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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Herodus”

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Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 26 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 27 lipca 2024

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1

Magness, Jodi. "Herod the Great’s Self-Representation Through His Tomb at Herodium". Journal of Ancient Judaism 10, nr 3 (19.05.2019): 258–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-01003002.

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In 2007, the late Ehud Netzer announced the discovery of the mausoleum of Herod the Great at Herodium. This paper considers Herod’s self-representation through his tomb at Herodium, which consists of a mausoleum on the side of a massive artificial tumulus that was planned by Herod as his final resting place and everlasting memorial. Comparisons with the lost Mausoleum of Alexander in Alexandria, the Philippeion at Olympia, and the Mausoleum of Augustus at Rome indicate that Herod intended Herodium to serve as a royal, dynastic monument and victory memorial situating him within a line of heroic and deified kings, while the site’s location overlooking Bethlehem visually asserted Herod’s claims to have fulfilled the expectations associated with a Davidic messiah.

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Magness, Jodi. "Where Is Herod's Tomb at Herodium?" Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 322 (maj 2001): 43–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1357515.

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Setianto, Yusak, Melvin Abrillian i Valentino Wariki. "Jalan Herodes atau Majus? Implikasi Kisah Kelahiran Kristus di Matius Matius 2:1-12 Bagi Penuntasan Amanat Agung". TELEIOS: Jurnal Teologi dan Pendidikan Agama Kristen 3, nr 2 (7.11.2023): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.53674/teleios.v3i2.62.

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Abstract: The church today often experiences difficulties completing the Great Commission because most only move from one congregation to another. This research aims to explore the responses of the magi and Herod to the news of Christ's birth in Matthew 2:1-12 which is associated with the completion of the Great Commission. The research method used is descriptive qualitative based on a literature study. The study results show that the story offers two paths: the "way of the magi," which supports the Great Commission, and the "Herod's way," which rejects the Great Commission. So, the conclusion is that the church or congregation needs to avoid Herod's way and follow the magi's path. The reason is that someone who chooses this path will be ready to sacrifice to spread the Good News, just like the magi who sacrificed their wealth, energy, and time to seek and worship Him and preach the news about the King of the Jews. They are figures to emulate, not Herod, who is always selfish and even blocks the excellent news from the world.Abstrak: Gereja masa kini seringkali mengalami kesulitan dalam menuntaskan Amanat Agung karena sebagian besar mereka hanya memindahkan jemaat yang satu ke jemaat yang lain. Itulah sebabnya, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menelusuri respons orang majus dan Herodes terhadap berita kelahiran Kristus di Matius 2:1-12 yang dikaitkan dengan penuntasan Amanat Agung. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif deskriptif berbasis studi pustaka. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa kisah tersebut menawarkan dua jalan, yaitu “jalan majus” yang mendukung Amanat Agung dan “jalan Herodes” yang menolak Amanat Agung. Jadi, kesimpulannya adalah gereja atau jemaat perlu menghindari jalan Herodes dan mengikuti jalan majus. Alasannya karena seseorang yang memilih jalan ini akan siap berkorban demi penyebaran Kabar Baik, sama seperti para majus yang mengorbankan harta, tenaga, dan waktu demi mencari dan menyembah-Nya serta memberitakan kabar tentang Raja orang Yahudi. Merekalah tokoh yang patut diteladani, bukan Herodes yang selalu mementingkan dirinya sendiri dan bahkan menghalangi berita sukacita tersebut dari dunia.

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Rife, Joseph L. "The burial of Herodes Atticus: élite identity, urban society, and public memory in Roman Greece". Journal of Hellenic Studies 128 (listopad 2008): 92–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075426900000070.

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AbstractThis paper discusses the burial of Herodes Atticus as a well-attested case of élite identification through mortuary practices. It gives a close reading of Philostratus' account of Herodes' end inc. 179 (VS2.1.15) alongside the evidence of architecture, inscriptions, sculpture, and topography at Marathon, Cephisia and Athens. The intended burial of Herodes and the actual burials of his family on the Attic estates expressed wealth and territorial control, while his preference for Marathon fused personal history with civic history. The Athenian intervention in Herodes' private funeral, which led to his magnificent interment at the Panathenaic Stadium, served as a public reception for a leading citizen and benefactor. Herodes' tomb should be identified with a long foundation on the stadium's east hill that might have formed an eccentric altar-tomb, while an elegantklinêsarcophagus found nearby might have been his coffin. His epitaph was a traditional distich that stressed through language and poetic allusion his deep ties to Marathon and Rhamnous, his euergetism and his celebrity. Also found here was an altar dedicated to Herodes ‘the Marathonian hero’ with archaizing features (IGII26791). The first and last lines of the text were erased in a deliberate effort to remove his name and probably the name of a relative. A cemetery of ordinary graves developed around Herods' burial site, but by the 250s these had been disturbed, along with the altar and the sarcophagus. This new synthesis of textual and material sources for the burial of Herodes contributes to a richer understanding of status and antiquarianism in Greek urban society under the Empire. It also examines how the public memory of élites was composite and mutable, shifting through separate phases of activity — funeral, hero-cult, defacement, biography — to generate different images of the dead.

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Patrich, Joseph, i Benjamin Arubas. "REVISITING THE MAUSOLEUM AT HERODIUM: IS IT HEROD'S TOMB?" Palestine Exploration Quarterly 147, nr 4 (grudzień 2015): 299–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1743130114y.0000000018.

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Bloch, David J. "Ovid's Heroides 6: preliminary scenes from the life of an intertextual heroine". Classical Quarterly 50, nr 1 (maj 2000): 197–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.1.197.

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Ovid regarded the Epistulae Heroidum as a collection with a consistent theme. He indicates as much at Am. 2.18.18–26, where he describes the unified conception of nine or ten of the Heroides as the result of Amor's insistence that he be an elegiac poet:

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7

Parker, Victor. "Sollten wir das medische Reich aus der Geschichte verabschieden?" Klio 101, nr 1 (1.06.2019): 1–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2019-0001.

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Zusammenfassung Obwohl in letzter Zeit manche Gelehrte die Existenz des Mederreiches, das nach Herodot dem Perserreich voraufgegangen sein soll, zu leugnen versuchen, weisen die Medismen im Altpersischen darauf hin, daß die Meder eine Reichsideologie sowie Reichsinstitutionen entwickelt hatten, welche die Perser von ihnen übernahmen. Dies legt nahe, daß es ein Mederreich tatsächlich gegeben hat. Des weiteren bezeugen die vorderasiatischen Quellen ganz unabhängig von Herodot einen mächtigen medischen ‚Staat‘; Jer. 51,28 weist diesem ‚Staat‘ sogar Reichsbeamte zu. Des weiteren zeigt eine eingehende Besprechung des medischen Logos bei Herodot, daß diese Partie so stark iranisch geprägt ist, daß man sie keinesfalls als Erfindung Herodots abtun kann: statt dessen ist vielmehr von iranischem Quellenmaterial zu reden, welches die Existenz eines Mederreiches von sich aus bezeugt.

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Gassner, Evie. "Beyond the Walls: Locating the Common Denominator in Herod’s Landscape Palaces". Journal of Landscape Ecology 10, nr 3 (1.12.2017): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jlecol-2017-0024.

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Abstract The Question of King Herod's personal involvement in the Building Projects attributed to him was always one of the more dominant topics in the study of Herodian archaeology. The purpose of this short paper is to try and answer this question by researching and discussing the location of a ‘common denominator’ in the structure of Herod's “Landscape” palaces, through the study of the relationship each palace has with its surroundings. These palaces-the Promontory Palace in Caesarea, the Third Palace in Jericho, the Northern Palace in Masada and the Palace of Great Herodium-were chosen as case studies for their scale, architectural complexity and the unique connection they share with the landscape. While a close study of the interior of the palaces and their structural units show that each palace plan is unique and shares almost nothing in common with the other plans, a research of the landscape in which the palaces are located indicates that a common denominator to all four palaces can be found in the forms of the elements of water and the dramatic landscape. These two elements, combined with the uniqueness of the structures themselves, point to Herod's own involvement in the planning of the four “Landscape” palaces.

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Engelhardt, Jillian. "Performing power in the public court of reputation: Capital punishment, John the Baptist, and Julius Jones". Review & Expositor 119, nr 3-4 (listopad 2022): 303–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00346373231173718.

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The story of John the Baptist’s execution in Mark 6:14–29 has intrigued artists and biblical interpreters alike. The daughter’s dance, Herodias’s grudge, and Herod’s impulsive oath have proven to be fertile ground to speculate on internal motivations and private conversations absent from the Markan account. The daughter has been blamed for John’s death because her erotic dancing tricked Herod into making his promise. Herodias gets blamed for orchestrating the events of the banquet that lead to John’s death. Herod gets blamed for losing control of himself and making an oath without considering the implications. This article reconsiders this scene with attention to the function of the dinner guests who legitimate Herod’s authority, thereby implicating them as much as anyone else in John’s death. Furthermore, John’s execution is compared with the commutation of Julius Jones’s death sentence in Oklahoma in 2021 to highlight the role of the public in determining the exertion of power.

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10

Gonçalves, Ana Teresa Marques, i Mariana Carrijo Medeiros. "AMOR E ALUSÃO À MORTE: UM ESTUDO ACERCA DAS REPRESENTAÇÕES DAS HEROÍNAS DE OVÍDIO". Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 27, nr 1 (3.11.2015): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.24277/classica.v27i1.340.

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As heroínas construídas por Ovídio, na obra Epistulae Heroidum, vivenciam amores extremos, que as levam a pensar na morte como escapatória dos sofrimentos que enfrentam na ausência de seus seres amados. Muitas das personagens representadas por Ovídio prometem cometer suicídio se não conseguirem trazer de volta os heróis ausentes. Neste artigo, objetivamos analisar como o amor e a morte são partes integrantes do pensamento ovidiano expresso nas Heroides.

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Quevedo, Amalia. "René Girard y el juramento de Herodes". Tópicos, Revista de Filosofía, nr 57 (29.06.2019): 149–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.21555/top.v0i57.1039.

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Nada mejor para interpretar y entender la enigmática muerte de Juan el Bautista, en el clímax de la celebración del cumpleaños de Herodes, que la teoría de René Girard sobre el deseo mimético y el chivo expiatorio. Antes de Girards, algunas obras literarias trataron el tema. Entre ellas destacan Salomé de Oscar Wilde y Herodías de Gustave Flaubert. Una y otra ofrecen una fascinante visión de la historia narrada por los evangelios y por el historiador Flavio Josefo. Aquí son examinados el contexto histórico y político, los personajes secundarios, los acontecimientos antes, durante y después del banquete, el a primera vista inexplicable final sangriento y sus terribles consecuencias.

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12

Romero López, Alicia. "Herodías: la olvidada "femme fatale" = Herodias: the forgotten "femme fatale"". Signa: Revista de la Asociación Española de Semiótica 25 (1.01.2016): 1007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/signa.vol25.2016.16941.

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Leventi, Maria. "The Hero's Narrative in Ovid's Heroides 9 and 13". Illinois Classical Studies 47, nr 1 (1.04.2022): 74–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/23285265.47.1.04.

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Abstract Some letters in Ovid's Heroides include stories which the heroines imagine their lovers narrating. Thus, in some letters Ovid has constructed both a heroine's and a hero's narrative (the latter probably mediated by the former). This paper argues that there are similarities in the narrative strategies of the stories that Ovid attributes to the heroine and the hero in Heroides 9 (Deianira and Hercules) and 13 (Laodamia and Protesilaus), and then analyzes the interpretative possibilities that arise from this type of narrative assimilation. Through the use of intertextuality and relative mythological chronology, it also explores whether Ovid's heroines model their husbands after themselves as narrators, or whether their narratives are influenced by those of the heroes instead.

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Netzer, E., Y. Kalman, R. Porath i R. Chachy-Laureys. "Preliminary report on Herod's mausoleum and theatre with a royal box at Herodium". Journal of Roman Archaeology 23 (2010): 84–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400002312.

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Wood, Clem. "‘I AM GOING TO SAY … ’: A SIGN ON THE ROAD OF HERODOTUS’ LOGOS". Classical Quarterly 66, nr 1 (7.03.2016): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838816000069.

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Er ist der Wanderer, der genau weiß, wohin er schließlich kommen will, auch genau die Hauptstationen seines Weges vorher festgelegt hat und innehält, der sich aber dabei Zeit läßt, um alles Schöne und Interessante, das die Gegend bietet, zu betrachten, und selbst lange Seitenwege zu diesem Zwecke nicht zu scheuen braucht, da er weiß, daß er die Hauptstraße am richtigen Punkte wieder erreichen wird.M. Pohlenz, Herodot, der erste Geschichtschreiber des Abendlandes (1937)Anyone familiar with Greek literature knows at once that this can describe no author but Herodotus. As readers have long recognized, travel is a crucial element of Herodotus’ persona not only as an historian and ethnographer but also as a narrator, to the extent that he has been called a tourist and a guide. Pohlenz draws his vivid metaphor from Herodotus himself, who assimilates movement through his narrative to movement through space by several well-known narratorial habits: he points out ‘paths’ of logoi (1.95.1: λόγων ὁδούς), goes out of his way to justify so-called ‘digressions’ (or Exkurse) and frequently uses verbs of movement to return to earlier narratives or to preview upcoming ones. However, most scholars have overlooked one important feature by which Herodotus creates this sense of progress through his logoi, although it appears in the programmatic sentence that begins his whole network of narrative signposts and recurs in his voice in the first half of the Histories and in important speeches in the second.

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Porat, Roi, Yakov Kalman i Rachel Chachy. "Excavation of the approach to the mountain palace-fortress at Herodium". Journal of Roman Archaeology 29 (2016): 142–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1047759400072081.

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In 2014, the Ehud Netzer Expedition for the Study of Herodium from the Hebrew University commenced excavations in the area of the approach to the mountain palace-fortress at Herodium (hereafter “the mountain palace”). The excavations produced surprising new data with respect to the stages of construction and the layout of the entrance to the hilltop structure, shedding light on Herod's last building project at the site at the time when he transformed the entire hill into his burial and memorial complex (fig. 1 in colour).The presence of a monumental stairway ascending the NE slope of the mount and leading to the structure at its top has long been known, as was that of a sloping passageway that led to the door entering the mountain palace. This arched passageway was intended to make entry possible through the fill of the conical artificial mount. Also prior to the new excavations the entrance room of the hilltop structure was known. The door leading into the courtyard of the palace had been exposed during the Franciscan excavations directed by V. Corbo in the early 1960s, while in 1968-69 G. Foerster exposed the S part of the entrance room, as well as some of the upper arches of the passageway (fig. 2).

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Uribe, Alicia. "Efecto de las aves anidando sobre la vegetación". Actualidades Biológicas 11, nr 41 (14.12.2017): 71–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.17533/udea.acbi.330326.

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Este estudio se realizó en un bosque de pino rojo (Pinus resinosa) localizado en el condado de Clearwater, Minnesota, Estados Unidos, en el parque Estatal de Itasca, donde la Universidad de Minnesota posee una estación biológica. El bosque estaba parcialmente ocupado por aves (Ardea herodias herodia) las cuales anidaban sobre los pinos. Los árboles ocupados estaban muertos o casi muertos y el área bajo estos estaba desnuda de vegetación y cubierta con gran cantidad de excrementos de las aves. En caso de encontrase vegetación, la diversidad era muy baja comparada con áreas no afectadas por las aves.

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Maystrenko, Lyudmyla. "THE EXPRESSION OF DESTRUCTIVE LOVE IN OVID’S HEROIDS WITH EMOTIONAL MEANS". Fìlologìčnì traktati 12, nr 1 (2020): 82–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/ftrk.2020.12(1)-8.

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The search of scientists of the XXI century is increasingly focused on a sphere that is not available for direct observation – the sphere of emotions. Therefore, the issue of the emotive component of a literary text at different levels relates to priority areas not only of modern linguistics. Emotions represent the linguistic picture of the artistic universe of the poet, reveal the inner world of his characters. The existential-sensual sphere is a manifestation of the subjective attitude of a person to the surrounding reality and himself in the mental space of the artist. Ovid subtly reproduces the spiritual world of a loving woman in the inexhaustible wealth of emotional manifestations and unique individual identities. The main object of unfortunate love in Heroides is a married woman or hetaera. Ovid is a vivid representative of the sensually-earthly Eros. The ancient man, for whom the idea of sin was extraneous, was not embarrassed by the sensual nature of his love in various forms, focusing all his interest in earthly existence, adored desires. However, the sensual Eros of Heroides with not the happy ending is aesthetically beautiful. Having refused from the usual August poetry themes related to the historical past of Rome or the events of his personal life, Ovid in Heroids turns exclusively to mythological themes, popular in Neo-Téric poetry or Hellenistic poetry, depicting the heroines of Greek mythology and Sappho herself by the psychology of contemporary Roman women. Ovid's Heroides reflects the fact that the psychology of a loving woman has not changed much since the time of the Roman Empire.

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Никишин, В. О. "THREE EPISODES FROM THE LIFE OF HERODIAS, A DAUGHTER OF ARISTOBULUS, A GRANDDAUGHTER OF HEROD". Цивилизация и варварство, nr 11(11) (18.11.2022): 27–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21267/aquilo.2022.11.11.001.

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Статья посвящена наиболее ярким сюжетам из жизни Иродиады, внучки Ирода Великого и жены своего дяди Ирода Антипы, тетрарха Галилеи и Переи. Это три сюжета: кровосмесительный брак с Иродом Антипой, казнь Иоанна Крестителя и ссылка Антипы и Иродиады в Галлию. Проанализировав источники и историографию, автор выстроил следующую хронологическую канву событий: в 34 г. начался роман Ирода Антипы и Иродиады, в 35 г. они официально стали мужем и женой, в 36 г. разгорелась война между бывшим тестем Антипы, набатейским царём Аретой IV, и тетрархом Галилеи и Переи. Эта война завершилась в 37 г. без решительного результата ни для одной из сторон. В соответствии с этой хронологической канвой казнь Иоанна Крестителя состоялась в 35 г., а Иисус был распят в 36 г. в возрасте около 40 лет. Автор пришёл к выводу, что описанного в Евангелиях «танца Саломеи» в реальности не было и быть не могло. Дело в том, что ни Саломея, ни какая-либо другая особа женского пола из династии Иродиадов не могли танцевать на пиру в силу строгости иудейских традиций и религиозных предписаний. По мнению автора, на пиру у Ирода могла танцевать какая-нибудь гетера или придворная куртизанка. Автор не исключает, что Антипа и Иродиада могли заранее срежиссировать роковую сцену на пиру в Махероне, чтобы хотя бы отчасти снять с тетрарха тяжесть ответственности за казнь пророка в глазах подданных. Наконец, в 39 г. произошла развязка: в результате предпринятой по инициативе Иродиады интриги Ирод Антипа и его жена попали в опалу и по приказу Калигулы были сосланы в Галлию, где и умерли спустя несколько лет. The article is devoted to the most vivid stories from the life of Herodias, the granddaughter of Herod the Great and the wife of her uncle Herod Antipas, the tetrarch of Galilee and Perea. These are three plots: the incestuous marriage with Herod Antipas, the execution of John the Baptist, and the exile of Antipas and Herodias to Gaul. After analyzing the sources and historiography, the author built the following chronological outline of events: in 34 A.D. the romance of Herod Antipas and Herodias began, in 35 A.D. they officially became husband and wife, in 36 A.D. a war broke out between Antipas' former father-in-law, Nabataean king Aretha IV, and the tetrarch of Galilee and Perea. This war ended in 37 A.D. without a decisive result for either side. According to this chronological outline, the execution of John the Baptist took place in 35 A.D., and Jesus was crucified in 36 A.D. at the age of about 40 years. The author came to the conclusion that the “dance of Salome” described in the Gospels did not and could not exist in reality. The fact is that neither Salome nor any other female person from the Herodias dynasty could dance at the feast due to the strictness of Jewish traditions and religious precepts. According to the author, some hetaera or a court courtesan could dance at Herod's feast. The author does not exclude that Antipas and Herodias could have staged the fatal scene at the feast in Macheron in advance in order to at least partially remove from the tetrarch the burden of responsibility for the execution of the prophet in the eyes of his subjects. Finally, in 39 A.D. a denouement occurred: as a result of an intrigue initiated by Herodias, Herod Antipas and his wife fell into disgrace and, by order of Caligula, were exiled to Gaul, where they died a few years later.

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De la Fuente Núñez, Rubén. "maldición de Herodes." Anuario Jurídico y Económico Escurialense, nr 54 (8.03.2021): 459–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.54571/ajee.464.

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El objetivo de este artículo es plasmar el trabajo infantil en una ciudad de interior y preindustrial como era Segovia desde 1860 a 1930. Con este fin, nos hemos basado en el estudio de los padrones municipales de 1860, 1881, 1905 y 1930, interrogatorios a los obreros de las fábricas, información referente a la oficina de colocación obrera, encuestas, fuentes orales, estadística y prensa local. Para su análisis, se hace un acercamiento al origen del trabajo infantil, identificando su número, género, edad, procedencia, función desempeñada, salario, tiempo de residencia e inserción familiar, desglosando estas características en dos etapas: 1860-1905 y 1905-1930.

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Cardozo Mindiola, Cristian. "Satanizando a Herodes". Estudios Eclesiásticos. Revista de investigación e información teológica y canónica 98, nr 384 (16.02.2023): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.14422/ee.v98.i384.y2023.001.

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A pesar de que Mt 2,13-16 responsabiliza a Herodes por sus acciones asesinas, varios autores cristianos primitivos postularon que él había actuado bajo la influencia del diablo. Entre ellos destacan Ticonio y Ecumenio, pues ellos fueron los primeros en ofrecer un marco hermenéutico que justificase dicha conclusión. Este artículo explora, empleando a la Wirkungsgeschichte como metodología, ¿por qué Ticonio y Ecumenio creyeron que Herodes actuó bajo la influencia Satanás en Mt 2,13-16?, y ¿cómo arribaron a estas conclusiones? Como consecuencia, se propone que la satanización de Herodes es producto de la lectura intertextual de Mt 2 y Ap 12, pues de esta forma las acciones del rey de Judea reflejan las del dragón apocalíptico.

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van Henten, Jan Willem. "‘Knowing Everything’ in the Gospel of John and in Josephus: the Case of Manaemus". NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 65, nr 3 (18.08.2011): 195–211. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2011.65.195.hent.

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Dit artikel gaat in op het motief dat Jezus of een andere profetische figuur alles weet. Het motief komt een aantal keren voor in het Johannesevangelie (4:29; 16:30; 18:4; 21:17), maar het is eveneens belangrijk in een fascinerend verhaal van Flavius Josephus over de profetie van de Esseen Manaemus dat Herodes (de latere Herodes de Grote) koning zou worden ((Josephus, Joodse oudheden 15,373-379). Manaemus beweert in een dialoog met de nog jonge Herodes kennis van alles te hebben. Het verhaal over Manaemus en de overeenkomsten en verschillen met de passages in het Johannesevangelie worden uitgebreid behandeld.

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Šliogeris, Arvydas. "TRAGIŠKASIS HEROJUS IR LIETUVIŠKOJI JO ATMAINA (NEOLITINĖ A. MACEINOS APOLOGIJA SU PALEOLITINE TRAGIŠKOJO GESTO PROLOGIJA)". Problemos 75 (1.01.2008): 48–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/problemos.2008.0.1997.

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Šiame straipsnyje nagrinėjama tragedijos prigimtis ir tragiškojo herojaus istoriniai tipai. Tragedija suvokiama ne kaip literatūros žanras, o kaip mirtingojo egzistencinė laikysena visuotinybės ir jos ribinio varianto bei vienintelio jos duoties būdo – Kalbos atžvilgiu ir apibrėžiama kaip individo maištas prieš visuotinybę, kad ir kokiu pavidalu toji visuotinybė reikštųsi. Tvirtinama, kad autentiškiausia ir savaip vienintelė tragiškojo gesto forma yra įvykusi tik keliuose Graikijos poliuose ir iš dalies Romos respublikoje. Tik Graikija yra davusi gryniausių tragiškojo maišto pavyzdžių ir klasikinio tragiškojo herojaus archetipą – laisvą ir autonomišką individą. Nepralenkiamas tragiškojo mirtingojo pavyzdys yra Sokratas, kuriam gali prilygti tik tokios tragiškos figūros kaip Periklis, Aleksandras ir Cezaris. Krikščionybė ir vadinamoji modernybė sunaikina tragiškojo gesto galimybės sąlygas, autonomiško individo metafizinę paradigmą pakeisdama „asmens“, kaip Kalbos mašinos, taigi kaip Visuotinybės įgaliotinio, paradigma. Kalbėti apie tragediją religinio arba technologinio despotizmo sąlygomis beprasmiška. Antigraikiškieji Vakarai, lygiai kaip ir despotiškieji Rytai, neturi tragiškojo herojaus, tačiau forsuoja tragiškojo gesto ideologinį žargoną, egzistencines tragiškojo herojaus galimybės sąlygas pakeisdami kalbiniais tų sąlygų falsimuliakrais. Antrojoje straipsnio dalyje nagrinėjama Antano Maceinos, kaip religinio filosofo, figūra tragiškojo gesto kontekste. Prieinama išvada, kad Antano Maceinos figūra, nepaisant kai kurių su filosofine laikysena susijusių jo gyvenimo ir mąstymo elementų, geriausiu atveju laikytina melodramatiška. Lietuvių kultūra, palenkta religiniam despotizmui, kaip ir Vakarų Europa, neturi savo tragiškojo herojaus. Pagrindiniai žodžiai: tragiškasis herojus, visuotinybė, individualumas, maištas.A Tragic Hero and its Lithuanian Variety (A. Maceina’s Neolithic Apology with Paleolithic Prologue of Tragic Gesture)Arvydas Šliogeris SummaryThe paper deals with the origin of tragedy and with historical types of the tragic hero. Tragedy is treated not as a genre of literature but rather as an existential posture of a mortal vis-ą-vis the Universality and its marginal expression and the only way of presence, i.e. Language. Similarly, tragedy is defined as a revolt of an individual against the Universality in any possible ways of its manifestation. It is asserted that the tragic gesture, in its most authentic manifestation and to some extent a unique form, emerged only in several Greek poleis and partly in the Republic of Rome. Greeks gave the world the purest examples of tragic revolt and the archetipe of a tragic hero – a free and autonomous individual. Socrates can be Pericles, Alexander, and Cesar. Christianity and the so-called Modernity replace the metaphysical paradigm of the autonomous individual with that of a ‘person’ as a machine of Language and, consequently, as a representative of the Universality, thus destroying the very possibility of tragic gesture. It is futile to have any discussion about tragedy in the circumstances of religious and technological despotism. Though neither the anti-Greek West nor the despotic East can boast of a tragic hero, they still escalate the jargon of ideological gesture to replace the existential circumstances of the tragic hero with linguistic simulacres. In the focus of the second part of the article is Antanas Maceina as a figure of religious philosopher in the context of the tragic gesture. It is concluded that Antanas Maceina, despite some aspects of his life and thinking relatable to his philosophical posture, could be most treated only as a melodramatic figure. Like in the rest of Western Europe, in Lithuania culture is bounded by religious despotism and consequently does not possess a tragic hero of its own. Keywords: tragic hero, universality, individuality, revolt.

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Velazco, Salvador, Luis Estrada i Vicente Leñero. "La ley de Herodes". Chasqui 29, nr 2 (2000): 190. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/29741631.

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Pawlak, Marcin N. "Herodes Attyk i Ateńczycy". Klio - Czasopismo Poświęcone Dziejom Polski i Powszechnym 33, nr 2 (18.11.2015): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/klio.2015.016.

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GELİR ÇELEBİ, Azize. "KING HEROD'S CAESAREA MARITIMA". SOCIAL SCIENCE DEVELOPMENT JOURNAL 8, nr 37 (15.05.2023): 135–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.31567/ssd.914.

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Caesarea Maritima is an ancient harbour city and is located on the Mediterranean coast of the present-day State of Israel. It was founded on an ancient Hellenistic Phoenician city called Straton Tower. King Herod, the founder of Caesarea Maritima, is a successful Roman ruler. Herod, whose most important architectural and engineering achievement in Caesarea was the Sebastos Harbour, established the city within the framework of the most advanced facilities of the period. He built not only Sebastos Harbour, but also a temple dedicated to Rome and Augustus, the Promontory Palace, a hippodrome, a theater and aqueducts, and established one of the most developed port cities of the period. Behind all these monumental and public buildings, the city of Caesarea Maritima is also a reflection of King Herod's imagination and entrepreneurial personality. In the article, it is aimed to present the port city Caesarea Maritima, founded by King Herod in ancient times: how it was formed, important structures and Herod's reconstruction activities, by blending the narratives of the Roman historian Josephus Flavius with archaeological data.

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Toepfer, Regina. "Herodes und sein Narr." Jahrbuch der Oswald von Wolkenstein-Gesellschaft 20, nr 1 (2015): 424–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.29091/9783954906093/032.

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Oberweis, Michael. "Beobachtungen zum AT-Gebrauch in der matthäischen Kindheitsgeschichte". New Testament Studies 35, nr 1 (styczeń 1989): 131–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500024541.

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Während die lukanische Kindheitsgeschichte im ganzen recht zusammenhängend konzipiert erscheint, weist ihr matthäisches Gegenstück zahlreiche Widersprüche und Ungereimtheiten auf. Dies gilt besonders für die im zweiten Kapitel geschilderten Vorgänge. Ohne plausible Erklärung bleiben z.B. das verhängnisvolle Zusammentreffen der Magier mit Herodes und die merkwürdigen Himmelsbewegungen des Wundersterns. Engelserscheinungen im Traum dienen wiederholt dazu, entscheidende Handlungsmomente notdürftig zu motivieren. Doch in der Situation nach dem Tode des Herodes versagt selbst diese Erzählfigur. Nachdem ein ἃγγελος κυρίου Josef versichert hat, die Verfolger des Kindes seien gestorben (2. 20), verläßt die Hl. Familie Ägypten und kehrt zurück in das ‘Land Israel’. In Judäa aber stellt sich heraus, daß die tödliche Gefahr nach wie vor besteht, denn nunmehr regiert dort Archelaus, ein Sohn des Herodes (2. 22).

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Steinmann, Andrew. "When Did Herod the Great Reign?" Novum Testamentum 51, nr 1 (2009): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853608x245953.

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AbstractFor about 100 years there has been a consensus among scholars that Herod the Great reigned from 37 to 4 BCE. However, there have been several challenges to this consensus over the past four decades, the most notable being the objection raised by W.E. Filmer. This paper argues that Herod most likely reigned from late 39 BCE to early 1 BCE, and that this reconstruction of his reign can account for all of the surviving historical references to the events of Herod's reign more logically than the current consensus can. Moreover, the reconstruction of Herod's reign proposed in this paper accounts for all of the datable evidence relating to Herod's reign, whereas the current consensus is unable to explain some of the evidence that it dismisses as ancient errors or that it simply ignores.

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Lang, Mabel, i John Gould. "Herodotus". Classical World 84, nr 3 (1991): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350802.

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BURROW, JOHN. "HERODOTUS". Yale Review 96, nr 1 (9.01.2008): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9736.2008.00355.x.

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Davis, Cortney. "Heroics". American Journal of Nursing 100 (styczeń 2000): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00000446-200001000-00034.

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Harrison, Thomas. "Herodotus". Classical Review 49, nr 1 (kwiecień 1999): 15–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.15.

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Morris, L. "Heroides". Classical Review 49, nr 1 (kwiecień 1999): 55–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/49.1.55.

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Fornara, Charles W. "Herodotus". Classical Review 51, nr 2 (październik 2001): 238–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.2.238.

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DAVIS, CORTNEY. "Heroics". Academic Medicine 78, nr 3 (marzec 2003): 326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00001888-200303000-00018.

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O'Connell, Peter A. "THE RHETORIC OF VISIBILITY AND INVISIBILITY IN ANTIPHON 5, ON THE MURDER OF HERODES". Classical Quarterly 66, nr 1 (maj 2016): 46–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838816000343.

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Alone among surviving Athenian homicide orations, Antiphon's On the Murder of Herodes resembles a modern murder mystery. Antiphon's client, a Mytilenean named Euxitheus, tells a story of a stormy night, an isolated harbour, a drunken murder victim, a missing corpse, misleading bloodstains, forged documents and hints of political intrigue. And, like in any good whodunnit, Euxitheus insists that no one knows who the killer is. Although all the clues seem to point to him, he maintains that Herodes' relatives have manipulated the evidence to make him seem guilty. We do not know whether Euxitheus succeeded in convincing his jurors, but the author of the Life of Antiphon attributed to Plutarch, who says that Antiphon was ‘adept in situations with no way out’ (ἐν τοῖς ἀπόροις τεχνικός), considers On the Murder of Herodes one of Antiphon's finest compositions (832E, 833D).

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Crane, Gregory. "Three Notes on Herodas 8". Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 90 (1986): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/311461.

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Schmid, Stephan G., i Achim Lichtenberger. "Die Baupolitik Herodes des Grossen". American Journal of Archaeology 106, nr 3 (lipiec 2002): 484. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4126295.

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Feldman, Louis H. "Asinius Pollio and Herod's sons". Classical Quarterly 35, nr 1 (maj 1985): 240–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800014749.

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In a recent note, D. Braund has challenged my identification of the Pollio (Josephus, Antiquities 15.343) at whose home in Rome Herod's sons Alexander and Aristobulus stayed in 22 b.c. as Gaius Asinius Pollio, the famous consul of 40 b.c., who was a close friend of Julius Caesar and to whom Virgil dedicated his Fourth Eclogue. Braund's argument rests upon five grounds. (1) If this Pollio were a man of the stature of Asinius Pollio, we would expect Josephus to make his identity clear and not to describe him solely as one of Herod's most devoted friends (⋯νδρ⋯ς τ⋯ν μάλιστα σπουδασάντων περ⋯ τ⋯ν Ἡρώδου ɸιλίαν). (2) Josephus' reference to Pollio here is different from the definite references to Asinius Pollio elsewhere in Josephus, where he is referred to as Asinius (Ant. 14.138) or Gaius Asinius Pollio (Ant. 14.389). (3) In the latter passage his name is spelled Πωλίωνος, whereas the name of the host of Herod's sons is spelled Πολλίωνος. (4) When Herod sent two other sons to Rome, they stayed ‘with a certain Jew’ (Ant. 17.20), and hence it seems likely that the two other sons likewise stayed with a Jew. (5) Asinius' role in the elevation by the Roman Senate of Herod to the kingship of Judaea was no greater than that of any other magistrate.

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Hunter, Richard. "The Presentation of Herodas' Mimiamboi". Antichthon 27 (listopad 1993): 31–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000770.

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The mimiamboi of Herodas reveal familiar hallmarks of the poetry of the third century: characters drawn from socially humble backgrounds; a literary re-casting of sub-literary ‘genres’; the revival of an archaic metre; the free reconstruction of an artificial literary dialect; the reaching back to claim authority for poetic practice in a great figure of the past. Obvious links between the mimiamboi and the roughly contemporary ‘mime’ poems of Theocritus (especially Idylls 2, 3, 14, and 15) have always attracted attention since the publication of the major papyrus in 1891. No subject has, however, so dominated discussion of the mimiambs as the question of how they were intended to be presented to the public, and how indeed they were so. Were they merely to be read (privately), or to be ‘performed’ either by a solo performer (with or without the assistance of mute extras), or by a ‘troupe’ of actors? We must not assume, of course, that the mode of reception of all the mimiambs was the same, or that one poem was not at different times ‘performed’ in different ways. Moreover, the history of the debate since 1891, a history of which Giuseppe Mastromarco has given a full account, suggests that it is hardly possible on internal grounds alone to prove to general satisfaction that the poems were presented in one way rather than another.

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Satkauskytė, Dalia. "Algimantas Mackus kaip kultūrinis herojus". Deeds and Days 69 (2018): 129–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7220/2335-8769.69.7.

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Pawlak, Marcin. "Herodes Atticus and the Athenians". Klio - Czasopismo Poświęcone Dziejom Polski i Powszechnym 55 (26.11.2020): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/klio.2020.037.

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Cielontko, David. "Herodes, Židé a jeho odpůrci". TEOLOGICKÁ REFLEXE 28, nr 2 (13.12.2022): 170–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.14712/27880796.2022.2.4.

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Herod, Jews, and His Opponents. The reputation of the Jewish King Herod is closely linked to the legend of the massacre of the infants of Bethlehem from the Gospel of Matthew and to the hatred that Josephus Flavius says his own Jewish subjects had for him. In contrast to this tradition, this article, following contemporary Herodian scholarship, demonstrates that Herod was a good king to his subjects, who helped the Jews both within his kingdom and throughout the Roman Empire, and did much to make them visible and to protect them. It also argues that some of the negative texts about Herod, both from his reign and shortly after, should be read not as impartial historical judgments but as political propaganda by his political and religious opponents among the social elites.

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Rodrigues, Gabriela. "Fortes herodianos: reflexos de práticas políticas na paisagem". Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, nr 33 (12.12.2019): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.2019.163725.

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O presente artigo busca discutir temas referentes aos usos políticos da paisagem arquitetônica, por meio da análise das possíveis intencionalidades por trás dos fortes Herodianos. Como tais fortes haviam pertencido anteriormente aos Hasmoneus e foram, em sua maioria, reconstruídos por Herodes Magno, intentamos investigar se houve obliteração intencional do poderio Hasmoneu por Herodes através do uso da monumentalide, ou se alguma outra motivação levou ao reuso e modificação desses locais. Para tanto, dialogaremos com fontes documentais primárias e fontes arqueológicas.

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Lattimore, Steven. "Two Men in a Boat: Antiphon, on the Murder of Herodes 42". Classical Quarterly 37, nr 2 (grudzień 1987): 502–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800030718.

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Antiphon, in his fifth oration, relates that c. 422–413 B.C. Euxitheos, a young Mytilenean, and Herodes, probably an Athenian cleruch in Mytilene, embarked together on a ship bound from Mytilene for Ainos in Thrace. Shortly after they left port, a storm forced them to put into an unnamed harbour in Methymnian territory. The two men left their uncovered ship to take shelter in a covered one; whether others from their own ship went with them is not indicated. During the night, a drinking party ensued. Herodes, after heavy drinking, left the covered ship and disappeared; he could not be found in the morning, nor even after two days of searching. When the weather cleared, the search was abandoned, and all ships in the port resumed their voyages. On Euxitheos' return to Mytilene, a charge of murder was brought against him by Herodes' relatives, who tried him in Athens. Antiphon's fifth oration is his final defence; we do not know whether the speech was successful.

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Krause, Peter. "SCHLECHTE NEUE WELT". Opernwelt 64, nr 8 (2023): 48–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0030-3690-2023-8-048-1.

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Occhipinti, Egidia. "Herodotus’ awareness of the Peloponnesian War". Journal of Ancient History 8, nr 2 (27.11.2020): 152–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2019-0026.

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AbstractThis article aims to discuss the relationship between Herodotus and Thucydides. New scholarly trends date the composition of Herodotus’ Histories to 413 BC, or even later, against high chronology of 431, and suggest Herodotus’ use of Thucydides’ narrative. Herodotus’ debt to Thucydides has been suggested by scholars either cautiously or boldly. This examination will show cases where Herodotus is alluding to events of the Peloponnesian War or even responding to Thucydides’ narrative. In fact, anachronisms, presentisms, and allusions to Thucydides’ text can be found throughout Herodotus’ narrative. We will explore the reasons for Herodotus’ engaging with the events of that War, conjecturing about his goals: attracting the interest of his audience, or providing a warning to his contemporaries; moreover, it is important to understand whether this engagement was just coincidental.

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Porto, Vagner Carvalheiro. "Jogos, espetáculos e competições na Palestina romana". Revista do Museu de Arqueologia e Etnologia, nr 29 (30.12.2017): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2448-1750.revmae.2017.154980.

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Este texto tem por objetivo apresentar os jogos e competições que eram realizados na Palestina romana. Poderão ser observadas nas linhas que seguem as diversas construções de Herodes, o Grande, também conhecido como rei-construtor, no campo dos espetáculos. Destacam-se a Liberalitas Augusti, generosidade, de Herodes, e a inserção da romanitas na região, a partir, principalmente, de suas obras. A documentação textual e a documentação material ditarão os caminhos do conhecimento acerca das estruturas relacionadas aos jogos na Palestina romana, seja por seus teatros, anfiteatros e hipódromos, seja pelos hábitos culturais daí advindos

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BRYAN, STEVEN M. "Consumed by Zeal: John's Use of Psalm 69:9 and the Action in the Temple". Bulletin for Biblical Research 21, nr 4 (1.01.2011): 479–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/26424524.

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Abstract John's use of Ps 69:9 in his account of Jesus' action in the temple is regularly understood as a scriptural depiction of Jesus' intense emotional state, which provoked his assault on the temple traders. However, both John's use of Ps 69 elsewhere in the Gospel and his narration of the plot against Jesus suggest that he intends his readers to conclude that the zeal that consumes Jesus is that of his enemies. In John's Gospel, the Jews are portrayed as the zealous protectors of the temple, while Jesus is consistently portrayed as the new temple—the locus of the eschatological presence of God. Jesus' action in the temple symbolically enacts the failure of Herod's temple to function as the new temple. The citation of Ps 69:9 anticipates the role of Jewish zeal for Herod's temple in bringing the full reality of the new temple into existence: in their zealous protection of Herod's temple, they destroy the temple of Jesus body, which through death and resurrection becomes the eschatological dwelling place of God.

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