Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Homosexuality statistics”

Purpose : The purpose of this study was to determine the relevance and impact factors of human rights awareness and homosexuality knowledge on attitude toward homosexuality among Nursing students. Method : Data were collected from November 5, 2022 to December 20, 2022. 201 nursing students who lived in the G city were recruited. 194 among 201 questionnaires answered were used for final analysis. It was then analyzed by descriptive statistics, Independent sample t-test, one way ANOVA, pearson’s correlation and multiple regression using SPSS/WIN 21.0 Result : The participants’ human rights awareness and attitude toward homosexuality proved to have negative relationship(r＝-.50, p＜.001). The participants’ homosexuality knowledge had the positive relationship with human rights awareness(r＝.16, p＝.028). The research shows that the human rights awareness(β＝-.51, p＜.001) can determine attitude toward homosexuality to a degree of 24.6%. Conclusion : Awareness of human rights and knowledge of homosexuality are the basis for improving ethical awareness of nursing students.

This paper examined and synthesized studies of treatment of individuals identified as homosexual using meta-analytic technique. A large number of studies (146) evaluating treatment efficacy were identified, most published prior to 1975 and 14 of which met inclusion criteria and provided statistics that could be used in a meta-analysis. These 14 outcome studies were published between 1969 and 1982 and used primarily behavioral interventions. Analysis indicated that treatment for homosexuality was significantly more effective than alternative treatments or control groups for homosexuality (ES = .72), and significant differences were found across pre- to postanalysis (ES = .89). In other words, the average patient receiving treatment was better off than 79% of those in the alternative treatments or as compared to pretreatment scores on the several outcome measures. This meta-analysis of 14 studies provides empirical support for a group of 146 studies which have narratively suggested that treatment for homosexuality is effective. Variables related to treatment efficacy are examined.

This paper examined and synthesized studies of treatment of individuals identified as homosexual using meta-analytic technique. A large number of studies (146) evaluating treatment efficacy were identified, most published prior to 1975 and 14 of which met inclusion criteria and provided statistics that could be used in a meta-analysis. These 14 outcome studies were published between 1969 and 1982 and used primarily behavioral interventions. Analysis indicated that treatment for homosexuality was significantly more effective than alternative treatments or control groups for homosexuality (ES = .72), and significant differences were found across pre- to postanalysis (ES = .89). In other words, the average patient receiving treatment was better off than 79% of those in the alternative treatments or as compared to pretreatment scores on the several outcome measures. This meta-analysis of 14 studies provides empirical support for a group of 146 studies which have narratively suggested that treatment for homosexuality is effective. Variables related to treatment efficacy are examined.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relevance of the “Attitudes toward Lesbians and Gay Men” (ATLG) Scale developed by G. M. Herek to the Greek society. The study consists of two stages or sub-studies. At the first stage, the sample consisted of 186 undergraduate university students and at the second, 254 undergraduate university students, who studied at the Department of Physical Education and Sport Science, Democritus University of Thrace in Komotini, Greece. Methodologically speaking, our research relied on the methods of descriptive statistics, exploratory factor analysis, confirmatory factor analysis, reliability analysis (Cronbach’s α, composite reliability and average variance extracted) and t-test for independent sample. The results of the first stage showed that the two factors, men’s homophobia and women’s homophobia, accounted for 58% of the total variance. At the second stage, three confirmatory factor analyses were performed: men’s homophobia, women’s homophobia and total homophobia. We also found gender-related differences in students’ attitudes to homosexuality, but only as far as male homosexuality is concerned.

Introduction: Lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender people still face discrimination in healthcare environments and physicians often report lack of knowledge on this population’s specific healthcare needs. In fact, recommendations have been put forward to include lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender health in medical curricula. This study aimed to explore factors associated with medical students’ knowledge and attitudes towards homosexuality in different years of the medical course.Material and Methods: An anonymous online-based questionnaire was sent to all medical students enrolled at the Faculty of Medicine - University of Porto, Portugal, in December 2015. The questionnaire included socio-demographic questions, the Multidimensional Scale of Attitudes Toward Lesbians and Gay Men (27 items) and a Homosexuality Knowledge Questionnaire (17 items). Descriptive statistics, ANOVAs, Chi-square tests and Pearson’s correlations were used in the analysis.Results: A total of 489 completed responses was analyzed. Male gender, religiosity and absence of lesbian, gay or bisexual friends were associated with more negative attitudes towards homosexuality. Attitudinal scores did not correlate with advanced years in medical course or contact with lesbian, gay or bisexual patients. Students aiming to pursue technique-oriented specialties presented higher scores in the ‘Modern Heterosexism’ subscale than students seeking patient-oriented specialties. Although advanced years in medical course correlated significantly with higher knowledge scores, items related with lesbian, gay or bisexual health showed the lowest percentage of correct answers.Conclusion: There seems to be a lack of exploration of medical students’ personal attitudes towards lesbians and gay men, and also a lack of knowledge on lesbian, gay or bisexual specific healthcare needs. This study highlights the importance of inclusive undergraduate curriculum development in order to foster quality healthcare.

Purpose The prevalence of Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) is about four times higher among individuals with same-sex orientation as against the general population. This may be partly due to judgmental, heteronormative attitudes among health workers, thereby affecting access to care. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to assess the perception of final-year medical students of Olabisi Onabanjo University, Nigeria on sexual orientation and its implications on access to HIV care and support services. Design/methodology/approach A cross-sectional descriptive study was conducted among final-year medical students. Data were collected using an interviewer-administered questionnaire and analyzed using SPSS 20. Relevant descriptive and inferential statistics were calculated. Participation was fully voluntary. Findings More males (70 percent) were aware of the concept of sexual orientation than females (60.4 percent). Most (94 percent) males and all female respondents felt homosexuality was against the order of nature. More males (76 percent) than females (62.3 percent) felt men having sex with men and homosexuality were synonymous. More females (50.9 percent) than males (48 percent) felt gay doctors should not be employed in public hospitals. Originality/value Respondents had a poor perception of sexual orientation and there were no significant differences between genders. This could contribute to existing stigmatization against individuals with minority sexual orientations. It should be addressed in the medical curriculum.

Due to the heterosexist ideals associated with gender norms, gay men often experience negative attitudes towards their own sexuality—internalized homophobia. As a result, gay men often feel compelled to compensate for their perceived lack of masculinity. The study aimed to investigate the relationship and predictive power of masculinity on gay men’s experiences of internalized homophobia. A sample of 489 self-identified Australian gay men 18–72 years old participated in an online survey on masculinity and homosexuality. Descriptive statistics, bivariate correlations, and sequential multiple regressions were used to test the study’s aims. Sequential multiple regressions revealed that conformity to masculine norms and threats to masculinity contingency were stronger predictors of internalized homophobia over and above demographic and other factors. Given the already known psychological risks associated with social isolation, internalized homophobia, and the poor mental health outcomes associated with sexual minority groups, it is suggested that gay men who are experiencing high degrees of internalized homophobia should not be distancing themselves from other gay men but, conversely, seek a strong relationship with the LGBTI community.

Socio-economic investigations often relate to certain personal features that people wish to hide from others in comprehensive inquiries, detailed questionnaires include numerous items. Data on most of them are frequently easy to procure merely by asking, but a few others can be on sensitive issues for which people are not inclined to state honest responses. For example, most people prefer to conceal the truth regarding their savings, the extent of their accumulated wealth, their history of intentional tax evasion and other illegal and or unethical practices leading to earnings from clandestine sources, crimes, trade in contraband goods, susceptibility to intoxication, expenditures on addictions of various forms, homosexuality, and similar issues which are customarily disapproved of by society. Open or direct queries often fail to yield reliable data on such confidential aspects of human life. Warner (1965) developed an alternative survey technique that is known as randomized response (RR) technique. Greenberg et al. (1971) presented a revised version of Warner's (1965) technique for qualitative variables. Later various modifications were given by several researchers [see Chaudhuri (2011)]. Kim and Warde (2005) and Nazuk and Shabir (2010) presented mixed randomized response models using simple random sampling with replacement sampling scheme which improves the privacy of respondents. In this paper we have suggested a modified mixed randomized response model to estimate the proportion of a qualitative sensitive variable. Properties of the proposed randomized response model have been studied along with recommendations. It has been shown that the suggested randomized response model is always better than Kim and Warde’s (2005) model while it is better than Nazuk and Shabbir’s (2010) model under some realistic conditions. Numerical illustrations and graphs are also given in support of the present study.

Endemic supply side constraints including fluctuating output levels, deficient trade infrastructure, rampant non-tariff barriers and incapacity to ensure international quality standards continue to thwart the gainful participation of many Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in an increasingly liberal global trade environment. At its 2005 Hong Kong Ministerial Conference, the World Trade Organization launched its Aid for Trade (AFT) initiative aimed at coordinating global financial support for strengthening trade capacity in Least Developed Countries (LDCs). This paper examined the effect of foreign aid, particularly Official Development Assistance, on Uganda’s external trade and its AFT component in strengthening the country’s trade capacity. Using time series Error Correction Modelling and the World Bank’s World Development Indicators and official national statistics, the paper finds small but positive aid influence on Uganda’s exports and imports and generally close alignment between aid and national priorities. However, given general aid volatility but more especially following the anti-homosexuality legislation and gross corruption allegations in the case of Uganda, the paper advises that external aid be treated as a supplement rather than a substitute for domestic financial resource mobilization in trade capacity development.

This study is an assessment of the impact of the nuptiality component on the change in the fertility process, which is part of the demographic transition in Rwanda. It focusses on indicators such as age of first marriage, rates of divorce, separation, marriage dissolution, widowhood, polygamy, and number of unmarried people, for their impact on the change in total fertility rate (TFR) in Rwanda. Further, the study examines nuptiality level and behaviour in Rwanda. It is based on the investigation and interpretation of data from various reports of the National Institute Statistics of Rwanda (NISR) and the World Bank (WB), as well as data from experiments conducted by the researcher. The study concluded that, according to most of the reports, these indicators of nuptiality did contribute to the change of TFR during the demographic transition in Rwanda. Further, it recommended that the public statistical institution (NISR) should conduct a study on homosexuality and its impact on TFR in Rwanda. This study consists of four sections: section 1 - introduction; section 2 - literature review; section 3 - data and methods; section 4 - analytical methods, results and conclusion.

The December 1970 issue of the Canadian newsmagazine Maclean's features an article by movie critic John Hofsess designed to promote the new film Fortune and Men's Eyes and to alert readers to that drama's importance to Canada as a nation. The piece is subtitled “A Report from the Set in a Quebec City Prison” and announces John Herbert's play Fortune and Men's Eyes as “the most famous Canadian drama of the last decade—it's been translated into eight languages and performed in 14 countries.” Hofsess's first paragraph, however, does not contain Fortune's list of accolades; instead, the author begins his piece with the following extraordinary narrative:Two years ago the CBS television program Sixty Minutes reported “a routine incident” in a Philadelphia jail. A white youth, arrested for possession of marijuana and jailed overnight, was gang-raped the next morning by six black convicts in the back of a paddy wagon en route to a courthouse. Police found the boy bleeding and in shock. Such incidents [are] commonly and mistakenly referred to as “the problem of homosexuality in our prisons” [. . .] Yet, statistics indicate that more than 80% of sexual assaults in American prisons are committed by blacks against whites and are motivated by a different lust, a hateful rage that knows no containment.

This study investigates how adolescents in the Iringa Region of Tanzania perceive the sexual health education curricula currently taught in secondary schools. Utilizing a quantitative, cross-sectional design, the study involved 372 adolescents who filled out survey questionnaires. The data was analyzed using descriptive statistics to provide insights into their views. Most participants (95%) were between 15 and 19 years old, with a composition of 64% females and 36% males. About 57.3% were day scholars, while 42.7% were boarders, and the religious composition included 87.4% Christians and 11.3% Muslims. The results showed that 77.7% of adolescents reported receiving sexual health education, which covered many critical topics but notably excluded homosexuality. The study found good comprehension of topics like the reproductive system, puberty, and sexually transmitted diseases, but identified significant gaps in understanding family planning, sexual orientation, and responsible behaviors. Additionally, many adolescents suggested that topics such as confidence in relationships, puberty, sexual health, and behavior should be introduced as early as primary school. The conclusion drawn from the findings is that while sexual health education is implemented in secondary schools within the studied areas, the coverage of topics is incomplete. The study recommends the development of an age-appropriate, comprehensive sexuality education curriculum that addresses the full spectrum of necessary topics to equip adolescents with the knowledge and skills required for making informed decisions related to their sexual health.

Older adults’ mental health and suicidal tendencies have garnered much attention because of their vulnerability. Few studies have examined the impact of psychological well-being and suicide attempts among older men who have sex with men (OMSM). This study examines the levels of depression and suicidal tendencies among OMSM, factors impacting their mental health, and their likelihood of committing suicide. Descriptive statistics are used to analyze the correlation between depression and suicidal tendencies among OMSM in the United States. We constructed a regression model using relevant data, and scales were selected based on a literature review. The validity and relevance of the control variables were considered. Depression and suicidal tendencies were dependent variables. Data were obtained from the U.S. General Social Survey and analyzed with an ordinary least squares model. There were significant differences between MSM and general groups in depression and suicidal tendency scores ( t = 67.084, 58.193, p < .01). Compared with general groups, MSM scored significantly higher on depression and suicidal tendencies. The regression analysis revealed that sex with men was associated with depression and suicidal tendencies ( p < .01) among older men. This indicates that OMSM generally have higher levels of depression and suicidal tendencies than the general population. Finally, in the intermediary test, the level of depression had a significant mediating effect on the relationship between homosexuality and suicidal tendencies ( p < .01). This suggests that depression intervention can help reduce suicidal tendencies among OMSM.

<div><p>Our aim is to analyze different representational forms of gay ageing by old gays. We will draw on aspects related to various theoretical viewpoints and enhance them by presenting empirical evidence with a critical approach. Thus, we will delve into the theory of competence in crisis, some theories of adjustment and resilience, the theory of fast aging, and last, the theory of minority stress. Our reflection is focused on aging experienced by gays who have witnessed social changes as from the 70s, taking into account they represent a turning point in gay subjectivity formed by contrasting representational repertoires, some deriving from an old homosexuality pattern in which they socialized primarily and others from the gay model fostered, generically, after the Stonewall uprising. From the methodological point of view, the texts of the authors considered representative of the theories mentioned are crossed. Then, each was busy trying to point out their particular strengths and limitations providing primary data (interviews) and secondary (statistics on perceptions and interviews). In conclusion, it is noted that there have been contrasting situations in the aging process based on heterogeneous analysis variables, including: sexual identity, the scene of identity (areas of healthcare are clearly regressive to show the gay identity) and, among others, by the features that subjects allocated to institutional environments within which developed his biography.</p></div>

ObjectiveThe HIV epidemic in China is shifting from the high-risk groups of men who have sex with men (MSM), injection drug users and sex workers to the general population, and sexual contact among spouses is assumed to be one route of transmission. Our objective was to determine the intention to marry and the expected extramarital male-to-male sex among single Chinese MSM, in order to estimate the potential HIV transmission risk among MSM living with HIV and their female spouses.MethodsWe conducted a web-based, cross-sectional survey between May 2016 and May 2017. A questionnaire covering sociodemographic characteristics, sexual behaviours, HIV-related and homosexuality-related stigma, marriage intention, and expected extramarital sexual behaviours was completed by 556 single MSM in Hunan, China. Descriptive statistics, χ2 test, two-sample t-test and multivariate logistic regression analysis were performed.ResultsCurrently 48.9% of the participants intended to marry a woman in their lifetime, and 91% of them reported that they would continue to have sex with men after getting married. Those who were living with parents (OR=2.26), self-identified as bisexual (OR=2.57), had at least one heterosexual partner in the previous 6 months (OR=0.33) and perceived a higher level of self-homosexual stigma (OR=1.78) had greater intention to marry a woman.ConclusionNearly half of Chinese MSM intend to marry women, which has significantly dropped from the estimated percentage more than 10 years ago for Chinese MSM. However, the expectation of extramarital homosexual behaviours was common in these men. Sexual and gender minority stresses especially from family members, homosexual identity assertiveness and related stigma were the main factors for marriage intention, which should be addressed in future studies and practices.

A dificuldade em respeitar e reconhecer as inúmeras formas do exercício da sexualidade e também das diferentes formas de novas composições familiares, do público de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais (LGBT) pelo sistema de saúde, fez com que o governo federal implementasse o documento Política Nacional de Saúde Integral de Lésbicas, Gays, Bissexuais, Travestis e Transexuais. Após essa ação pública se acredita que essa população específica perceba mudanças no atendimento prestado pela saúde. Dessa forma, o objetivo do artigo foi identificar a percepção da população LGBT quanto ao atendimento que recebem pelos profissionais de saúde e se estão preocupados com o seu autocuidado. Para isso, utilizou-se abordagem quantitativa, com aplicação de questionários às pessoas LGBT. A coleta de dados foi realizada de forma on-line na ONG LGBT e nas redes sociais, totalizando 61 respondentes. Para a análise de dados, foi realizada a estatística descritiva, bem como o teste de Análise de Variância. Os resultados apontaram que a população LGBT se preocupada com o seu autocuidado e sempre procuram estar informado sobre a sua saúde. Afirma-se que os profissionais possuem conhecimento no cuidado, porém precisam se aperfeiçoar. Conclui-se que os profissionais de saúde necessitam de treinamento para poder estar trabalhando com a população LGBT, para lhes proporcionarem um bom atendimento. Palavras-chave: Pessoas LGBTs. Serviços de Saúde. Identidade de Gênero. Homossexualidade. Abstract The difficulty respecting and recognizing the countless forms of the exercise of sexuality and also the different forms of new family compositions, of the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transvestite and Transgender (LGBT) public by the health system, led the federal government to implement the document National Policy for Integral Health for Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals, Transvestites and Transsexuals. After this public action, it is believed that this specific population perceives changes in the health care provided. Thus, the objective of the article was to identify the perception of the LGBT population regarding the care they receive by health professionals and whether they are concerned with their self-care. To this end, a quantitative approach was used, with the questionnaires application to LGBT people. Data collection was carried out online at the LGBT NGO and social networks, totaling 61 respondents. For data analysis, descriptive statistics were performed, as well as the Variance Analysis test. The results pointed out that the LGBT population is concerned with their self-care and always seek to be informed about their health. It is said that professionals have knowledge in care, but need to improve themselves. It is concluded that health professionals need training to be able to work with the LGBT population, to provide them with good care. Keywords: LGBT people. Health Services. Gender Identity. Homosexuality.

Se cumple medio siglo del hecho histórico constituido por la remoción de la homosexualidad como ítem diagnóstico en la clasificación norteamericana de trastornos psiquiátricos, es decir, en el Manual diagnóstico y estadístico de los trastornos mentales (DSM). Aunque es un período breve, cuesta trabajo creer que, hasta hace 50 años, las personas homosexuales carecían de numerosos derechos civiles elementales en EE. UU. y que diversas leyes penalizaban actos sexuales privados y libremente consentidos entre adultos. Rememorar estos hechos significativos en el contexto de una acotada reseña de la historia conceptual de la homosexualidad como trasfondo es el objetivo fundamental de este artículo que, a la vez, constituye un recordatorio de muchas tareas pendientes en la salud mental y derechos humanos de las minorías sexuales, todavía víctimas de homofobia, estigma y segregación, más aún en países como el nuestro.

Background People may have both negative and positive attitudes about other people, their way of living and those attitudes can be influenced by various factors. LGBTIQ individuals are facing various difficulties and barriers to run their daily life due to different attitudes of people. Attitudes may be different from person to person influenced by their knowledge, acceptance behaviour and understanding. By finding out the associated factors that influences the attitude of people we can change people’s view towards LGBTIQ individuals. Each and every person deserves to be treated equally regardless of their gender, sexual orientation, and preferences. Methods This was a cross-sectional study in which the sample size was 423 and the study population was nursing students. A simple random sampling method was used to select sample for the study. Self-administered questionnaire was used to collect data. The collected data was entered in EPI 3.1 and analyzed using SPSS 25. A descriptive statistic was used to find out the frequency and percentage and analysis (chi-square) was used to find out the association between the dependent and independent variables. A p-value of <0.05 was considered statistically significant. Results Results showed that 87.2% have positive attitudes towards LGBTIQ individuals, and the majority (56.6%) have knowledge about homosexuality. Similarly, more than two-thirds (82.7%) of respondents were not homophobic, and 50.4% showed positive stereotypes about LGBTIQ individuals. Religion (p=0.030), caste (p=0.001) and Family type (p=0.016) were statistically significant with regard to the attitudes of students towards LGBTIQ. Conclusion The majority of students had positive attitudes towards LGBTIQ individuals and few had negative attitudes. Almost half of the respondents had adequate knowledge about homosexuality. The majority of students were not homophobic and few were homophobic. Half had positive stereotypes and about other half had negative stereotypes.

Fenomena homoseksual telah mewujudkan diskriminasi, prejudis dan sikap yang negatif dalam kalangan masyarakat. Kajian ini dijalankan untuk mengenal pasti hubungan antara pengetahuan homoseksual dengan sikap terhadap homoseksual dalam kalangan pelajar sekolah agama di daerah Kulim. Kajian ini adalah berbentuk kuantitatif dengan menggunakan reka bentuk tinjauan. Data dikumpulkan menggunakan soal selidik dan diedarkan kepada 136 orang pelajar tingkatan empat, lima dan enam daripada dua buah sekolah menengah agama. Soal selidik dalam kajian ini menggunakan dua jenis instrumen iaitu The Sex Education and Knowledge about Homosexuality (SEKHQ) dan The Attitudes Towards Homosexuals Questionnaire (AHQ). Kemudian, data kajian dianalisis menggunakan statistik deskriptif dan statistik inferensi yang melibatkan ujian-t, ujian ANOVA dan Korelasi Pearson dengan menggunakan perisian Statistial Packages for Social Sciences (SPSS) versi 20. Hasil dapatan mendapati tidak ada perbezaan yang signifikan (p > 0.05) di dalam pengetahuan homoseksual dan sikap terhadap homoseksual berdasarkan jantina dan umur pelajar. Selain itu, kajian juga menunjukkan bahawa pengetahuan homoseksual (r = 0.034, p > 0.05) tidak mempunyai hubungan yang signifikan dengan sikap terhadap homoseksual dalam kalangan pelajar sekolah agama. Secara kesimpulan, pengetahuan pelajar tentang homoseksual tidak mempengaruhi sikap pelajar sekolah agama terhadap homoseksual. Oleh yang demikian, kajian ini menunjukkan bahawa semakin tinggi pengetahuan tentang homoseksual, maka ia akan menghasilkan sikap yang negatif terhadap homoseksual. Pengetahuan yang tinggi mengenai homoseksual tetap tidak membuatkan pelajar terbuka dalam menerima fenomena ini sebagai gaya hidup.

<p>公投期間愛滋一直被反同婚方用來作為反對同性婚姻的理由，本文期待了解愛滋負面文宣對男同志愛滋 感染者產生的心理影響。本文先多方收集反同婚理由述及愛滋的文宣，並透過愛滋民間團體工作人員招 募受訪者，於2019年4月進行一次性焦點訪談團體，團體前先進行所收集的負面文宣簡報，再進行2.5小 時訪談，之後形成逐字稿進行質性分析。8位男受訪者平均年齡38.75歲，平均感染愛滋11年，均服用抗 愛滋病毒藥物中，都接收過愛滋的負面文宣。研究結果如下:第一、受訪者會取笑文宣內容，或是感到 煩悶、生氣，因應方式會避開、客觀冷靜或是主動教育身邊的人。第二、在愛滋負面文宣下，受訪者面 臨三個兩難的三角關係:(1)受訪者不會想和反同婚方對話，轉而期待官方及其他有力人士澄清; (2)受訪者想提出反證會擔心殃及其他無辜族群;(3)受訪者擔心影響社會大眾對男同性戀者社群的 觀感或被社群切割。第三、受訪者建議愛滋反歧視的宣導，應強調愛滋治療效果、修改官方公布的愛滋 統計分類、與其他團體形成友善聯盟等面向。第四、家人開始討論同性戀議題，讓受訪者有被接納的感 覺，但還是不容易現身愛滋感染者身分。綜上，男同志愛滋感染者對於婚姻平權公投時的歧視愛滋文 宣，陷於內化汙名與外在歧視的處境下，帶來兩難的影響。</p> <p>&nbsp;</p><p>Context and Objective: On May 24, 2019, Taiwan becomes the first country in Asia to legalize same sex marriage. However, many supporters felt disappointed by the referendum on marriage equality that took place on November 24, 2018. Marriage equality was discussed in Taiwan before the referendum, which entailed many public hearings and debates. There were alliances opposing same sex marriage (referred to as &quot;anti-same sex marriage groups&quot;), as well as alliance that supported same sex marriage. During these debates, anti-same-sex marriage groups highlighted HIV/AIDS issues as justification for opposing same-sex marriage with arguments that included, &quot;most people infected with HIV are gay&quot;, &quot;gay sex among men is the primary factor in HIV transmission&quot;, &quot; legalizing same sex marriage will cause the spread of HIV/AIDS epidemic&quot;, &quot;Taiwan will become an HIV/AIDS island&quot;, &quot;The cost of HIV/AIDS treatment will consume medical resources,&quot; and &quot;Taiwan should not provide health care benefits to those who got HIV/AIDS.&quot; Internet and social media outlets have promoted numerous negative messages about HIV/AIDS, and the anti-same-sex marriage group still uses &quot;HIV/AIDS&quot; as a reason to repeatedly attack the gay community. The present research aims to understand the psychological impact of negative HIV/AIDS propaganda on gay men living with HIV/AIDS in Taiwan and how they coped during the marriage equality referendum. Methods: We first collected articles, pictures, videos, and news about anti-same- sex marriage justification for discrimination against HIV/AIDS from websites, social media, and mobile APP. We then recruited focus group participants through AIDS service for non-governmental organizations. On the day of the focus group in April 2019, we made a brief presentation on relevant negative propaganda before conducting the 2.5 hours focus group. We then conducted a qualitative content analysis after the verbatim transcript was created. The average age of the eight interviewees was 38.75, and the average years of HIV infection was 11 years. All participants were taking HAART (highly active antiretroviral therapy). The interviewees all stated that they had received negative propaganda messages about AIDS on social media during the marriage equality referendum promotion period. Results: (1) Respondents will make fun of the content of the propaganda, or feel bored and angry. In response, they will avoid, be objective and calm, or take the initiative to educate those around them. (2) Ways to respond to negative propaganda messages: somebody would avoid, disregarded, and simply ignore it; somebody would aim and calm, or somebody would actively educate other people around them. (3) There are three dilemmas: (a) They do not want to have conversations with anti-same sex marriage group that distribute the AIDS- stigma messages and instead look forward to clarification by officials (Taiwan Centers for Disease Control) and other powerful non-government organization; (b) Interviewees do not want to hurt other vulnerable groups during the process that messages are clarified; (c) They are worried about affecting the public’s perception of the gay community or being separated from the gay community. (4) For HIV/AIDS anti-discrimination advocacy recommendations, the effectiveness of HAART treatment should be strengthened, the official classification of HIV/AIDS statistics should be revised, and vulnerable groups that are friendly to HIV/AIDS should be invited to form alliances. (5) In particular, some of their family members began to discuss homosexuality issues, making the interviewee feel accepted, but it was still not easy to show up as a PLWHA. Discussion and Conclusion: Based on the research results, this study suggests: (1) Self-stigma is deeply rooted in PLWHA; (2) Public anti- discrimination education for HIV/AIDS needs to be promoted as soon as possible, especially on HAART treatment effects. Gay men with HIV/AIDS are discriminated against HIV/AIDS in the marriage equality referendum, and they are caught in a situation that includes both self-stigma and external discrimination.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>

This article discusses the factors that affect the possibility of the approval of same-sex marriage in China, or why China chose not to approve it even if the majority of other equally economically developed countries had done. The article focuses specifically on cultural and economic views. Due to the intrinsic taboo in Chinese society, meaning that one rarely discusses politics and/or homosexuality, there is currently a lack of studies investigating homosexuality and policies related to this topic. Therefore, this article sets up another bridge between same-sex marriage, homosexuality, and governmental policy in China, allowing the reader to reach beyond some Western-focused discussions on this topic. The data used in this article originates from statistics from large organizations, and NGOs, as well as official statistics from the Chinese government. For example, it includes data that demonstrate the lowering growth rate of the population in China and other data showing that over 57% of interviewees reported that society should not accept homosexuals. As the article argues, the root reason for the non-approval of same-sex marriage has its origins in the lack of population growth - which then extends to an economic crisis - and Chinese culture. After all, one can still find prejudice against homosexuals in the Chinese population, which influences the approval of policies such as same-sex marriage. This article provides a detailed discussion as well as evidence on the two reasons.

This study examines social attitudes towards homosexuality in two Central-Eastern European neighbouring countries – Romania and Hungary – with many common points, but that do differ in their religious traditions. Our main research question is whether the main religious denomination can influence social attitudes towards homosexuality, after controlling for all the important individual level variables (gender, age, education, type of settlement, family status, employment background, and attitudes related to family and gender norms). Among the examined variables we especially focus on the religious ones since the dominant denominations are different in these otherwise similar societies. The empirical base of our study comprises two longitudinal databases: the European Social Survey (ESS) and the European Values Study (EVS). We use data from two ESS rounds (of 2006 and 2008) and three EVS rounds (of 1990, 1999 and 2008). Since Romania participated only in the 3rd and the 4th rounds of the ESS (in 2006 and 2008), the Romanian results from 2008 are the most recent ones. We apply descriptive statistics and regression models. Our main conclusion is that belonging to the Orthodox Church had a more negative effect on social attitudes towards homosexuality than belonging to the Catholic Church (as previous studies have also found).

The topic of homosexuality in addition to being one of the topics in which research studies are rare is one of the sensitive and recent important topics that must be alerted to its spread due to its seriousness that beats our standards today in our Arab world after entering technology in its broadest doors with weak media dominance over the media system and technological means of communication in addition to Sagging infrastructures concerned with educating the individual, especially the young man, and his insight into the importance of the teachings of his religion. Specialized statistics diagnosed the spread of this phenomenon in the Arab world, And their defiance of laws and laws that prohibit and criminalize this act, with the emergence of legal legislation in foreign countries that allow gay marriage and lift penalties for them and see these practices as legitimate exercise of freedom because the reasons for the deviation of their tendencies are biological, as they say, and therefore we will discuss this phenomenon through its concept by definition Historical basis, We will also discuss forensic criminalization by stating the religiously forbidden religious refusal of these relations, comparing this position with some legislation attempting to include it within the accepted legislative system, while we find other legislation that has not known the phenomenon nor criminalized by Iraqi punitive legislation, as we have tried to find this phenomenon an appropriate legal adaptation but we have not succeeded in Finding an adequate legal basis for this crime, so it would have been better if such texts were legislated, by adopting the comparative approach in the study.

Abstract This paper concentrates on the censorship in translating swear words in The Catcher in the Rye. Shi Xianrong and Sun Zhongxu’s Chinese translations are used for the analysis. The text analysis and statistics indicate that more changes were made in Shi’s version, which appeared in the forms of deletion, attenuation, and modulation. These changes, on the one hand, resulted from the censorships imposed by the legal and administrative requirements on publishing and editing. On the other hand, the peculiar sociocultural context of misogynistic homophobia in the People’s Republic of China (prc) in the late 1980s was also normative and decisive to translators’ choices, especially when a swear word was related to homosexuality or sexual content.

AbstractDiscrimination against LGBT people represents a significant and long-standing societal problem that occurs in several forms, including lexical discrimination, which consists in frequent usage of discriminatory epithets. Lexical discrimination produces a vicious circle where speakers grow subconsciously accustomed to abusive language and marginalisation becomes institutionalised. A vast literature has tackled lexical discrimination, providing several country-level studies. The cases of France and Italy are described as very different: while the French experience is centred around grassroot mobilisation, Italy features a traditional strategy of silence. This work aims to verify such difference empirically. Using a rich and detailed dataset, we apply time series analysis on the frequencies of usage of the terms that characterise male homosexuality. Our results highlight some similarities and some differences between the French and the Italian case, stressing the importance of lexical resemantisation that occurred in France but not in Italy.

Aim: This study aims to examine the homophobic attitudes and empathy skill levels of nursing students and the influencing factors. Material and Methods: This descriptive study was conducted with 545 students studying nursing departments at two universities between September 2018 and January 2019. The data were collected using a Descriptive Characteristics Information Form, Hudson & Ricketts Homophobia Scale, and the Empathic Skill Scale (Form B). Descriptive statistics (mean, standard deviation, number, percentage), student t-test, one-way analysis of variance, and Pearson correlation analysis were used to evaluate the data. Results: 71.4% of the students participating in the study were women, and the mean age was 20.02±1.47 years. It was determined that 51% of the students knew the concept of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender (LGBT) correctly, and 60.6% of them perfectly explained the concept of homosexuality. The students’ Hudson & Ricketts Homophobia Scale total mean score was 98.44±23.19. It was determined that male students, students from the Eastern Anatolian region, and students who misunderstood the concept of LGBT had more homophobic attitudes (p

Abstract Objectives Most research on anal sex is focused on the risks and prevalence of sexually transmitted infections. Anal sex behavior is also often under-reported, likely due to stigma. The present study aimed at understanding the correlation between attitude and stigma towards anal sex and sexual habits of people who engage in anal sex. Furthermore, it included a validation of the Italian version of the questionnaire “The Anal Sex Stigma Scales”. Methods The study was carried out as an online questionnaire (N = 1061, age 16-73), it included questions to investigate attitude and behavior around anal sex, the “The Anal Sex Stigma Scales”, questionnaires on social desirability, disgust propensity, attitudes towards homosexuality and sex wellbeing. Data analysis consisted of the computation of descriptive statistics and one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA), as well as of post hoc analyses for the latter. Results 3 out of 4 participants had tried anal sex at least once. Women of any sexual orientation were mostly worried about pain (F = 7.370; p &lt; .001; η2 = .156) and getting dirty (F = 3.948; p &lt; .001; η2 =.090) during anal stimulation. Heterosexual men, on the other hand, were apprehensive about receiving anal penetration because of the social stigma around it (F = 15.743; p &lt; .001; η2 = .282). The hypothesis that fear of pain, disgust and negative attitudes towards homosexuality would be higher in participants who have never tried anal sex was partially supported by the data: this was only true for men. Conclusions The study showed significant gender differences in terms of the attitude and the habits: a significant association of fear of pain, disgust and refusal of trying anal sex in men, but not in women. It also revealed that the reasons for engaging in anal sex are different across genders, regardless of the sexual orientation. Conflicts of Interest Donatella Fiacchino, Gioele Salvatori, Lorenzo Borrello, Daniel Giunti and Paolo Antonelli declare that they have no conflict of interest.

Abstract Introduction School-based and community-based sexuality education has not shown a significant impact on the sexual and reproductive health (SRH) outcomes of Sri Lankan adolescents. Parents, as the primary educators of adolescents, could potentially serve as better sources for providing individualized sexuality education to their children. Objective To assess the sexual and reproductive health (SRH) topics discussed between mothers and daughters, barriers to communication, and associations of SRH communication among Sinhala adolescent girls aged 14–19 years in Sri Lanka. Methods A descriptive cross-sectional study was conducted among a sample of 810 Sinhala adolescent girls using a pre-tested, self-administered questionnaire. Descriptive statistics pertaining to mother-daughter communication in SRH matters were presented using frequencies and percentages. Bivariate analysis was performed to evaluate the association of selected socio-demographic factors with mother-daughter SRH communication, while binary logistic analysis was used to assess the independent association of chosen demographic factors with mother-daughter SRH communication. Results The majority of the respondents (67.1%, n = 540) indicated a willingness to discuss SRH matters with their mothers. For 78.2% (n = 632) of the respondents, the mother was the preferred source of SRH information. Common topics discussed between the mothers and daughters included issues related to menstruation (88.4%, n = 701) and maintaining personal boundaries (94%, n = 718), whereas less discussed topics included homosexuality (21%, n = 166), and preventing unwanted pregnancy (38.6%, n = 305). Cultural barriers, fear of mothers’ reactions, and mothers’ lack of confidence in responding to their daughter’s SRH matters were the main barriers to discussing SRH topics with mothers. Adolescent girls’ age, and family income level were significantly associated with mother-daughter SRH communication. Conclusions and recommendations Although a majority of adolescent girls preferred to share their sexual health concerns with their mothers, a notable barrier was the lack of confidence from the mother’s side. Furthermore, the scope of mother-daughter sexual communication in this study was largely limited to less sensitive topics. In light of these findings, it is suggested that interventions targeted at parents be developed alongside school-based sex education for adolescents. These interventions should aim to enhance parents’ knowledge and skills in discussing sexual health matters with their adolescent children.

By the age of fourteen, young girls are dropping out of sports at two times the rate of boys. Society has worked towards changing this statistic by including women in the male dominated institution of organized sports, yet females are still faced with traditional stereotypes, ultimately limiting their physical expression. Women are expected not to demonstrate characteristics deemed as masculine, which often dissuades females from lifting weights, sweating, participating, and competing in sports as a whole. Although these standards have changed over the twentieth century, when the principle of femininity is brought up, women are expected to live up to their specific gender roles and face a significant wage gap. In 2015, the champions of the Women’s World Cup received $2 million while the men’s team pocketed $35 million for winning the previous year, a $33 million difference. Not to mention that the women’s team had more viewership on Fox for the same event. On top of this, society places a pressure upon its citizens to conform with the majority. The stigma in society that women participating in sport promotes homosexuality often associates female athletes as masculine, lesbian, or butch. These ignorant societal beliefs foster an unhealthy lifestyle for young girls throughout North America. While a different factor comes into play for each athlete, more often than not a tipping point is reached. Once the motivation behind these young girls dropping out of sports is universally understood, headway can be made towards ensuring women flourish in North American society.

IntroductionJohn Berger provides a compelling analysis in Ways of Seeing on how we’ve been socialized through centuries of art to see women as objects and men as subjects. This way of seeing men and women is more than aesthetic choices but in fact shapes our ideologies of gender. As Berger asserts: “The art of the past no longer exists as it once did… In its place there is a language of images. What matters now is who uses that language for what purpose” (33).What happens when there are no historical images that represent your identity? How do others learn to see you? How do you learn to represent yourself? This article addresses the challenges that bisexuals face in constructing and contending with media representations of non-normative sexualities. As Berger suggests: “A people or class which is cut off from its own past is far less free to choose and to act as a people or class than one that has been able to situate itself in history” (33). This article seeks to apply Berger’s core concepts in Ways of Seeing studying representations of bisexuality in mainstream media. How bisexuality is represented, and therefore observed, shapes what can ultimately be culturally understood and recognized.This article explores how bisexuals use digital media to construct self-representations and brand a bisexual identity. Bisexual representations are particularly relevant to study as they are often rendered invisible by the cultural hegemony of monosexuality. Cultural norms ideologically shape the intelligibility of representation; bisexuality is often misinterpreted when read within the dominant binaries of heterosexuality and homosexuality in Western European culture. This work addresses how users adapt visual, textual, and hyperlinked information in online spaces to create representations that can be culturally recognized. Users want to be seen as bisexuals. The research for this article examined online social spaces created by and for bisexuals between 2013-2015, as well as mainstream media addressing bisexuality or bisexual characters. The social spaces studied included national and regional websites for bisexual organizations, blogs dedicated to bisexual issues and topics, and public bisexual groups on Facebook and Tumblr. Participant observation and semiotic analysis was employed to analyze how bisexual representation was discussed and performed. Learning to See Bisexuality Bisexuality is often constructed within the domain of medical and psychological classification systems as a sexual identity situated between one polarity or the other: between desiring men or desiring women as sexual partners or between being gay or being straight in sexual orientation, as most widely put forth by Alfred Kinsey in the 1950s (Kinsey et al., 1948; e.g., Blumstein, 1977; Diamond, 1993; Weinberg, 1995). This popularly held conception has a particular history that serves to reinforce the normative categories of heterosexuality and monosexuality.This history does not reflect bisexual’s accounts of their own experiences of what it means to be bisexual. Bisexuals in the spaces I study express their sexuality as fluid both in terms of gender (objects of desire do not have to identify as only male or female) as well as in terms of the lifespan (desire based on sex or gender does not have remain consistent throughout one’s life). As one participant remarked: “I think of bisexual as a different orientation from both homosexuals (who orient exclusively towards same-sex romance/sexuality) and heterosexuals (who orient exclusively toward opposite-sex romance/sexuality). Bisexuals seem to think about the world in a different way: a world of ‘AND’ rather than a world of ‘OR’.” Or as another participant noted: “I saw video a couple of months ago that described ‘bi’ as being attracted to ‘same and different sexed people.’ I considered my internal debate settled at that point. Yes, it is binary, but only in the broadest sense.”This data from my research is congruent with data from much larger studies that examined longitudinal psycho-social development of bisexual identities (Klein, 1978; Barker, 2007; Diamond, 2008). Individuals’ narratives of a more “fluid” identity suggest an emphasis at the individual level less about fluctuating between “two” possible types of sexual partners than about a dynamic, complex desire within a coherent self. Nevertheless, popular constructions of bisexuality in media continue to emphasize it within hegemonic monosexual ideologies.Heterosexual relationships are overwhelmingly the most dominant relationship type portrayed in media, and the second most portrayed relationship is homosexuality, or a serial monogamy towards only one gender. This pairing is not only conveying the dominant hegemonic norms of heterosexuality (and most often paired with serial monogamy as well), but it is equally and powerfully reproducing the hegemonic ideal of monosexuality. Monosexuality is the romantic or sexual attraction to members of one sex or gender group only. A monosexual person may identify as either heterosexual or homosexual, the key element being that their sexual or romantic attraction remains consistently directed towards one sex or gender group. In this way, we have all been socialized since childhood to value not only monogamy but monosexuality as well. However, current research on sexuality suggests that self-identified bisexuals are the largest group among non-heterosexuals. In 2011, Dr. Gary Gates, Research Director of the Williams Institute at UCLA School of Law, analyzed data collected from nine national health surveys from the USA, United Kindgdom, Canada, Australia and Norway to provide the most comprehensive statistics available to date on how many people self-identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender. While the population percentage of LGBT people varied by country, the ratio of lesbian, gay and bisexuals among LGBT people remained consistent, with self-identified bisexuals accounting for 40-60% of all LGBT populations regardless of country. This data is significant for challenging the popular assumption that bisexuals are a small minority among non-heterosexuals; indeed, this data indicates that non-monosexuals represent half of all non-heterosexuals. Yet we have learned to recognize monosexuality as dominant, normal and naturalized, even within LGBT representations. Conversely, we struggle to even recognize relationships that fall outside of this hegemonic norm. In essence, we lack ways of seeing bisexuals, pansexuals, omnisexuals, asexuals, and all queer-identified individuals who do not conform to monosexuality. We quite literally have not learned to see them, or—worse yet—learned how to not see them.Bisexual representations are particularly relevant to study as they are often rendered invisible in cultures that practice monogamy paired with hegemonic monosexuality. Members of bisexual spaces desire to achieve recognition but struggle to overcome bisexual erasure in their daily lives.Misrepresention: The Triad in Popular MediaWhen bisexuality is portrayed in media it is most commonly portrayed in a disingenuous manner where the bisexual is portrayed as being torn between potential lovers, on a pathway from straight to gay, or as a serial liar and cheater who cannot remain monogamous due to overwhelming attractions. Representations of bisexuals in media are infrequent, but those that are available too often follow these inaccurate stereotypes. By far the most common convention for representing bisexuality in visual media is the use of the triad: three people convey the (mis)representation of bisexuality as a sexuality in the “middle” of heterosexuality and homosexuality. For the purpose of this article, data analysis will be limited to print magazines for the sake of length and clarity.The 2014 New York Times Magazine article “The Scientific Quest to Prove Bisexuality Exists” (Denizet-Lewis) addresses the controversial nature of bisexuality. The cover image depicts a close-up of a man’s face, separated into two halves: in one half, a woman is nuzzled up to the man’s cheek, and the other half a man is nuzzled up to his ear. Presumably the man is bisexual and therefore split into two parts: his heterosexual self and his homosexual self. This visual depiction of bisexuality reifies the notion that bisexuals are torn between two polar desires and experience equal and concurrent attraction to more than one partner simultaneously. Furthermore, the triad represented in this way suggests that the essential bisexual is having simultaneous liaisons with heterosexual and homosexual partners.Within the convention of the triad there is also a sub-genre closely connected with hypersexualization and the male gaze. In these cases, the triad is commonly presented in varying states of undress and/or in a bed. An article in The Guardian from 11 April 2014 with the headline: “Make up your mind! The science behind bisexuality” (Browne) includes an image with three attractive young people in bed together. A man is sitting up between two sleeping women and smoking a cigarette – the cigarette connotes post-coital sexual activity, as does the smirk on his face. This may have been a suitable image if the article had been about having a threesome, but the headline—and the article—are attempting to explain the science behind bisexuality. Furthermore, while the image is intended to illustrate an article on bisexuality, the image is fundamentally misleading. The women in the image are asleep and to the side and the man is awake and in the middle. He is the central figure – it is a picture of him. So who is the bisexual in the image? What is the image attempting to do? It seems that the goal is to titillate, to excite, and to satisfy a particularly heterosexual fantasy rather than to discuss bisexuality. This hypersexualization once again references the mistaken idea (or heterosexual male fantasy) that bisexuality is only expressed through simultaneous sex acts.Many of these examples are salacious but they occur with surprising regularity in the mainstream media. On 17 February 2016, the American Association of Retired Persons posted an article to the front page of their website titled “Am I Discovering I'm Bisexual?” (Schwartz, 2016). In the accompanying image at the top of the article, we see three people sitting on a park bench – two men on either side of a woman. The image is taken from behind the bench so we see their backs and ostensibly they do not see us, the viewer. The man on the left is kissing the woman in the center while also holding hands behind the back of the bench with the man sitting on her other side. The man on the right is looking away from the couple kissing, suggesting he is not directly included in their intimate activity. Furthermore, the two men are holding hands behind the bench, which could also be code for behind the woman’s back, suggesting infidelity to the dyad and depicting some form of duplicity. This triad reinforces the trope of the bisexual as promiscuous and untrustworthy.Images such as these are common and range from the more inoffensive to the salacious. The resulting implications are that bisexuals are torn between their internal hetero and homo desires, require simultaneous partners, and are untrustworthy partners. Notably, in all these images it is never clear exactly which individuals are bisexual. Are all three members of the triad bisexual? While this is a possible read, the dominant discourse leads us to believe that one of person in the triad is the bisexual while the others adhere to more dominant sexualities.Participants in my research were acutely aware of these media representations and expressed frequent negative reactions to the implications of the triad. Each article contained numerous online comments expressing frustration with the use of “threesomes.” As one commentator stated: “Without a threesome, we’re invisible. It’s messed up. I always imagine a t-shirt with 3 couples stick figure like: girl + girl, girl + boy, and boy + boy. and it says “6 bisexuals.” What is made clear in many user comments is that the mainstream social scripts used to portray bisexuality are clearly at odds with the ways in which bisexuals choose to describe or portray themselves. Seeing through CapitalismOne of the significant conclusions of this research was the ways in which the misrepresentation of bisexuality results in many individuals feeling underrepresented or made invisible within mainstream media. The most salient themes to emerge from this research is participants’ affective struggle with feeling "invisible.” The frequency of discourse specific to invisibility is significant, as well as its expressed negatively associated experiences and feelings. The public sharing of those reactions among individuals, and the ensuing discourse that emerges from those interactions, include imagining what visibility “looks” like (its semiotic markers and what would make those markers “successful” for visibility), and the articulation of “solutions” to counter perceived invisibility. Notably, participants often express the desire for visibility in terms of commodification. As one participant posted, “their [sic] is no style for bi, there is no voice tone, unless I'm wearing my shirt, how is anyone to know?” Another participant explicated, “I wish there was a look. I wish I could get up every day and put on the clothes and jewelry that identified me to the world when I stepped out of my apartment. I wish I was as visible on the street as I am on facebook.” This longing for a culturally recognizable bisexual identity is articulated as a desire for a market commodification of “bisexual.” But a commodified identity may be a misguided desire. As Berger warns: “Publicity is not merely an assembly of competing messages: it is a language in itself which is always being used to make the same general purpose… It proposes to each of us that we transform ourselves, or our lives, by buying something more” (131). Consumerism—and its bedfellow—marketing, aim to sell the fantasy of a future self whereby the consumer transforms themselves through material objects, not transforming the culture to accept them. Berger further elicits that marketing essentially convinces us that we are not whole the way we are and sells us the idea of a wholeness achieved through consumerism (134). Following Berger’s argument, this desire for a commodified identity, while genuine, may fundamentally undermine the autonomy bisexuals currently have insomuch as without a corporate brand, bisexual representations are more culturally malleable and therefore potentially more inclusive to the real diversity of bisexual identified people.However, Berger also rightly noted that “publicity is the culture of the consumer society. It propagates through images that society’s belief in itself” (139). Without any publicity, bisexuals are not wrong to feel invisible in a consumer culture. And yet “publicity turns consumption into a substitute for democracy. The choice of what one eats (or wears or drives) takes the place of significant political choice” (149). A commodified identity will not likely usher in meaningful political change in a culture where bisexuals experience worse mental health and discrimination outcomes than lesbian and gay people (LGBT Advisory Committee, 2011). Bisexuals Online: New Ways of SeeingThe Internet, which was touted early as a space of great potential for anonymity and exploration where visibility can be masked, here becomes the place where bisexuals try to make the perceived invisible ‘visible.’ Digital technologies and spaces provide particularly useful environments for participants of online bisexual spaces to negotiate issues of invisibility as participants construct visible identities through daily posts, threads, videos, and discourse in which bisexuality is discursively and visually imagined, produced, articulated, defended, and desired. But most importantly these digital technologies provide bisexuals with opportunities to counter misrepresentations in mainstream media. In the frequent example of intimate partners in the physical world rendering a bisexual’s identity invisible, participants of these online communities grapple with the seeming paradox of one’s offline self as the avatar and one’s online self as more fully integrated, represented, and recognized. One participant expressed this experience, remarking:I feel I'm more out online that offline. That's because, in the offline world there's the whole ''social assumptions'' issue. My co-workers, friends, etc, know I have a boyfriend, wich [sic] equals ''straight'' for most ppl out there. So, I'll out myself when the occasion comes (talking abt smn I used to date, the LGBT youth group I used to belong to, or usually just abt some girl I find attractive) and usually ppl are not surprised. Whereas online, my pic at Facebook (and Orkut) is a Bisexual Pride icon. I follow Bi groups on Twitter. I'm a member of bi groups. So, online it's spelled out, while offline ppl usually think me having a bf means I'm straight.The I Am Visible (IAV) campaign is just one example of an organized response to the perceived erasure of bisexuals in mainstream culture. Launched in January 2011 by Adrienne McCue (nee Williams), the executive director of the Bi Social Network, a non-profit organization aimed at bringing awareness to representations of bisexuality in media. The campaign was hosted on bisocialnetwork.com, with the goal to “stop biphobia and bi-erasure in our community, media, news, and entertainment,” Prior to going live, IAV implemented a six-month lead-up advertising campaign across multiple online bisexual forums, making it the most publicized new venture during the period of my study. IAV hosted user-generated videos and posters that followed the vernacular of coming out and provided emotional support for listeners who may be struggling with their identity in a world largely hostile to bisexuality. Perceived invisibility was the central theme of IAV, which was the most salient theme for every bisexual group I studied online.Perhaps the most notable video and still image series to come out of IAV were those including Emmy nominated Scottish actor Alan Cumming. Cumming, a long-time Broadway thespian and acclaimed film actor, openly identifies as bisexual and has criticized ‘gaystream’ outlets on more than one occasion for intentionally mislabeling him as ‘gay.’ As such, Alan Cumming is one of the most prominently celebrated bisexual celebrities during the time of my study. While there are numerous famous out gays and lesbians in the media industry who have lent their celebrity status to endorse LGBT political messages—such as Ellen DeGeneres, Elton John, and Neil Patrick Harris, to name a few—there have been notably fewer celebrities supporting bisexual specific causes. Therefore, Cummings involvement with IAV was significant for many bisexuals. His star status was perceived as contributing legitimacy to bisexuality and increasing cultural visibility for bisexuals.These campaigns to become more visible are based in the need to counteract the false media narrative, which is, in a sense, to educate the wider society as to what bisexuality is not. The campaigns are an attempt to repair the false messages which have been “learnt” and replace them with more accurate representations. The Internet provides bisexual activists with a tool with which they can work to correct the skewed media image of themselves. Additionally, the Internet has also become a place where bisexuals can more easily represent themselves through a wide variety of semiotic markers in ways which would be difficult or unacceptable offline. In these ways, the Internet has become a key device in bisexual activism and while it is important not to uncritically praise the technology it plays an important role in enabling correct representation. ReferencesBarker, Meg. "Heteronormativity and the Exclusion of Bisexuality in Psychology." Out in Psychology: Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans, and Queer Perspectives. Eds. Victoria Clarke and Elizabeth Peel. Chichester: Wiley, 2007. 86–118.Berger, John. Ways of Seeing. London: Penguin Books, 1972.Blumstein, Phillip W., and Pepper Schwartz. “Bisexuality: Some Social Psychological Issues.” Journal of Social Issues 33.2 (1977): 30–45.Browne, Tania. “Make Up Your Mind! The Science behind Bisexuality.” The Guardian 11 Apr. 2014.Denizet-Lewis, Benoit. "The Scientific Quest to Prove Bisexuality Exists." New York Times 20 Mar. 2014.Diamond, Lisa. Sexual Fluidity: Understanding Women's Love and Desire. Harvard UP, 2008.Diamond, Milton. “Homosexuality and Bisexuality in Different Populations.” Archives of Sexual Behavior 22.4 (1993): 291-310.Gates, Gary J. How Many People Are Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender? Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law, 2011.Kinsey, Alfred, et al. Sexual Behavior in the Human Female. Philadelphia: Saunders, 1953.Klein, Fitz. The Bisexual Option. London: Routledge, 1978.Leland, J. “Not Gay, Not Straight: A New Sexuality Emerges.” Newsweek 17 July 1995: 44–50.Schwartz, P. “Am I Discovering I Am Bisexual?” AARP (2016). 20 Mar. 2016 <http://aarp.org/home-family/sex-intimacy/info-2016/discovering-bisexual-schwartz.html>.

Pornography is a fictional media genre that depicts sexual fantasies and explicitly presents naked bodies and sexual activities for the purpose of sexual arousal (Williams, 1989; McKee et al., 2020). Regarding media ethics and media effects, pornography has traditionally been viewed as highly problematic. Pornographic material has been accused of portraying sexuality in unhealthy, morally questionable and often sexist ways, thereby harming performers, audiences, and society at large. In the age of the Internet, pornography has become more diverse, accessible, and widespread than ever (Döring, 2009; Miller et al., 2020). Consequently, the depiction of sexuality in pornography is the focus of a growing number of content analyses of both mass media (e.g., erotic and pornographic novels and movies) and social media (e.g., erotic and pornographic stories, photos and videos shared via online platforms). Typically, pornography’s portrayals of sexuality are examined by measuring the prevalence and frequency of sexual practices or relational dynamics and related gender roles via quantitative content analysis (for research reviews see Carrotte et al., 2020; Miller & McBain, 2022). This entry focuses on the representation of performer bodily appearance as one of eight important dimensions of the portrayals of sexuality in pornography. Field of application/theoretical foundation: In the field of pornographic media content research, different theories are used, mainly 1) general media effects theories, 2) sexual media effects theories, 3) gender role, feminist and queer theories, 4) sexual fantasy and desire theories, and different 5) mold theories versus mirror theories. The DOCA entry “Conceptual Overview (Portrayals of Sexuality in Pornography)” introduces all these theories and explains their application to pornography. The respective theories are applicable to the analysis of the depiction of performer bodily appearance as one dimension of the portrayals of sexuality in pornography. References/combination with other methods of data collection: Manual quantitative content analyses of pornographic material can be combined with qualitative (e.g., Keft-Kennedy, 2008) as well as computational (e.g., Seehuus et al., 2019) content analyses. Furthermore, content analyses can be complemented with qualitative interviews and quantitative surveys to investigate perceptions and evaluations of the portrayals of sexuality in pornography among pornography’s creators and performers (e.g., West, 2019) and audiences (e.g., Cowan & Dunn, 1994; Hardy et al., 2022; Paasoonen, 2021; Shor, 2022). Additionally, experimental studies are helpful to measure directly how different dimensions of pornographic portrayals of sexuality are perceived and evaluated by recipients, and if and how these portrayals can affect audiences’ sexuality-related thoughts, feelings, and behaviors (e.g., Kohut & Fisher, 2013; Miller et al., 2019). Example studies for manual quantitative content analyses: Common research hypotheses state that performers in pornography are mainly selected and presented to conform to gendered norms of sexual attractiveness but also potentially unhealthy beauty standards or current beauty trends. To test such hypotheses and code pornographic material accordingly, it is necessary to clarify the concept of “performer bodily appearance” and use valid and reliable measures for different aspects of appearance. In addition, it is necessary to code the sex/gender of the persons depicted. Two different approaches to coding are available: Direct coding based on the performer’s appearance (e.g., breast size) versus indirect coding based on meta-information about the material, such as the sub-genre pornography category the material belongs to (e.g., the “big tits”, “BBW” [big beautiful women], “tattoed women” categories on PornHub) or statistics provided as part of performer profiles published on online platforms (e.g., height, weight, bra or penis size). Coding Material Measure Operationalization (excerpt) Reliability Source Performer Bodily Appearance: Among the many aspects of performer appearance, those conventionally related to sexual attractiveness are measured most often in the context of pornography research. Researchers may also measure variables related to general beauty trends in society (e.g., shaving of pubic and body hair) or assess aspects of performer appearance which could be consider to promote unhealthy/unrealistic beauty standards (e.g., performers being unhealthily underweight or extremely muscular). Apart from issues of performer health protection, unhealthy standards of beauty and sexual attractiveness are also regarded as relevant in terms of modelling behaviors for audiences. N=50 best-selling pornographic videos and DVDs in Australia in 2003 with 838 sexual scenes Performer body type Performer body type. Polytomous coding (1: unhealthy underweight; 2: slim / undertoned; 3: average (untoned); 4: average (toned); 5: bulked up / very muscular; 6: overweight). Not available McKee et al. (2008) Performer breast size Performer breast size. Polytomous coding (1: smaller than average breasts; 2: average-sized breasts; 3: larger than average breasts). Performer breast surgery Performer breast surgery is obvious. Polytomous coding (1: yes; 2: no; 3: unsure). Performer penis size Performer penis size. Polytomous coding (1: smaller than average penis; 2: average-sized penis; 3: larger than average penis). N > 6,900 performer profiles from 10 gay male adult websites Performer penis size Performer penis size (as listed in performer profile). Polytomous coding (1: 5–6.5 inches; 2: 7–8 inches, 3: 8.5–10 inches, 4: 10.5–13 inches) Not available Brennan (2018) N=50 MILF [“Mother I’d like to fuck” sub-genre category] and 50 “Teen” pornographic videos randomly selected from 10 different adult websites (10 videos per website) Performer pubic hair Performer pubic hair. Polytomous coding (1: none; 2. groomed; 3: natural). Percentage agreement across all variables in codebook: 90.3% Vannier et al. (2014) References Brennan, J. (2018). Size matters: Penis size and sexual position in gay porn profiles. Journal of Homosexuality, 65(7), 912-933. https://doi.org/10.1080/00918369.2017.1364568 Carrotte, E. R., Davis, A. C., & Lim, M. S. (2020). Sexual behaviors and violence in pornography: Systematic review and narrative synthesis of video content analyses. Journal of Medical Internet Research, 22(5), Article e16702. https://doi.org/10.2196/16702 Cowan, G., & Dunn, K. F. (1994). What themes in pornography lead to perceptions of the degradation of women? Journal of Sex Research, 31(1), 11–21. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499409551726 Döring, N. (2009). The Internet’s impact on sexuality: A critical review of 15 years of research. Computers in Human Behavior, 25(5), 1089–1101. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2009.04.003 Hardy, J., Kukkonen, T., & Milhausen, R. (2022). Examining sexually explicit material use in adults over the age of 65 years. The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 31(1), 117–129. https://doi.org/10.3138/cjhs.2021-0047 Keft-Kennedy, V. (2008). Fantasising masculinity in Buffyverse slash fiction: Sexuality, violence, and the vampire. Nordic Journal of English Studies, 7(1), 49–80. Kohut, T., & Fisher, W. A. (2013). The impact of brief exposure to sexually explicit video clips on partnered female clitoral self-stimulation, orgasm and sexual satisfaction. The Canadian Journal of Human Sexuality, 22(1), 40–50. https://doi.org/10.3138/cjhs.935 McKee, A., Albury, K., & Lumby, C. (2008). The porn report. Melbourne University Press. McKee, A., Byron, P., Litsou, K., & Ingham, R. (2020). An interdisciplinary definition of pornography: Results from a global Delphi panel. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 49(3), 1085–1091. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-019-01554-4 Miller, D. J., & McBain, K. A. (2022). The content of contemporary, mainstream pornography: A literature review of content analytic studies. American Journal of Sexuality Education, 17(2), 219–256. https://doi.org/10.1080/15546128.2021.2019648 Miller, D. J., McBain, K. A., & Raggatt, P. T. F. (2019). An experimental investigation into pornography’s effect on men’s perceptions of the likelihood of women engaging in porn-like sex. Psychology of Popular Media Culture, 8(4), 365–375. https://doi.org/10.1037/ppm0000202 Miller, D. J., Raggatt, P. T. F., & McBain, K. (2020). A literature review of studies into the prevalence and frequency of men’s pornography use. American Journal of Sexuality Education, 15(4), 502–529. https://doi.org/10.1080/15546128.2020.1831676 Paasonen, S. (2021). “We watch porn for the fucking, not for romantic tiptoeing”: Extremity, fantasy and women’s porn use. Porn Studies, 1–14. https://doi.org/10.1080/23268743.2021.1956366 Seehuus, M., Stanton, A. M., & Handy, A. B. (2019). On the content of "real-world" sexual fantasy: Results from an analysis of 250,000+ anonymous text-based erotic fantasies. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 48(3), 725–737. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-018-1334-0 Shor, E. (2022). Who seeks aggression in pornography? Findings from interviews with viewers. Archives of Sexual Behavior, 51(2), 1237–1255. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10508-021-02053-1 Vannier, S. A., Currie, A. B., & O'Sullivan, L. F. (2014). Schoolgirls and soccer moms: A content analysis of free “teen” and “MILF” online pornography. Journal of Sex Research, 51(3), 253-264. https://doi.org/10.1080/00224499.2013.829795 West, C. (2019). Pornography and ethics: An interview with porn performer Blath. Porn Studies, 6(2), 264–267. https://doi.org/10.1080/23268743.2018.1505540 Williams, L. (1989). Hard Core: Power, pleasure, and the frenzy of the visible. University of California Press.

Perhaps nothing in media culture today makes clearer the connection between people’s bodies and their homes than the Emmy-winning reality TV program Extreme Makeover: Home Edition. Home Edition is a spin-off from the original Extreme Makeover, and that fact provides in fundamental form the strong connection that the show demonstrates between bodies and houses. The first EM, initially popular for its focus on cosmetic surgery, laser skin and hair treatments, dental work, cosmetics and wardrobe for mainly middle-aged and self-described unattractive participants, lagged after two full seasons and was finally cancelled entirely, whereas EMHE has continued to accrue viewers and sponsors, as well as accolades (Paulsen, Poniewozik, EMHE Website, Wilhelm). That viewers and the ABC network shifted their attention to the reconstruction of houses over the original version’s direct intervention in problematic bodies indicates that sites of personal transformation are not necessarily within our own physical or emotional beings, but in the larger surround of our environments and in our cultural ideals of home and body. One effect of this shift in the Extreme Makeover format is that a seemingly wider range of narrative problems can be solved relating to houses than to the particular bodies featured on the original show. Although Extreme Makeover featured a few people who’d had previously botched cleft palate surgeries or mastectomies, as Cressida Heyes points out, “the only kind of disability that interests the show is one that can be corrected to conform to able-bodied norms” (22). Most of the recipients were simply middle-aged folks who were ordinary or aged in appearance; many of them seemed self-obsessed and vain, and their children often seemed disturbed by the transformation (Heyes 24). However, children are happy to have a brand new TV and a toy-filled room decorated like their latest fantasy, and they thereby can be drawn into the process of identity transformation in the Home Edition version; in fact, children are required of virtually all recipients of the show’s largess. Because EMHE can do “major surgery” or simply bulldoze an old structure and start with a new building, it is also able to incorporate more variety in its stories—floods, fires, hurricanes, propane explosions, war, crime, immigration, car accidents, unscrupulous contractors, insurance problems, terrorist attacks—the list of traumas is seemingly endless. Home Edition can solve any problem, small or large. Houses are much easier things to repair or reconstruct than bodies. Perhaps partly for this reason, EMHE uses disability as one of its major tropes. Until Season 4, Episode 22, 46.9 percent of the episodes have had some content related to disability or illness of a disabling sort, and this number rises to 76.4 percent if the count includes families that have been traumatised by the (usually recent) death of a family member in childhood or the prime of life by illness, accident or violence. Considering that the percentage of people living with disabilities in the U.S. is defined at 18.1 percent (Steinmetz), EMHE obviously favours them considerably in the selection process. Even the disproportionate numbers of people with disabilities living in poverty and who therefore might be more likely to need help—20.9 percent as opposed to 7.7 percent of the able-bodied population (Steinmetz)—does not fully explain their dominance on the program. In fact, the program seeks out people with new and different physical disabilities and illnesses, sending out emails to local news stations looking for “Extraordinary Mom / Dad recently diagnosed with ALS,” “Family who has a child with PROGERIA (aka ‘little old man’s disease’)” and other particular situations (Simonian). A total of sixty-five ill or disabled people have been featured on the show over the past four years, and, even if one considers its methods maudlin or exploitive, the presence of that much disability and illness is very unusual for reality TV and for TV in general. What the show purports to do is to radically transform multiple aspects of individuals’ lives—and especially lives marred by what are perceived as physical setbacks—via the provision of a luxurious new house, albeit sometimes with the addition of automobiles, mortgage payments or college scholarships. In some ways the assumptions underpinning EMHE fit with a social constructionist body theory that posits an almost infinitely flexible physical matter, of which the definitions and capabilities are largely determined by social concepts and institutions. The social model within the disability studies field has used this theoretical perspective to emphasise the distinction between an impairment, “the physical fact of lacking an arm or a leg,” and disability, “the social process that turns an impairment into a negative by creating barriers to access” (Davis, Bending 12). Accessible housing has certainly been one emphasis of disability rights activists, and many of them have focused on how “design conceptions, in relation to floor plans and allocation of functions to specific spaces, do not conceive of impairment, disease and illness as part of domestic habitation or being” (Imrie 91). In this regard, EMHE appears as a paragon. In one of its most challenging and dramatic Season 1 episodes, the “Design Team” worked on the home of the Ziteks, whose twenty-two-year-old son had been restricted to a sub-floor of the three-level structure since a car accident had paralyzed him. The show refitted the house with an elevator, roll-in bathroom and shower, and wheelchair-accessible doors. Robert Zitek was also provided with sophisticated computer equipment that would help him produce music, a life-long interest that had been halted by his upper-vertebra paralysis. Such examples abound in the new EMHE houses, which have been constructed for families featuring situations such as both blind and deaf members, a child prone to bone breaks due to osteogenesis imperfecta, legs lost in Iraq warfare, allergies that make mold life-threatening, sun sensitivity due to melanoma or polymorphic light eruption or migraines, fragile immune systems (often due to organ transplants or chemotherapy), cerebral palsy, multiple sclerosis, Krabbe disease and autism. EMHE tries to set these lives right via the latest in technology and treatment—computer communication software and hardware, lock systems, wheelchair-friendly design, ventilation and air purification set-ups, the latest in care and mental health approaches for various disabilities and occasional consultations with disabled celebrities like Marlee Matlin. Even when individuals or familes are “[d]iscriminated against on a daily basis by ignorance and physical challenges,” as the program website notes, they “deserve to have a home that doesn’t discriminate against them” (EMHE website, Season 3, Episode 4). The relief that they will be able to inhabit accessible and pleasant environments is evident on the faces of many of these recipients. That physical ease, that ability to move and perform the intimate acts of domestic life, seems according to the show’s narrative to be the most basic element of home. Nonetheless, as Robert Imrie has pointed out, superficial accessibility may still veil “a static, singular conception of the body” (201) that prevents broader change in attitudes about people with disabilities, their activities and their spaces. Starting with the story of the child singing in an attempt at self-comforting from Deleuze and Guattari’s A Thousand Plateaus, J. MacGregor Wise defines home as a process of territorialisation through specific behaviours. “The markers of home … are not simply inanimate objects (a place with stuff),” he notes, “but the presence, habits, and effects of spouses, children, parents, and companions” (299). While Ty Pennington, EMHE’s boisterous host, implies changes for these families along the lines of access to higher education, creative possibilities provided by musical instruments and disability-appropriate art materials, help with home businesses in the way of equipment and licenses and so on, the families’ identity-producing habits are just as likely to be significantly changed by the structural and decorative arrangements made for them by the Design Team. The homes that are created for these families are highly conventional in their structure, layout, decoration, and expectations of use. More specifically, certain behavioural patterns are encouraged and others discouraged by the Design Team’s assumptions. Several themes run through the show’s episodes: Large dining rooms provide for the most common of Pennington’s comments: “You can finally sit down and eat meals together as a family.” A nostalgic value in an era where most families have schedules full of conflicts that prevent such Ozzie-and-Harriet scenarios, it nonetheless predominates. Large kitchens allow for cooking and eating at home, though featured food is usually frozen and instant. In addition, kitchens are not designed for the families’ disabled members; for wheelchair users, for instance, counters need to be lower than usual with open space underneath, so that a wheelchair can roll underneath the counter. Thus, all the wheelchair inhabitants depicted will still be dependent on family members, primarily mothers, to prepare food and clean up after them. (See Imrie, 95-96, for examples of adapted kitchens.) Pets, perhaps because they are inherently “dirty,” are downplayed or absent, even when the family has them when EMHE arrives (except one family that is featured for their animal rescue efforts); interestingly, there are no service dogs, which might obviate the need for some of the high-tech solutions for the disabled offered by the show. The previous example is one element of an emphasis on clutter-free cleanliness and tastefulness combined with a rampant consumerism. While “cultural” elements may be salvaged from exotic immigrant families, most of the houses are very similar and assume a certain kind of commodified style based on new furniture (not humble family hand-me-downs), appliances, toys and expensive, prefab yard gear. Sears is a sponsor of the program, and shopping trips for furniture and appliances form a regular part of the program. Most or all of the houses have large garages, and the families are often given large vehicles by Ford, maintaining a positive take on a reliance on private transportation and gas-guzzling vehicles, but rarely handicap-adapted vans. Living spaces are open, with high ceilings and arches rather than doorways, so that family members will have visual and aural contact. Bedrooms are by contrast presented as private domains of retreat, especially for parents who have demanding (often ill or disabled) children, from which they are considered to need an occasional break. All living and bedrooms are dominated by TVs and other electronica, sometimes presented as an aid to the disabled, but also dominating to the point of excluding other ways of being and interacting. As already mentioned, childless couples and elderly people without children are completely absent. Friends buying houses together and gay couples are also not represented. The ideal of the heterosexual nuclear family is thus perpetuated, even though some of the show’s craftspeople are gay. Likewise, even though “independence” is mentioned frequently in the context of families with disabled members, there are no recipients who are disabled adults living on their own without family caretakers. “Independence” is spoken of mostly in terms of bathing, dressing, using the bathroom and other bodily aspects of life, not in terms of work, friendship, community or self-concept. Perhaps most salient, the EMHE houses are usually created as though nothing about the family will ever again change. While a few of the projects have featured terminally ill parents seeking to leave their children secure after their death, for the most part the families are considered oddly in stasis. Single mothers will stay single mothers, even children with conditions with severe prognoses will continue to live, the five-year-old will sleep forever in a fire-truck bed or dollhouse room, the occasional grandparent installed in his or her own suite will never pass away, and teenagers and young adults (especially the disabled) will never grow up, marry, discover their homosexuality, have a falling out with their parents or leave home. A kind of timeless nostalgia, hearkening back to Gaston Bachelard’s The Poetics of Space, pervades the show. Like the body-modifying Extreme Makeover, the Home Edition version is haunted by the issue of normalisation. The word ‘normal’, in fact, floats through the program’s dialogue frequently, and it is made clear that the goal of the show is to restore, as much as possible, a somewhat glamourised, but status quo existence. The website, in describing the work of one deserving couple notes that “Camp Barnabas is a non-profit organisation that caters to the needs of critically and chronically ill children and gives them the opportunity to be ‘normal’ for one week” (EMHE website, Season 3, Episode 7). Someone at the network is sophisticated enough to put ‘normal’ in quotation marks, and the show demonstrates a relatively inclusive concept of ‘normal’, but the word dominates the show itself, and the concept remains largely unquestioned (See Canguilhem; Davis, Enforcing Normalcy; and Snyder and Mitchell, Narrative, for critiques of the process of normalization in regard to disability). In EMHE there is no sense that disability or illness ever produces anything positive, even though the show also notes repeatedly the inspirational attitudes that people have developed through their disability and illness experiences. Similarly, there is no sense that a little messiness can be creatively productive or even necessary. Wise makes a distinction between “home and the home, home and house, home and domus,” the latter of each pair being normative concepts, whereas the former “is a space of comfort (a never-ending process)” antithetical to oppressive norms, such as the association of the home with the enforced domesticity of women. In cases where the house or domus becomes a place of violence and discomfort, home becomes the process of coping with or resisting the negative aspects of the place (300). Certainly the disabled have experienced this in inaccessible homes, but they may also come to experience a different version in a new EMHE house. For, as Wise puts it, “home can also mean a process of rationalization or submission, a break with the reality of the situation, self-delusion, or falling under the delusion of others” (300). The show’s assumption that the construction of these new houses will to a great extent solve these families’ problems (and that disability itself is the problem, not the failure of our culture to accommodate its many forms) may in fact be a delusional spell under which the recipient families fall. In fact, the show demonstrates a triumphalist narrative prevalent today, in which individual happenstance and extreme circumstances are given responsibility for social ills. In this regard, EMHE acts out an ancient morality play, where the recipients of the show’s largesse are assessed and judged based on what they “deserve,” and the opening of each show, when the Design Team reviews the application video tape of the family, strongly emphasises what good people these are (they work with charities, they love each other, they help out their neighbours) and how their situation is caused by natural disaster, act of God or undeserved tragedy, not their own bad behaviour. Disabilities are viewed as terrible tragedies that befall the young and innocent—there is no lung cancer or emphysema from a former smoking habit, and the recipients paralyzed by gunshots have received them in drive-by shootings or in the line of duty as police officers and soldiers. In addition, one of the functions of large families is that the children veil any selfish motivation the adults may have—they are always seeking the show’s assistance on behalf of the children, not themselves. While the Design Team always notes that there are “so many other deserving people out there,” the implication is that some people’s poverty and need may be their own fault. (See Snyder and Mitchell, Locations 41-67; Blunt and Dowling 116-25; and Holliday.) In addition, the structure of the show—with the opening view of the family’s undeserved problems, their joyous greeting at the arrival of the Team, their departure for the first vacation they may ever have had and then the final exuberance when they return to the new house—creates a sense of complete, almost religious salvation. Such narratives fail to point out social support systems that fail large numbers of people who live in poverty and who struggle with issues of accessibility in terms of not only domestic spaces, but public buildings, educational opportunities and social acceptance. In this way, it echoes elements of the medical model, long criticised in disability studies, where each and every disabled body is conceptualised as a site of individual aberration in need of correction, not as something disabled by an ableist society. In fact, “the house does not shelter us from cosmic forces; at most it filters and selects them” (Deleuze and Guattari, What Is Philosophy?, qtd. in Frichot 61), and those outside forces will still apply to all these families. The normative assumptions inherent in the houses may also become oppressive in spite of their being accessible in a technical sense (a thing necessary but perhaps not sufficient for a sense of home). As Tobin Siebers points out, “[t]he debate in architecture has so far focused more on the fundamental problem of whether buildings and landscapes should be universally accessible than on the aesthetic symbolism by which the built environment mirrors its potential inhabitants” (“Culture” 183). Siebers argues that the Jamesonian “political unconscious” is a “social imaginary” based on a concept of perfection (186) that “enforces a mutual identification between forms of appearance, whether organic, aesthetic, or architectural, and ideal images of the body politic” (185). Able-bodied people are fearful of the disabled’s incurability and refusal of normalisation, and do not accept the statistical fact that, at least through the process of aging, most people will end up dependent, ill and/or disabled at some point in life. Mainstream society “prefers to think of people with disabilities as a small population, a stable population, that nevertheless makes enormous claims on the resources of everyone else” (“Theory” 742). Siebers notes that the use of euphemism and strategies of covering eventually harm efforts to create a society that is home to able-bodied and disabled alike (“Theory” 747) and calls for an exploration of “new modes of beauty that attack aesthetic and political standards that insist on uniformity, balance, hygiene, and formal integrity” (Culture 210). What such an architecture, particularly of an actually livable domestic nature, might look like is an open question, though there are already some examples of people trying to reframe many of the assumptions about housing design. For instance, cohousing, where families and individuals share communal space, yet have private accommodations, too, makes available a larger social group than the nuclear family for social and caretaking activities (Blunt and Dowling, 262-65). But how does one define a beauty-less aesthetic or a pleasant home that is not hygienic? Post-structuralist architects, working on different grounds and usually in a highly theoretical, imaginary framework, however, may offer another clue, as they have also tried to ‘liberate’ architecture from the nostalgic dictates of the aesthetic. Ironically, one of the most famous of these, Peter Eisenman, is well known for producing, in a strange reversal, buildings that render the able-bodied uncomfortable and even sometimes ill (see, in particular, Frank and Eisenman). Of several house designs he produced over the years, Eisenman notes that his intention was to dislocate the house from that comforting metaphysic and symbolism of shelter in order to initiate a search for those possibilities of dwelling that may have been repressed by that metaphysic. The house may once have been a true locus and symbol of nurturing shelter, but in a world of irresolvable anxiety, the meaning and form of shelter must be different. (Eisenman 172) Although Eisenman’s starting point is very different from that of Siebers, it nonetheless resonates with the latter’s desire for an aesthetic that incorporates the “ragged edge” of disabled bodies. Yet few would want to live in a home made less attractive or less comfortable, and the “illusion” of permanence is one of the things that provide rest within our homes. Could there be an architecture, or an aesthetic, of home that could create a new and different kind of comfort and beauty, one that is neither based on a denial of the importance of bodily comfort and pleasure nor based on an oppressively narrow and commercialised set of aesthetic values that implicitly value some people over others? For one thing, instead of viewing home as a place of (false) stasis and permanence, we might see it as a place of continual change and renewal, which any home always becomes in practice anyway. As architect Hélène Frichot suggests, “we must look toward the immanent conditions of architecture, the processes it employs, the serial deformations of its built forms, together with our quotidian spatio-temporal practices” (63) instead of settling into a deadening nostalgia like that seen on EMHE. If we define home as a process of continual territorialisation, if we understand that “[t]here is no fixed self, only the process of looking for one,” and likewise that “there is no home, only the process of forming one” (Wise 303), perhaps we can begin to imagine a different, yet lovely conception of “house” and its relation to the experience of “home.” Extreme Makeover: Home Edition should be lauded for its attempts to include families of a wide variety of ethnic and racial backgrounds, various religions, from different regions around the U.S., both rural and suburban, even occasionally urban, and especially for its bringing to the fore how, indeed, structures can be as disabling as any individual impairment. That it shows designers and builders working with the families of the disabled to create accessible homes may help to change wider attitudes and break down resistance to the building of inclusive housing. However, it so far has missed the opportunity to help viewers think about the ways that our ideal homes may conflict with our constantly evolving social needs and bodily realities. References Bachelard, Gaston. The Poetics of Space. Tr. Maria Jolas. Boston: Beacon Press, 1969. Blunt, Alison, and Robyn Dowling. Home. London and New York: Routledge, 2006. Canguilhem, Georges. The Normal and the Pathological. New York: Zone Books, 1991. Davis, Lennard. Bending Over Backwards: Disability, Dismodernism & Other Difficult Positions. New York: NYUP, 2002. ———. Enforcing Normalcy: Disability, Deafness, and the Body. New York: Verso, 1995. Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Tr. B. Massumi. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987. ———. What Is Philosophy? Tr. G. Burchell and H. Tomlinson. London and New York: Verso, 1994. Eisenman, Peter Eisenman. “Misreading” in House of Cards. 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Macgregor. “Home: Territory and Identity.” Cultural Studies 14.2 (2000): 295-310. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Roney, Lisa. "The Extreme Connection Between Bodies and Houses." M/C Journal 10.4 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/03-roney.php>. APA Style Roney, L. (Aug. 2007) "The Extreme Connection Between Bodies and Houses," M/C Journal, 10(4). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0708/03-roney.php>.