The analysis identified legal rationalism as an ideological projection by which the Howard government justified its refugee policies to the electorate. That is, legal rationalism manifested itself as an overriding concern with the rules and procedures of the law, without necessarily having concern for consistency or continuity. In its first form, legal rationalism emerged as a

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Schooneveldt, Simon P. "Do the lived experiences of people who have been breached by Centrelink match the expectation and intent of the Howard Government?" Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2002. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/85/1/schooneveldtThesis.PDF.

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In the past three years, the number of breach penalties applied by Centrelink to welfare recipients have more than trebled, with some 349,000 incidences reported for the 2000-2001 year. This Masters Degree research study examines the lived experience of some individuals who have been breached by Centrelink, to ascertain whether their lived experiences accord with the stated policy expectations and intent of the Howard Government. Government policy statements are identified from the literature, as are a range of alternative viewpoints and critiques offered by commentators. A qualitative research survey instrument was developed. Survey data was collected from people passing on the footpath outside three Brisbane Centrelink offices. Fifty-six individuals who stated they had been breached at least once responded. The results of primary and secondary analysis of the collected data is presented in the findings, followed by discussion as to how the lived experiences of the unemployed respondents matched Government expectation and intent

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Ostrowski, Romuald, i n/a. "Outsourcing the human resource development function in the Australian Public Service". University of Canberra. Professional & Community Education, 1999. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20060823.170859.

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The Howard Government has made public its agenda to significantly reform the Australian Public Service (APS). It has presented its vision for a highly efficient APS which is globally competitive by being customer focused, and by benchmarking best practice in organisation management. Outsourcing of a range of internal functions is but one of the strategies Commonwealth agency Chief Executive Officers are applying or considering to apply in achieving the Government's vision for a reformed APS. When examining functions to be outsourced within Commonwealth agencies it seems that many senior managers see benefits in outsourcing a range of corporate support functions. Such support functions, which are considered as potentially being undertaken by private sector vendors, generally include property management, financial management, payroll services, records management, human resource management (HRM) and human resource development (HRD). In view of the varying impacts different functions have on an organisation it would be rational to consider the implications of outsourcing each function separately. All functions are complex and have their own specific impacts on the organisation. In its own right HRD has a significant impact on an organisation in that it develops and trains employees, initiates and delivers a range of interventions to improve performance and brings about a desired corporate culture. The idea of outsourcing the HRD function presents an interesting topic for study. Recent APS reforms, which include outsourcing strategies, provide an opportunity to examine the practice of outsourcing the HRD function within selected Commonwealth agencies. Outsourcing the HRD function, within the Commonwealth context, raises two basic questions: · What factors need to be considered before deciding to outsource (or not outsource) the HRD function? · What factors do managers within selected Commonwealth agencies consider before arriving at a decision to outsource the HRD function? In essence this study seeks to review how HRD and outsourcing generally apply to the APS. It also critically examines the outsourcing of the HRD function in certain Commonwealth agencies, and the implication this could have for ongoing people and organisation development.

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Todhunter, Liz. "Arbitration in Constraint: The Role of the Australian Industrial Relations Commission in the Award Simplification Test Case". Thesis, Griffith University, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/366120.

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This study examines the role of the Australian Industrial relations Commission (AIRC) in conducting the Award Simplification Test Case. This case required the AIRC to make a determination of section 89A – Allowable Award Matters – of the Workplace Relations Act 1996, the federal industrial relations legislation of the newly elected Howard government. Before this time, the AIRC had conciliated and arbitrated industrial disputes to produce federal awards containing a comprehensive array of employment conditions and rates of pay. Section 89A restricted the capacity of the AIRC to a specified range of only 20 matters that the federal government, through the legislation, would ‘allow’ the AIRC to include. Throughout 1997, the AIRC conducted the Award Simplification Test Case based on an employer application to vary the Hospitality Industry – Accommodation, Hotels, Resorts and Gaming Award 1998 (the Hospitality Award) to establish the benchmark not only for all future awards but for ‘simplifying’ all existing awards. I argue that the Howard government used this legislation as a vital first step in reregulating the regulation of the Australian industrial relations system, a meta-regulatory approach since the federal government could not under the conciliation and arbitration power of the Constitution regulate employment relations directly. My analytical framework incorporates Mitchell and Rimmer’s (1990) two-tiered model of Australia’s arbitration system, and Hancher and Moran’s (1989) concept of ‘regulatory space’ to demonstrate how the Howard government’s legislation put the AIRC, awards and the arbitration system in constraint. My analysis of the test case proceedings explains how the Howard government used this legislation not just to resume a substantial part of the AIRC’s regulatory power, but also to begin embedding regulatory principles consistent with this government’s political philosophy, a very different philosophy to the AIRC’s tradition and constitutional mandate. The Award Simplification Test Case was therefore an arena of conflict over regulatory principles – by whom, for whom and to what end. Here the intrinsic ‘disputed matter’ was the regulators’ exercise of regulatory power – the AIRC and a federal government – to reregulate the industrial relations system through their regulatory instruments, awards and legislation respectively. I explain why the AIRC did not treat the case as an administrative matter as the Howard government demanded, and arbitrated this case as it had always done. The AIRC’s legal status bound it to make awards in settlement of interstate industrial disputes. Thus the AIRC had to conduct the Test Case according to its principles of fairness, equity and the public interest despite the legislation’s aim to predetermine the outcome of the dispute. Through the legislation the Howard government expressly sought to embed new regulatory principles to remove union rights of entry and representation from awards and most importantly to reduce the scope of the AIRC’s powers.
Thesis (Professional Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Department Of Industrial Relations
Faculty of Business
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Hammersley-Mather, Rachel Rose. "Humanitarianism or self-serving hypocrisy? : the provision of aid to South Africa under the Hawke-Keating and Howard governments". Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2010. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/40742/1/Rachel_Hammersley-Mather_Thesis.pdf.

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General perceptions of foreign aid commonly engender images of humanitarianism and altruism, whereby the humanitarian needs of the recipient of development assistance are of the utmost priority of the aid donor. However, the Australian governments led by Hawke, Keating and Howard often gave humanitarianism a low emphasis, frequently placing Australia’s own foreign policy and economic concerns at the forefront of aid allocation – often unashamedly. This self-interest met through aid meant that most was provided to Australia’s regional neighbourhood, neglecting some of the poorest, most struggling states, including South Africa. Other issues and events, including the Cold War, apartheid, terrorism and HIV/AIDS also affected Australia’s aid policy; mostly, they were used as excuses to limit aid to states like South Africa.

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Morgan, Kirsty Kate. "The legalisation and regulation of online gambling in South Africa". University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6092.

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Książki na temat "Howard Government"

A Howard government?: Inside the coalition. Pymble, NSW, Australia: HarperCollins Publishers, 1995.

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1940-, Billings Warren M., red. The papers of Francis Howard, Baron Howard of Effingham, 1643-1695. Richmond, Va: Virginia State Library and Archives, 1989.

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Zinn, Howard. Howard Zinn on history. Wyd. 2. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2011.

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The William Howard Taft presidency. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2009.

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Australia and human rights: Situating the Howard government. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Pub., 2010.

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Billings, Warren M. Virginia's viceroy: Their Majesties' Governor General, Francis Howard, Baron Howard of Effingham. Fairfax, Va: George Mason University Press, 1991.

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William Howard Taft: A bibliography. Westport: Meckler, 1989.

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Zinn, Howard. Howard Zinn on history. Wyd. 2. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2011.

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Zinn, Howard. Howard Zinn on history. Wyd. 2. New York: Seven Stories Press, 2011.

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Crick, Michael. In search of Michael Howard. London: Pocket Books, 2005.

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Części książek na temat "Howard Government"

Moran, Anthony. "Enduring in Practice if Not in Name?—Official Multiculturalism During and Beyond the Howard Government". W The Public Life of Australian Multiculturalism, 109–67. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-45126-8_4.

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Fitzsimmons, David. "The Howard Government's China Policy, 1996–2007". W Australia's Relations with China, 54–76. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003293095-3.

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"The Howard government". W Australia’s Foreign Aid Dilemma, 85–111. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, [2017] |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315523491-5.

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Sidney, Beatrice Webb i Bernard Shaw. "John Howard". W English Prisons Under Local Government, 32–37. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429024498-3.

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Sidney i Beatrice Webb. "John Howard". W English Prisons Under Local Government, 32–37. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429402289-3.

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"Reviewing the Review HOWARD DAVIS". W Local Government Reorganisation, 11–23. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315037998-6.

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"The Howard Government, Operation Safe Haven and Media Spin". W Generosity and Refugees: The Kosovars in Exile, 18–51. BRILL, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004344129_003.

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"Great Power Politics, Proliferation and Terrorism: The Howard Government (1996–2007)". W Australia's Nuclear Policy, 151–78. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315568386-10.

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Taylor, Andrew. "ICT and the Tourism Information Marketplace in Australia". W Information Communication Technologies, 2022–31. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-949-6.ch147.

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n November 2003, the Australian Government released the Tourism White Paper, a medium- to long-term strategy for the Australian tourism industry. The Paper provides for funding to improve the availability of high-quality information for the development of tourism in regional areas of Australia. More than $21 million, a historically large amount, has been identified for “…extending the provision of quality research and statistics” (Prime Minister John Howard, Media Release, November 20, 2003).

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Taylor, Andrew. "ICT and the Tourism Information Marketplace in Australia". W Encyclopedia of Developing Regional Communities with Information and Communication Technology, 360–66. IGI Global, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59140-575-7.ch063.

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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Howard Government"

Howard, Joanna. Vulnerability and Poverty During Covid-19: Religious Minorities in India. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), listopad 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2021.014.

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The Covid-19 pandemic has had direct and indirect effects on religiously marginalised groups, exacerbating existing inequities and undermining the ambitions of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to reach (and include) those ‘furthest behind’. Religious inequalities intersect with other inequalities to compound vulnerabilities, particularly the convergence of low socioeconomic status, gender inequality, and location-specific discrimination and insecurity, to shape how people are experiencing the pandemic. This policy briefing, written by Dr Joanna Howard (IDS) and a co-author (who must remain anonymous for reasons of personal security), draws on research with religious minorities living in urban slums in Tamil Nadu and Karnataka states in India. Findings show that religiously motivated discrimination reduced their access to employment and statutory services during the pandemic. Harassment and violence experienced by Muslims worsened; and loss of livelihoods, distress, and despair were also acutely experienced by dalit Hindus. Government response and protection towards lower caste and religious minorities has been insufficient.

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