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Bendix, William Claus. "One-party deliberations in the U.S. House of Representatives". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/43048.
Pełny tekst źródłaMcAndrews, John R. "Partisan responsiveness in the US House of Representatives, 1997-2005". Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/31594.
Pełny tekst źródłaArts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
Bolender, Andrew C. "Women's dynamic role in the United States House of Representatives". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/355.
Pełny tekst źródłaB.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
Toner, Brendan. "CONGRESS Y: How Party Leaders Manage The House Of Representatives". OpenSIUC, 2013. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/704.
Pełny tekst źródłaSmith, Zachary C. "From the Well of the House: remaking the House Republican party, 1978-1994". Thesis, Boston University, 2012. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/32065.
Pełny tekst źródłaPLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
From the Well of the House analyzes the remaking of the House Republican Party into an aggressive, partisan organization. It explores how a new generation of Representatives elected after 1978 transformed the GOP, instituting a style of congressional politics that favored confrontation, media spectacle, and personal scandal. Following key actors, including Newt Gingrich, Bob Walker, Vin Weber, and the Conservative Opportunity Society, this dissertation explores key events and illustrates how the House Republican Conference changed from passive acceptance of their minority status to pugnacious fighters for the majority. Throughout their careers Gingrich and his Congressional allies promoted a style of politics in the House, first as backbenchers then from leadership positions, which advocated conflict and attack. They showed that aggression was a winning strategy and other Congressmen followed their lead. By examining in depth events that led the House Republican Conference to adopt a more confrontational stance, including the formation of the Conservative Opportunity Society, the use ofC-SPAN as an effective political weapon, the House Bank scandal, and conflicts with Speakers Tip O'Neill and Jim Wright and Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton, this dissertation demonstrates that the 1994 Republican Revolution was the product of more than a decade of dedication and hard work. While numerous scholars have analyzed the rise ofthe New Right and the conservative ascendancy in American politics after the 1970s, From the Well of the House breaks new ground by exploring this shift in the arena of Congressional politics. In so doing, it both elucidates the deep background of the House Republican Party's successful efforts to become a majority and establishes the significance of Congress in the transformation of recent American politics.
2031-01-02
Semmler, Jörg. "Das Amt des Speaker of the House of Representatives im amerikanischen Regierungssystem /". Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2002. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sbb-berlin/345764048.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaLudlam, Daniel. "The Expansion of the California State Legislature and U.S. House of Representatives". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1872.
Pełny tekst źródłaFox, Marion Blakely. "Minority differences in congressional representation : evidence from the U.S. House of Representatives /". Digital version accessible at:, 2000. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
Pełny tekst źródłaHasecke, Edward Brooke. "Balancing the Legislative Agenda: Scheduling in the United States House of Representatives". Connect to this title online, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1031248502.
Pełny tekst źródłaTitle from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 169 p.: ill. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: John Wright, Dept. of Political Science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-169).
Rai, Shikha. "An examination of the committee decision-making process in the House of Representatives". Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1985. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.
Pełny tekst źródłaGrant, Joseph Tobin. "For a limited time only : sessional lawmaking within the U.S. House of Representatives /". The Ohio State University, 2001. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1486398195325551.
Pełny tekst źródłaRocca, Michael Stephen. "On Washington time : the allocation of legislative time in the House of Representatives /". For electronic version search Digital dissertations database. Restricted to UC campuses. Access is free to UC campus dissertations, 2004. http://uclibs.org/PID/11984.
Pełny tekst źródłaBergestuen, Trond. "Insights into the Complex Relationship between Independent Manufacturers' Representatives and Their Principals". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2020. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1707323/.
Pełny tekst źródłaKnight, David M. "Veterans in Congress| The policy impact of veterans in the U.S. House of Representatives". Thesis, Georgetown University, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3629910.
Pełny tekst źródłaFor much of the Cold War period, a significant majority of legislators were veterans. These Americans provided a bridge between civilian and military leadership. Today, that bridge is disappearing. Scholars now provide warnings about a chasm developing between the military and civilian worlds. Will a Congress of nonveterans enact different, less, or worse defense policies than a Congress dominated by veterans? Will they be less active, or less likely to invest the necessary amount of time, energy, and staff in the oversight of the military? To discern the policy impact of electing veterans to Congress, I examine whether veterans in the 92d (1971-1973), 103d (1993-1995), and 112th (2011-2013) Congresses are more likely to support and advocate for defense policy than their nonveteran colleagues, once one accounts for ideological, district, and institutional influences.
Utilizing a specially created database, I investigate House members' commitment to defense policy through their activity in roll-call voting, bill sponsorship, bill cosponsorship, amending the National Defense Authorization Act, and their participation in committee hearings. By contrasting various forms of behavior throughout the legislative process and across multiple generations of veterans, as well as during times of war and peace, I demonstrate how behavioral differences among veterans and nonveterans affect the decision calculus concerning whether or not to pursue certain policy initiatives. Finally, instead of utilizing a dichotomous construct to distinguish between veterans and nonveterans, I differentiate among veterans based upon members' military service histories.
By carefully studying behavior throughout the legislative process, I demonstrate that even though veterans and nonveterans often vote a party line, politically significant social identities, like being a veteran, do influence the nature of proposals placed on the national agenda and the choices made about those proposals. However, the translation of preferences into policy is often mediated by the position of members within the institution, their relationship to their party caucus, and the member's level of military experience. Untangling the impact of military service on policy preferences and legislative choices allows us to consider the implications of the decline of veterans in Congress and sheds light on what the future might hold.
Hill, Tony L. "Redistricting and the U.S. House of Representatives : illuminating electoral bias with the Brookes Method". Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/59794.
Pełny tekst źródłaCataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 153-171).
This dissertation analyzes the effects of Congressional redistricting in the United States using the Brookes Method, developed by R.H. Brookes, a New Zealand political scientist. The Brookes Method disaggregates electoral bias into five separate components. My analysis shows that the party winning control of the House benefits from the most prevalent component of bias but that Democrats persistently benefit from the next most prevalent component. This means that Republicans can never win the House as effectively as Democrats can. The Brookes Method also informs electoral bias pertaining to racial gerrymandering. Using the Brookes Method to evaluate three states with a history of using extremes in race-based redistricting (Georgia, Louisiana, and North Carolina), my analysis reveals that these states have disaffected Democrats in redistricting more sharply than has the country as a whole. Using the Brookes Method to evaluate the small number of states using independent commissions to carry out Congressional redistricting, I find that electoral bias in these states is different from that found in states with legislative redistricting, and surprisingly, is often higher in commission states. This suggests that commissions are in some cases not truly independent and/or are merely fomenting a different kind of partisanship. I propose a new formulation (the Hill Ratio) of a familiar compactness standard, the area-perimeter measure. Thousands of House districts across time are analyzed under the measure and trends in compactness are noted. My analysis finds that districts in the U.S. have gotten considerably less compact since the early 20th century, while districts in Canada are still more compact than U.S. districts were even in the 1920s. Some of the states noted for their noncompact districts in the 2000s also had the least compact districts in the early 20th century. Finally, compactness is used as a factor in voter knowledge. My analysis finds that voters in non-compact districts are less likely to possess basic knowledge about their representatives and districts than voters in compact districts, while knowledge about statewide and national officeholders and party control is largely unaffected by the compactness of the congressional district. This is true when analyzed both at the aggregate and the individual level. These two measures of districting are harmonious with proportional representation ideals. The Brookes Method is an explicit comparison of majoritarian seat outputs with a proportional ideal. Compactness, in the words of Polsby & Popper, "tends to inhibit gerrymandering. By inhibiting gerrymandering, in turn, one abets proportional representation ... by empirical tendency."
by Tony L. Hill.
Ph.D.
Webb, Brian M. "Minority Party Strategy in the House of Representatives: Cross-Pressuring and the Motion to Recommit". Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/26.
Pełny tekst źródłaMason, John Lyman. "Majority party leadership in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1977-96 : sanction, inclusion, and protection /". Digital version accessible at:, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/main.
Pełny tekst źródłaMeinke, Scott R. "The dynamics of voting in the House of Representatives : change and stability in roll-call decisions". The Ohio State University, 2002. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1299067945.
Pełny tekst źródłaAltuglu, Murat. "Electoral Rules and Elite Recruitment: A Comparative Analysis of the Bundestag and the U.S. House of Representatives". FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1565.
Pełny tekst źródłaOliver, Mark J. "Social Networking and the Web Campaign: Observations from the 2010 Election for the U.S. House of Representatives". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/78071.
Pełny tekst źródłaMaster of Arts
O'Neal, Maura Patricia. "Systematic assistance? Differences in the coverage of male and female candidates for the United States House of Representatives". Connect to online resource, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1446111.
Pełny tekst źródłaPhillips, Stephen. "A cup of tea a study of the Tea Party Caucus in the United States House of Representatives". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/602.
Pełny tekst źródłaB.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
Scott, Ian S. "The rise of amateurs in the House of Representatives : a case study of the Californian delegation 1972-1992". Thesis, Keele University, 1995. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.297203.
Pełny tekst źródłaZinn, Sandy. "Integrating information skills into the curriculum: an action research investigation at an ex-House of Representatives high school". Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/1338.
Pełny tekst źródłaGibson, Lynne Marie. "Motivations for change in support for social policy bills in the United States House of Representatives; 1972-2002". College Park, Md.: University of Maryland, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1903/8563.
Pełny tekst źródłaThesis research directed by: Dept. of Government and Politics. Title from t.p. of PDF. Includes bibliographical references. Published by UMI Dissertation Services, Ann Arbor, Mich. Also available in paper.
Wallace, Kyle B. "Where the Action Is: An Analysis of Partisan Change in House of Representatives Open Seat Elections, 2000-2014". DigitalCommons@USU, 2015. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/4249.
Pełny tekst źródłaMattioli, Lauren. "The Committee Advantage: Legislative Effectiveness of New Committee Members". The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1308173823.
Pełny tekst źródłaWells, Callie R. "Uses of Social Media by Ohio House of Representatives and Ohio Senate Members as it Relates to Agricultural Policies". The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1337657142.
Pełny tekst źródłaBekafigo, Marija Anna. "Party leaders, committee chairs, and the ebb and flow of actions in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1949-1996". [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2009. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0024714.
Pełny tekst źródłaBlomén, Victoria. "Representing group interests : A study on the substantive representation of women and minority groups in the Jordanian House of Representatives". Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-328865.
Pełny tekst źródłaLewinstein, Jenna Floricel. "Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez: A Case Study of Social Media as an Agenda Setting Tool in the U.S. House of Representatives". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/scripps_theses/1336.
Pełny tekst źródłaRasiah, Parameswary. "Evasion in Australia's parliamentary question time : the case of the Iraq war". University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0208.
Pełny tekst źródłaMcEwen, Christopher. "Linear Modeling of Election Results for U.S. House of Representatives Candidates and State Executive Offices for Iowa, Minnesota, and North Dakota". Thesis, North Dakota State University, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/10365/31803.
Pełny tekst źródłaMano, Maíra Kubik Taveira 1982. "Legislar sobre "mulheres" : relações de poder na Câmara Federal". [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281208.
Pełny tekst źródłaTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Nessa tese, investigo a atuação da Bancada Feminina na Câmara dos Deputados na 54a Legislatura (2011-2014). Considero as parlamentares que a integram como sujeitos posicionados do mesmo lado da divisão sexual do trabalho e que se agrupam para fazer uma oposição sistemática à sua inferioridade hierárquica socialmente construída. São também, contudo, um coletivo heterogêneo. Dessa maneira, debruço-me sobre sua atuação para compreender suas convergências, divergências e limitações
Abstract: In this thesis, I investigate the activities of the "Bancada Feminina" of the House of Representatives in the 54th Legislature (from 2011 to 2014). I believe parliamentarian women are positioned on the same side of the sexual division of labor and that they formed this group to make a systematic opposition to its socially constructed hierarchical inferiority. They are, however, a heterogeneous collective. Therefore, I research their actions in order to understand their similarities and differences, as well as their limitations
Doutorado
Ciencias Sociais
Doutora em Ciências Sociais
Pender, J. W. (James William), i n/a. "Parliamentary administration in traditional Westminister [sic] parliaments : reflections on the role of procedure and management". University of Canberra. School of Management, 1990. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20041206.133427.
Pełny tekst źródłaMacdonald, David. "The President's Party at the Midterm: An Aggregate and Individual-Level Analysis of Seat Loss and Vote Choice in U.S. House Elections". Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5809.
Pełny tekst źródłaM.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; American and Comparative Politics
Hendricks, Mogamat Armien. "An investigation into the pre-service training of secondary school mathematics teachers at colleges of education administered by the House of Representatives". Thesis, Rhodes University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004591.
Pełny tekst źródłaFahnestock, Aidan S. "Taking Back America: The Republican Freshmen of the 104th & 112th Congresses". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/884.
Pełny tekst źródłaČerná, Veronika. "Vyzyvatel a jeho šance ve volbách do Sněmovny reprezentantů USA". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-85927.
Pełny tekst źródłaHayman, Christopher Charles Douglas School of Politics & International Relations UNSW. "The balance of power in Second World War Australia :the deliberative role of Coles and Wilson in the House of Representatives from 1940". Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Politics and International Relations, 2005. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/22446.
Pełny tekst źródłaBaguma, Abdallah. "Women parliamentarians in Rwanda : women representatives or representing women? : a study of the Chamber of Deputies, the Lower House of the Rwandan Parliament". Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2012. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=192280.
Pełny tekst źródłaMarenco, Camacho Ludwing Ferney 1990. "Brazilian House of Representatives analysis from network theory perspective = Análise da Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil usando a perspectiva da teoria de redes". [s.n.], 2017. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/322369.
Pełny tekst źródłaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Física Gleb Wataghin
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Resumo: Apresenta-se um novo método efetivo para analisar um sistema de Deputados usando o formalismo da teoria de redes. Construiu-se uma matriz com os resultados anuais da votação nominal da Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil desde 2007 até 2015. Através da medida do coeficiente de correlação entre os conjuntos anuais de votação nominal, calculou-se uma rede de Deputados. Encontrando a Árvore Geradora Mínima da rede de Deputados características generais do sistema podem visualiza-se. Especificamente, expõe-se a postura de concordância - oposição, as conexões individuais entre os Deputados, a fidelidade partidária e uma nova maneira de observar os projetos de lei aprovados ou rejeitados, assim como sua evolução no tempo. Devido ao bom comportamento de correlação observado entre os Deputados, prova-se que cinco ou seis partidos políticos são suficientes para capturar toda a diversidade política existente na Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil. Além disso, propõe-se que a distribuição de probabilidade dos valores de correlação da Câmara dos Deputados do Brasil é uma combinação de distribuições logísticas. Enuncia-se também, um novo método de ordenar matrizes de correlação baseado no resultado da Árvore Geradora Mínima
Abstract: A new effective method for analysing a Representatives¿ system from the network formalism is presented. A matrix with the annual results of roll - call vote of the Brazilian House of Representatives from 2007 to 2015 was constructed. By measuring the correlation coefficient between each pair of annual roll - call vote sets a Representatives¿ network was computed. For extracting the Minimal Spanning Tree of the Representatives' network general features of this system arises. Specifically, the concordance - opposition stance, the individual connections among Representatives, the partisan fidelity and a new way to identify the approved and disapproved draft bills, as well as, its time evolution are disclosed. A well-define correlation behaviour among Representatives is observed, in fact, we prove that five or six political parties are sufficient to encapsulate all political diversity in the Brazilian House of Representatives. In addition, we propose that the probability distribution of correlation values in the Brazilian House of Representatives is a combination of logistic distributions. Besides that, a new method for re-ordering correlation matrices based on the result of the Minimal Spanning Tree is enunciated
Mestrado
Física
Mestre em Física
1490097/2015
CAPES
Chen, Lu. "Negotiating tensions between Christian faith and Chinese national identity : theological representatives of the Three-Self Patriotic Movement and the Independent House Church Movement". Thesis, Oxford Centre for Mission Studies, 2018. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.732944.
Pełny tekst źródłaAssis, Erika Maria Bastos de. "A política polissêmica : Fazeres, Dizeres e silêncio nos programas Fale com o Deputado e Fale com a ouvidoria da Câmara Deputados". Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2011. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=4678.
Pełny tekst źródłaMoreira, Natália de Paula. "Are congresswomen more responsive to the public policy demands of female voters?" Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-09052016-114959/.
Pełny tekst źródłaEsta dissertação busca contribuir com a literatura estudando o impacto do sexo do deputado nas políticas públicas de saúde e segurança aprovadas no Congresso brasileiro, e se tais políticas estão alinhadas com as preferências dos eleitores. A literatura tem mostrado que mulheres enfrentam fortes barreiras para serem eleitas se comparado aos homens (Lawless 2015; Speck e Mancuso 2014) e elas também enfrentam um complexo e exigente jogo eleitoral quando concorrem à reeleição (Palmer e Simon 2010). Minha hipótese é de que deputadas precisam estabelecer sua credibilidade propondo políticas públicas em áreas masculinas, tal como segurança pública. Uma vez que a deputada tenha experiência política, como prefeita, deputada federal ou um outro cargo político, ela se arriscará fazendo política mais alinhada com as preferências das eleitoras. Utilizando dados de um survey nacional e de um survey com eleitores de baixa renda, eu analiso se as eleitoras e os eleitores brasileiros apresentam diferentes prioridades com relação a políticas de saúde e de segurança. Com esses resultados, eu posso predizer quais os efeitos a representação de homens e mulheres deveria ter sobre a escolha de políticas públicas de saúde e segurança. Então, eu analiso as diferenças nos tipos de emendas orçamentárias de saúde e de segurança que são propostas pelos deputados e deputadas. Finalmente, eu analiso o impacto do sexo do parlamentar condicional à experiência na política. Com estes resultados, eu comparo as preferências e prioridades de eleitores e eleitoras com as prioridades dos parlamentares e vejo se elas correspondem. Empregando regressão logística, a análise dos surveys mostra que eleitoras não apresentam diferentes preferências políticas que os eleitores. Além disso, os resultados da análise das emendas orçamentárias utilizando regressão linear sugere que (i) deputadas não priorizam política de saúde mais que seus colegas o fazem; e (ii) deputadas que são políticas profissionais alocam menos recursos para política de segurança do que fazem os deputados profissionais.
SOUZA, Williams Andrade de. "Administração, normatização e civilidade : a Câmara Municipal do Recife e o governo da cidade (1829-1849)". Universidade Federal Rural de Pernambuco, 2012. http://www.tede2.ufrpe.br:8080/tede2/handle/tede2/4810.
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In this work, we discuss the administration of the Recife's House of Representatives in 1829 and 1849. Through several documents (laws, bills, municipal postures, meeting minutes, news from newspapers, official letters) and different bibliographical sources, we point out here some of the attempts to settle norms and civility brought about by The House of Representatives' agents (Representatives, inspectors, etc.) in search of settling the so-called "the city good government". Thus , we describe certain marks of the municipality work, its internal organization, the search for efficiency and administrative rationalization, some of the government tactics and disciplinary practices of the public space in a civilizable context (although such practices were not fully carried out in everyday life, especially because of the customs, traditions and Recife inhabitant's resistances constituted hindrances to them. However we presumed that the administration under the models of the use of norms and civility were marks of the municipality action and so resulting in influences and importance beyond its governmental/administrative functions, even the political and cultural ones as we had presumed.
Este trabalho tem como proposta basilar versar sobre a câmara municipal do Recife e sua administração nos anos de 1829 a 1849. Através da leitura e análise de variados documentos – leis, editais, posturas municipais, atas de reuniões, artigos, noticias de jornais, ofícios e fontes bibliográficas diversas, apontamos aqui alguns indícios e sinais –, como sugere Carlo Ginzburg, das tentativas de normatização e civilidade impetradas pelos agentes camarários na busca por estabelecer o chamado “bom governo da cidade”. Assim, narramos certas marcas da atuação da municipalidade, a sua organização interna, a busca pela eficiência e racionalização administrativa, algumas das táticas de governo e práticas de disciplinamento do espaço público num contexto civilizacional. Ainda que tal expediente não se exercesse plenamente no cotidiano social, principalmente porque os costumes, as tradições e as resistências dos recifenses eram rastros e entraves a tais anseios das elites ali alocadas. Não obstante, entrevemos que a administração sob os moldes da normatização e civilidade eram marcas da ação da municipalidade redundando em influências e importâncias para além das suas funções governativas/administrativas, até mesmo políticas e culturais, conforme conjeturamos.
Radouani, Abderrahim. "Le règlement intérieur de la Chambre des représentants au Maroc : approche comparée droit franco-marocain". Thesis, Perpignan, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PERP0045.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe relationship between the executive and the legislative power in Morocco is regulated by strong constitutional and regulatory legal tools. This legal bedrock allows the executive institutions to implement law with effectiveness. The government is both politically responsible to the Moroccan parliament and monarchy. These considerations lead us to the clear conclusion according which Moroccan parliament is bicameral with an important role played by the King.The place of the house of representatives in Moroccan political system proceeds from the constitution. Its organization and its functioning is based on its internal regulation. However, the latter has not the constitutionals value in the proper sense of this. Nevertheless, the above said regulation are rooted in constitution and some organic law. Today, the Morocco Kingdom is in its 10th legislature with a more recent constitution of 2011. The question of international regulation remains the major problem to which the houses of representative is confronted to. However, the Moroccan constituent authorized the house of the representative to write its internal regulation under the control of constitutional court. Those constitutional basis lead to the clear conclusion according which the house of representative has a big influence in parliamentarian work in Morocco
Bendjaballah, Selma. "La formation des consensus au Parlement européen et à la Chambre des représentants américaine (1999-2009)". Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011IEPP0064.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe main purpose of this PhD dissertation is to understand Legislatures through the lens of the individual practices. More specially, we intend to explain the large majorities, nearly unanimities, built in the European Parliament and in the US House of Representatives. How can we understand that, in two large, nationally, culturally different Legislatures, the deputies manage to find large compromises? This thesis goes back over the main explanations already proposed to explain this paradox. We show that they're all more or less approximative: social choice theory, coalitions theory, cultural explanation, institutional model. . This first step permits us to build an other explicative hypothesis: rational-choice approach. Clearly expressed, the main hypothesis of this dissertation is the following: if the majorities built in the European Parliament and in the US House of Representatives are so frequently unanimous, it is because it helps the deputies to access to their interest- in spite of the numerous hurdles. Then, this work aims at looking in a concrete way how do deputies find agreements between them. Who are the main leaders ? What are the strategies used? What calendar does the actors follow? Eventually, this main hypothesis insists on the major role played by the institutional opportunities in the understanding ot the parliamentarian mandate
Gonçalves, Maria Neves Leal. "O ideário educativo republicano: da propaganda eleitoral republicana aos debates parlamentares (1878-1910)". Doctoral thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/11655.
Pełny tekst źródłaZulini, Jaqueline Porto. "Modos do bom governo na Primeira República brasileira: o papel do parlamento no regime de 1889-1930". Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-02122016-121222/.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe literature on the Brazilian First Republic (1891-1930) usually claims that the parliament lacked political power, due to an agreement made between President Campos Sales and state governors that prevented the oppositions from gaining representation in the federal legislature. A well-known thesis in the political historiography links the authoritarian nature of the regime to the effects of that pact, known as politics of governors. This dissertation assesses the supposed passivity of parliamentarians elected from 1900 on, by analyzing the party composition of the national Congress and the legislative behavior of representatives in some crucial issues, based on the study of the Chamber of Deputies. The research hypothesis is rooted on the classic interpretation and assumes that the House did not constitute an important decision-making arena for building consensuses, which were guaranteed beforehand. The results of the analyses reported in this dissertation are counterintuitive and show that the state benches of the eleven legislatures between 1900 and 1930 tended to be single-party, but did not act with unanimity, cohesion and subordination to the recommendations of the government, giving room to obstructions and defeats of the Executive. Definitely, the parliament was not a marginal player in the regime as is frequently claimed, but was rather a forum for negotiations with important consequences for governability.