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1
Tagesson, Helena. "A Yearning of the Heart: Spirituality and Politics". Asian Journal of Social Science 34, nr 1 (2006): 47–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853106776150171.
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AbstractThis text is a personal account of some of my experiences as an activist within the global justice movement and also as a Buddhist practitioner, and how these two ways of striving for human emancipation interlink and mutually reinforce each other. Using examples from the Swedish Attac movement and the EU summit mobilisations in Gothenburg in 2001, the text argues that social movement activism is often existentially challenging, in that its participants are made aware of their inability to live up to their own ideals of equality, inclusion, justice and dignity. Many activists experience a kind of deep, existential disappointment with themselves and their organisations, which makes it hard to sustain engagement, especially since most movements do not have a language for or a culture of speaking about these processes. The text shares experiences of using teachings and practices of teachers such as Thich Nhat Hanh, Chögyam Trungpa and Pema Chödrön in order to understand and integrate such disappointment and sustain engagement.
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Verloo, Mieke, i Anna Van der Vleuten. "Trans* Politics: Current Challenges and Contestations Regarding Bodies, Recognition, and Trans* Organising". Politics and Governance 8, nr 3 (18.09.2020): 223–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.3651.
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This thematic issue analyses trans* politics, and the problems and policies articulated by societal, political and legal actors in national and international contexts in Europe and Latin America. Trans* issues are at the heart of politics concerning sex and gender, because the sex binary ordering is producing the categories, identities, and related social relationships around which gender inequalities are constructed. Scholarship on trans* politics promises to bring more fundamental knowledge about how the gender binary organisation of our societies is (dis)functional, and is therefore relevant and beneficial for all gender and politics scholarship. Contestations around trans* issues continue developing, between state and non-state actors, transgender people and medical professionals, and also among and between social movements. This thematic issue is our contribution to dimensions of trans* politics that revolve around the issue of sexed and gendered bodies (the making and unmaking of “deviant” bodies, non-binary language about bodies, and voice given in bodily re/assignments), the limits of recognition (undermining of trans* agency, persistent binary thinking, and disconnect with material dimensions of gender justice), and the potential of trans* movements (processes and practices through which political claims are generated in the movement, a more forward looking and pro-active perspective on the possibility of alliances between the feminist and the trans* projects, and between the trans* project and the disability project, and alliances of movement actors with institutional power holders such as international courts).
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Kenis, Anneleen. "Clashing Tactics, Clashing Generations: The Politics of the School Strikes for Climate in Belgium". Politics and Governance 9, nr 2 (28.04.2021): 135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.3869.
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Much has been written about the challenges of tackling climate change in post-political times. However, times have changed significantly since the onset of the debate on post-politics in environmental scholarship. We have entered a politicised, even polarised world which, as this article argues, a number of voices within the climate movement paradoxically try to bring together again. This article scrutinises new climate movements in a changing world, focusing on the School Strikes for Climate in Belgium. It shows how the movement, through the establishment of an intergenerational conflict line and a strong politicisation of tactics, has succeeded in putting the topic at the heart of the public agenda for months on end. By claiming that we need mobilisation, not studying, the movement went straight against the hegemonic, technocratic understanding of climate politics at the time. However, by keeping its demands empty and establishing a homogenised fault line, the movement made itself vulnerable to forms of neutralisation and recuperation by forces which have an interest in restoring the post-political consensus around technocratic and market-oriented answers to climate change. This might also partly explain its gradual decline. Instead of recycling post-political discourses of the past, this article claims, the challenge is to seize the ‘populist moment’ and build a politicised movement around climate change. One way of doing that is by no longer projecting climate change into the future but reframing the ‘now’ as the moment of crisis which calls on us to build another future.
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Larrabure, Manuel, i Carlos Torchia. "The 2011 Chilean Student Movement and the Struggle for a New Left". Latin American Perspectives 42, nr 5 (20.08.2014): 248–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x14547506.
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The Chilean student movement that began in early 2011 poses a significant challenge to Chilean neoliberalism and is beginning to reconfigure left politics within the country. Specifically, the movement’s demands for free education and public control of strategic domestic industries strikes at the heart of neoliberalism in Chile. In addition, in emphasizing the importance of participatory democracy and mass participation, the movement goes beyond the boundaries of the established left and is now struggling to create a new left capable of furthering its political goals. This emerging left roughly fits within the politics of autonomism. In doing so, it displays a break from the experiences of twentieth-century left politics and is consistent with other recent movements in Latin America. However, the student movement in Chile risks co-optation by the established political class. In addition, the autonomous left remains small and lacks a coherent alternative to neoliberalism with broad appeal. Therefore, the victory of Michelle Bachelet and the Nueva Mayoría in the 2013 elections is unlikely to result in substantial changes to neoliberalism in Chile. El movimiento estudiantil chileno, que comenzó a principios de 2011, representa un desafío importante para el neoliberalismo chileno y está empezando a reconfigurar la política de izquierda en el país. En concreto, las demandas del movimiento para la educación gratuita y el control público de las industrias nacionales estratégicas toca el corazón del neoliberalismo en Chile. Además, en destacar la importancia de la democracia participativa y la participación de las masas, el movimiento va más allá de los límites de la izquierda establecida y ahora está luchando para crear una nueva izquierda capaz de promover sus objetivos políticos. Esta izquierda emergente se encaja más o menos dentro de la política del autonomismo. Al hacerlo, muestra un quiebre con las experiencias de la política de izquierda del siglo XX, y es consistente con otros movimientos recientes en América Latina. Sin embargo, el movimiento estudiantil en Chile corre el riesgo de cooptación por la clase política establecida. Además, la izquierda autónoma sigue siendo pequeña y carece de una alternativa coherente al neoliberalismo que tenga amplia atracción. Por lo tanto, es poco probable que la victoria de Michelle Bachelet y la Nueva Mayoría en las elecciones de 2013 resulte en cambios sustanciales al neoliberalismo en Chile.
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Nicholson, Simon, i Daniel Chong. "Jumping on the Human Rights Bandwagon: How Rights-based Linkages Can Refocus Climate Politics". Global Environmental Politics 11, nr 3 (sierpień 2011): 121–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/glep_a_00072.
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This paper makes a normative argument for the greater strategic utilization of human rights institutions, practices, and discourses by those seeking a robust response to climate change. Bandwagoning between these two regimes is hardly a new thing. The environmental movement has long looked to the human rights movement for ideas and support, and vice versa. Here, we argue that there is potential for even more explicit bandwagoning in ways that will most directly benefit those who are suffering, and will continue to suffer, from climate change's greatest impacts. The human rights framework offers a guide to more effective climate action via two interconnected arenas: a legal arena that provides an established set of tools for climate activists, and a political arena that provides a normative underpinning for a range of judicial and non-judicial actions in support of ‘climate justice.’ Ultimately, moral and strategic guidance from the human rights movement points the way to a more equitable and enduring climate politics, with fairness at its heart.
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Hill, Harvey. "French Politics and Alfred Loisy's Modernism". Church History 67, nr 3 (wrzesień 1998): 521–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170944.
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The first decade of the twentieth century was a time of great theological ferment in the Catholic church in France. In order to reconcile Catholic teaching with the latest findings of historical criticism, Alfred Loisy (1857–1940) and other “modernists” proposed sweeping reforms in the Church. From the perspective of Rome, however, these reforms seemed to threaten the very heart of the faith. In Roman eyes, Loisy and his theological allies had adopted the scientific methods of the anticlerical university. Like their secular colleagues but less openly, they then used these methods to subvert the Catholic tradition and the institutional structure of the church. The Vatican defended its embattled faith with a series of measures designed to crush this movement.
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Matthews, Jamie. "Populism, inequality and representation: Negotiating ‘the 99%’ with Occupy London". Sociological Review 67, nr 5 (23.05.2019): 1018–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119851648.
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When Occupy London emerged with a global wave of protest movements in October 2011, it embodied and advanced discursive forms that have characterised the unsettling of political consensus following the financial crisis. The central claim that ‘We are the 99%’ staged a fundamental tension, between a populist appeal to the figure of ‘the people’, and a contrary orientation seeking to critique inequality while rejecting forms of representation and identity. This article – which draws on three years of ethnographic fieldwork with Occupy London (October 2011–October 2014) and a critical theorisation of the figure of ‘the people’ in radical movements – follows movement participants’ negotiation of the tension at the heart of the discourse of ‘the 99%’. It offers an account of the conflicting meanings and practices that emerged, arguing that the result was a creative contradiction that sustained the movement for a time, while setting the terms of its ultimate breakdown. Identifying the concept of ‘representation’ as the site of particular controversy, this is unpicked through a number of key figures (Pitkin, Marx, Spivak, Puchner, Deleuze and Guattari) as the basis for an empirical account of Occupy’s practice of assembly, which offered partial, imperfect ‘solutions’ to these tensions. The article concludes with some implications for the limits and possibilities of both a grassroots populism and a politics against representation, in the context of political developments since.
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Avanza, Martina. "Plea for an Emic Approach Towards ‘Ugly Movements’: Lessons from the Divisions within the Italian Pro-Life Movement". Politics and Governance 6, nr 3 (14.09.2018): 112–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v6i3.1479.
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Studies of the pro-life movement have invariably been undertaken in relation to the pro-choice movement. The stress on comparison has tended to homogenize the two sides, thus understating their internal differences. This article extends beyond an analysis bounded by a movement―countermovement dichotomy. Based on ethnographic data and on the Italian case, it considers several questions that arise from revealing the intramovement divisions at various levels. First, there are tensions relating to the relationship between orthodoxy and institutionalized politics: how far, if at all, should there be doctrinal compromises in exchange for influence over public policy? Secondly, the conflicts over modes of action. In this respect, should protests be visible in public spaces, and if so how? These two issues govern the tense relationship between the <em>Movimento per la Vita</em> and more radical groups. Thirdly, the issue that divides the <em>Movimento </em>itself; the ongoing dialogue over the attitude to be taken towards contraception, and thus sexuality. At the heart of these intramovement struggles is the definition of what a ‘real’ pro-life movement is, and how a ‘real’ pro-life movement should mobilize. This article reveals a complex and highly fragmented image of the pro-life movement that, like every social movement of a certain size, is heterogeneous in its demographic composition, objectives and strategies. To show this complexity, the article adopts an emic approach that does not limit itself to a reading of conservative movements through the eyes of progressive movements.
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Ishan, Manish Kumar. "Political and Familial Repercussions of Naxalism in Lahiri’s The Lowland". SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, nr 3 (28.03.2020): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i3.10464.
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This research article, Political and Familial Repercussions of Naxalism in Lahiri’s The Lowland seeks to examine Jhumpa Lahiri’s The Lowland as a saga of two Bengali brothers; Subhash and Udayan Mitra, who belong to a middle-class family in the light of Naxalite movement. The narrative of The Lowland purports to depict how the tenderest of ties are torn asunder and the absence of loved ones haunts the subconscious mind of the affected characters in the novel. At the same time, Lahiri questions the politics of nationality with both pathetic desperation and revolutionary zeal. It examines the impact of Naxalite movement on socio-political life of the time, which later turns into a complete fiasco. It shows how Lahiri’s depiction evokes our feeling of familial responsibilities and we become dejected by devastating stories of passion and indifference. Above all, it tries to analyze Lahiri’s sense of history which is not as insightful as her grasp of human heart that are palpable in her other works.
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MCCULLOUGH, PETER. "PRINT, PUBLICATION, AND RELIGIOUS POLITICS IN CAROLINE ENGLAND". Historical Journal 51, nr 2 (czerwiec 2008): 285–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x08006729.
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ABSTRACTThis article uses original research in archival sources, many of them not yet exploited by scholars of the early modern book trade, to demonstrate that the confluence of a printer-publishers' political and religious ideology and his trade was possible during the reign of Charles I. A detailed case-study of the family, life, career, as well as publications of Richard Badger (1585–1641), reveals that his emergence from the late 1620s as William Laud's house printer was rooted in a complex web of locality, kinship, self-promotion, and patronage that had at its heart a religious conservatism that flowed logically and, for a time, successfully into the movement now known as Laudianism. The article offers simultaneous insights into politics and religion in the Caroline book trade, and the emergence, flourescence – and collapse – of Laud's programme for religious change.
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Carlsson, Chris. "King of the Road". Boom 1, nr 3 (2011): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/boom.2011.1.3.80.
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The bicycle was at the heart of a strong citizens' movement for Good Roads in the nineteenth century. By the end of the twentieth century, it had re-emerged as a signifier for a new, ecologically based urban radicalism. Critical Mass bike rides, starting in San Francisco in 1992, spread throughout the world and anchored a new renaissance of bicycling and bicycling politics.
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Evans, Joanna Ruth. "Unsettled Matters, Falling Flight: Decolonial Protest and the Becoming-Material of an Imperial Statue". TDR/The Drama Review 62, nr 3 (wrzesień 2018): 130–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00775.
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A statue of 19th-century British imperialist Cecil John Rhodes sat at the heart of the University of Cape Town’s colonial façade until 9 April 2015, when it was removed after just one month of student protests known as the Rhodes Must Fall movement. The material alterations made to the body of the statue by protesting students unsettled the dominant epistemology of the university and public discourse by exceeding the bounds and logics of representational politics.
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Chase, Malcolm. "What Did Chartism Petition For? Mass Petitions in the British Movement for Democracy". Social Science History 43, nr 3 (2019): 531–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2019.20.
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Chartism was in effect Britain’s civil rights movement and petitioning was at its heart: it defined who the Chartists were as well as the “other” against which they were implacably opposed. Its history has been effectively narrated around its three national petitions (1839, 1842, and 1848), and its decline almost habitually and directly linked to circumstances surrounding the last of these. More than 3.3 million people signed the 1842 National Petition. Chartism’s history after 1842 is partly one of how the State learned to manage the movement in general and petitioning in particular. The question posed by the title is deliberately ambiguous: What did the Chartists petition for and, equally, why did they bother? The first issue will be answered by a close reading of the three texts (surprisingly not undertaken by previous historians of the movement). The second will answered through an analysis of the wider uses of petitioning. The third issue addressed by this article is how petitioning constructed Chartism. In every contributing locality, canvassing was a major intervention in political life. The subscriptional community created by its petitions were “the people,” a term that clearly included not only men but also women and children. This was a different and wider meaning of the term “the people” from that used by Chartism’s opponents and it was a profound departure. Petitioning shaped, articulated, and mobilized the politics of a nascent working class, “banded together in one solemn and holy league” but excluded from economic and political power.
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Weisse, Travis A. "“Alone in a Sea of Rib-Tips”: Alvenia Fulton, Natural Health, and the Politics of Soul Food1". Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 74, nr 3 (19.06.2019): 292–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jhmas/jrz028.
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Abstract While the intersection between alternative medicine and the natural food movement in radical white communities of the 1960s and 1970s is well known, the connection between these traditions and the simultaneous revolution in the black foodscape has not received adequate attention. This paper addresses this gap by exploring how an alternative healer and minister from the rural South, Alvenia Fulton, rose to prominence in Chicago during the 1960s and 1970s as one of the major figures in the transformation of the black diet by harnessing the star power of her celebrity clients. Fulton hybridized her apprenticeship in slave herbalism with concepts from white Protestant health food lectures into a corrective nutrition program to bring health and renewal to black communities that were struggling under the burden of structural and medical racism. When, in the 1960s, coronary heart disease peaked for black Americans, soul food became the iconic diet of the civil rights movement. To help her community while respecting their culture, Fulton struck a careful bargain to encourage more black Americans to eat raw, natural, vegetarian food by subtly reimagining the historical contents of the slave diet.
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Pierce, Rachel. "Pioneers and Feminisms". Digital Culture & Society 6, nr 2 (1.12.2020): 87–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/dcs-2020-0206.
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Abstract Feminist historiography is rife with debates about the nature and boundaries of women’s movements. Arguments over who to call an activist or a feminist sit at the heart of these definitional debates, which provide the groundwork for how scholars understand contemporary feminisms. Given the heated nature of ongoing disputes over the complicated identity politics of feminism and its archives, it is surprising that scholars have afforded so little attention to the technical infrastructure that defines and provides access to digitized primary source material, which is increasingly the foundation for contemporary historical research. Metadata plays an outsized role in these definitions, especially for photographic material that cannot be made word-searchable but is favored by digitizers because of its popularity. This article uses qualitative content analysis to examine how two digital archives define the Swedish suffrage movement - a historically contested concept, here understood through the theory of Susan Leigh Star as a “boundary object” subject to “interpretive flexibility”. The study uses keywords attached to photographic material from the the National Resource Library for Gender Studies (KvinnSam) and metadata within the related Swedish Women’s Biographical Lexicon platform for women’s biographies. The findings indicate that the hierarchies of archival organization do not disappear with individual document digitization and description. Instead, the silences built into physical archives are redefined in digital collections, obscuring the tensions between individual and movement feminisms, as well as the contested nature of movement boundaries.
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Wallach, Yair. "The politics of non-iconic space: Sushi, shisha, and a civic promise in the 2011 summer protests in Israel". European Urban and Regional Studies 20, nr 1 (styczeń 2013): 150–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0969776412460529.
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City streets and squares have become centre stage for political change, in the wave of protests in Europe and the Middle East. Most protest locations are iconic sites of national resonance. Yet this was not the case in the summer 2011 wave of social protests in Israel. Rothschild Boulevard, which was the heart of the protest movement, is a non-iconic street usually associated with the good life of sushi and espresso bars and constant cycle traffic. This unusual choice contrasted sharply with Egypt’s Tahrir Square, Madrid’s Puerta del Sol and protest sites in Jerusalem – all associated with the politics of the nation. Yet it is exactly the lack of symbolic national resonance, and its down-to-earth association with urban joie de vivre, that enabled the Boulevard to assemble a broad and diverse coalition of protestors, and to transcend the exclusive language of politics in Israel. In a country where the national is identified with the ethnic (Jewish), the pedestrian symbolism of Rothschild allowed protestors to forge a civic language that appealed to Israel’s citizenry and residents, Jews and Arabs, local and migrants.
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Elsässer, Sebastian. "Sufism and the Muslim Brotherhood: Ḥasan al-Bannā’s wird and the Transformation of Sufi Traditions in Modern Islamic Activism". Oriente Moderno 99, nr 3 (7.10.2019): 280–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22138617-12340221.
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Abstract Scholarship on the Muslim Brotherhood has often commented on its initial connection with Sufism. However, the question of how and why Sufism matters in the fully established Muslim Brotherhood movement has so far gone unanswered. This article gives a detailed account of the Sufi elements adopted into Muslim Brotherhood activism by its founder, Ḥasan al-Bannā (1906-1949). It analyses their function, especially their important role in the education of recruits as they become members of a hierarchical organisation based on the ‘family system’. Among the Sufi practices and ideas relevant in the Muslim Brotherhood tradition are the heart-bond (rābiṭah) prayer and self-examination, as well as concepts such as the spiritual path and ‘friendship of God’. Their incorporation into an Islamic project focused on activism and politics radically altered the meaning of these Sufi elements. Beyond al-Bannā and Egypt, the article follows this development within the Muslim Brotherhood movement across the Arab world from the 1950s until the present day.
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Ward, Madeleine. "The Christian Quaker: George Keith and the Keithian Controversy". Brill Research Perspectives in Quaker Studies 2, nr 1 (14.02.2019): 1–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2542498x-12340009.
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Abstract How did the early Quakers understand the relationship between Quakerism and Christianity? Did they think faith in Jesus was necessary? What did they mean by the ‘Light within’? These were the central issues in the Keithian controversy: an explosive schism which broke out among Philadelphian Quakers in the 1690s when George Keith – arguably the most influential Quaker theologian of the seventeenth century – was accused of focusing too heavily on the Incarnate Jesus in his preaching. Keith left the movement under a cloud, and the Keithian controversy has often been explained away in terms of personality and politics. However, this volume presents a theological reading of the dispute. Through a study of Keith’s personal theological development, Madeleine Ward presents his departure from the movement as a significant case – study in the contested relationship between Quakerism and Christianity – and, ultimately, as a battle for the spiritual heart of the Religious Society of Friends.
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Brack, Nathalie. "Towards a unified anti-Europe narrative on the right and left? The challenge of Euroscepticism in the 2019 European elections". Research & Politics 7, nr 2 (kwiecień 2020): 205316802095223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2053168020952236.
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In the aftermath of a decade of crisis, the 2019 European Parliament elections confirmed the results of the 2014 elections as voters turned away from the traditional political families to vote for parties with a strong message on Europe, including Eurosceptic parties. It further evidenced the normalization of Euroscepticism, which has become a stable component of European politics. But should one talk of Euroscepticism or rather of Euroscepticisms? This contribution focuses on 19 radical right and radical left parties, more specifically the parties from Western Europe belonging to the European United Left/Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) and the Identity and Democracy (I/D) groups. Through an analysis of the electoral manifestos, it analyses how the European Union has been framed by the parties and whether we can speak of a ‘unified Eurosceptic narrative’. More specifically, this article concentrates on three issues that have been at the heart of the recent crises: the European Union’s reform and how the regime itself is framed in a post-crisis context, the Economic and Monetary Union well as migration and free movement.
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Katsouraki, Eve. "Violating Failures: Rosa Luxemburg'sSpartacusManifesto and Dada Berlin Anti-manifestation". Somatechnics 3, nr 1 (marzec 2013): 50–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/soma.2013.0078.
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Some of the greatest Marxist historical accounts of revolutionary events are the accounts of great failures. One needs only mention the German Peasants' War, the Jacobins in the French Revolution, the Paris Commune, the October Revolution, the Chinese Cultural Revolution while numerous others lurk behind many of the battles of the proletariat throughout the twentieth century. In the most radical political engagement, such as the Cultural Revolution for Badiou, or the Nazi Revolution for Heidegger, failure also signals the end of the traditional mode of political engagement as such. But what is failure precisely? And what our confrontation with such failures really means for revolutionary politics and anarchist artistic movements of the early twentieth century such as Dada Berlin? The aim of this articleis thus toexamine failure's capacity to act as a mode of (political) resistance firmly rooted in revolutionary politics and radical anarchist cultural projects. As I argue, failure's radical properties are found in acts of ‘determinate negation'which exhibit a profound anti-conformist ideology that aims to shatter conventional standards of hegemonic value and seek to reshape and loosen the boundaries that determine lived experience in a socio-political and artistic level. To follow through this hypothesis, I explore the embodied activity of the ‘agonal’ embedded in the manifesto in relation to the failed revolution of SpartacusUprise in Berlin of 1919 and the aesthetic attitude of ‘anti-manifestation'exhibited by the deeply politicised, andintimately aliened to the Spartacus agitational project, cultural movement of Dada Berlin. In this context, failure, I argue, is appropriated into a function of doing of the ‘negative’ –anegative poiesis, whose violent tension,already embedded in the performativity of the genre of the manifesto that seeks to subject to the real the foundational force of a future to come,marks artistic praxis onto the political moment with such a creative vigour as if in violently seeking the arrival of the new world and its making.And by looking at Badiou's theories on the four modes of subjectivities, Zizek's reflections on the formation of Badiou's Event, in relation of Heidegger's ontological violence found in the essencing ability of language and of Luxemburg's political philosophy, failure reveals a truly ‘miraculous’ proposition that is other than acceptance of defeat but the call for fidelity, ‘the work of love,’ which resides at the heart of every such violating failure.
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Barton, Greg, Ihsan Yilmaz i Nicholas Morieson. "Authoritarianism, Democracy, Islamic Movements and Contestations of Islamic Religious Ideas in Indonesia". Religions 12, nr 8 (13.08.2021): 641. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080641.
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Since independence, Islamic civil society groups and intellectuals have played a vital role in Indonesian politics. This paper seeks to chart the contestation of Islamic religious ideas in Indonesian politics and society throughout the 20th Century, from the declaration of independence in 1945 up until 2001. This paper discusses the social and political influence of, and relationships between, three major Indonesian Islamic intellectual streams: Modernists, Traditionalists, and neo-Modernists. It describes the intellectual roots of each of these Islamic movements, their relationships with the civil Islamic groups Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), their influence upon Indonesian politics, and their interactions with the state. The paper examines the ways in which mainstream Islamic politics in Indonesia, the world’s largest majority Muslim nation, has been shaped by disagreements between modernists and traditionalists, beginning in the early 1950s. Disagreements resulted in a schism within Masyumi, the dominant Islamic party, that saw the traditionalists affiliated with NU leave to establish a separate NU party. Not only did this prevent Masyumi from coming close to garnering a majority of the votes in the 1955 election, but it also contributed to Masyumi veering into Islamism. This conservative turn coincided with elite contestation to define Indonesia as an Islamic state and was a factor in the party antagonizing President Sukarno to the point that he moved to ban it. The banning of Masyumi came as Sukarno imposed ‘guided democracy’ as a soft-authoritarian alternative to democracy and set in train dynamics that facilitated the emergence of military-backed authoritarianism under Suharto. During the four decades in which democracy was suppressed in Indonesia, Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama, and associated NGOs, activists, and intellectuals were the backbones of civil society. They provided critical support for the non-sectarian principles at the heart of the Indonesian constitution, known as Pancasila. This found the strongest and clearest articulation in the neo-Modernist movement that emerged in the 1980s and synthesized key elements of traditionalist Islamic scholarship and Modernist reformism. Neo-Modernism, which was articulated by leading Islamic intellectual Nurcholish Madjid and Nahdlatul Ulama Chairman Abdurrahman Wahid, presents an open, inclusive, progressive understanding of Islam that is affirming of social pluralism, comfortable with modernity, and stresses the need for tolerance and harmony in inter-communal relations. Its articulation by Wahid, who later became president of Indonesia, contributed to Indonesia’s transition from authoritarianism to democracy. The vital contribution of neo-Modernist Islam to democracy and reform in Indonesia serves to refute the notion that Islam is incompatible with democracy and pluralism.
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Luitel, Bal Chandra, Niroj Dahal i Binod Prasad Pant. "Critical Pedagogy: Future and Hope". Journal of Transformative Praxis 3, nr 1 (30.05.2022): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.51474/jrtp.v3i1.599.
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Critical pedagogy is a pedagogical philosophy and social movement founded on the notion of critical social theories and paradigms. Critical pedagogy encompasses a wide range of topics, including future and hope. Whilst developing educational programs, implementing pedagogies, and responding to humanitarian crises, critical pedagogy becomes a basis for examining deep-seated values, beliefs and assumptions that might otherwise challenge empowering, equitable and socially just educational and social systems (Luitel & Dahal, 2020). Such a process is, without doubt, an important component of renewing education and culture. Politics is at the heart of critical pedagogy (McLaren & Leonard, 1993). Hence, in this editorial, we attempt to highlight critical pedagogy: future and hope of the Freirean concepts of critical pedagogy (1921-1997). Education as “Banking”, liberatory pedagogy, education is political, critical pedagogy is not Eidos, pedagogy of hope, critical reflection as/for conscientization, critical pedagogy in the classroom and research with people instead of research on people are some of the key ideas that are discussed in this editorial. Our editorial concludes with a brief summary of the original articles that are covered in this issue.
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Lang, Martin. "Spectacular malaise: Art and the end of history". Art & the Public Sphere 8, nr 1 (1.07.2019): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/aps_00006_1.
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Abstract This article makes two main claims: that Debord's concept of the 'integrated spectacle' is related to end of History narratives and that the related concept of 'disinformation' is manifested in new forms of media-driven warfare. These claims are substantiated through a comparative analysis between Debord's texts and contemporary politics, primarily as described by Adam Curtis and by the RETORT collective. The resulting understanding of our contemporary politics is a situation where subjects who appear to be free, are in fact only free to choose between competing brands of neo-liberalism that manipulate and baffle to obfuscate their true agendas. This situation is termed a 'spectacular malaise'. The article then critiques post-Marxist claims to a re-birth of History and therefore a potential end to the spectacular malaise. It argues that the Arab Spring and Occupy movement did not signal an end to the end of History, as they were unable to articulate an alternative vision. This situation is compared to the last days of the Soviet Union, when change also seemed unimaginable. It identifies Mark Fisher's call for activists to demonstrate alternative possibilities and reveal contingency in apparently natural orders to counter the spectacular malaise. Three art collectives are considered as potential candidates to take up this challenge: Women on Waves, Voina and SUPERFLEX. The article concludes that while making actual social and political change is useful for demonstrating alternative possibilities, it is art's symbolic value that reveals contingency and strikes at the heart of the spectacular malaise.
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Harvie, David. "(Big) Society and (Market) Discipline: Social Investment and the Financialisation of Social Reproduction". Historical Materialism 27, nr 1 (29.03.2019): 92–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001573.
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Abstract The United Kingdom is at the forefront of a global movement to establish a social-investment market. At the heart of social investment we find finance – and financialisation. Specifically, we find: a financial market (the social-investment market); a series of financial institutions (Big Society Capital, for example); a financial instrument (the social-impact bond); and a financial practice (social investing). Focusing on the UK, given its pioneering role, this paper first provides a brief history of social investment, tracing its development from the politics of the ‘Third Way’ to the social-impact bond. It then maps the terrain of the social-investment market, explaining the main institutions and actors, and the social-impact bond. Finally, it proposes a framework for analysing the disciplinary logics of finance, which it uses to understand the promise or threat (depending on one’s perspective) of social investment and the social-investment market.
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Meir, Ephraim. "A Virtual Dialogue between Gandhi and Levinas". Religions 12, nr 6 (8.06.2021): 422. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12060422.
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Mahatma Gandhi and Emmanuel Levinas have much in common. They interpret religion in a radical ethical way and develop an ethical hermeneutics of religious sources. Levinas’s thoughts on a holy history, not to be confused with history, are comparable with Gandhi’s swaraj as the spiritual independence and self-transformation of India. Escaping war logics, they maintain a “beyond the state” in the state and insert ethics in politics. Yet, Gandhi’s ethico-politics works with radical interrelatedness, whereas Levinas differentiates more between the self and the other. Gandhi trusted that, in the end, the good would vanquish evil. Levinas, in turn, did not venture into the future: the present was under “eschatological judgment.” Gandhi’s love of the enemy and his attempt to soften the opponent’s heart are absent in Levinas’s metaphysics. In addition, Levinas does not radically deconstruct the term self-defense, although Gandhi notoriously made also exceptions to his ahimsa. A dialogue can be established between Levinas’s ethical metaphysics and Gandhi’s ahimsa and satyagraha. Both thinkers make a radical critique of a peace based on rational contracts and equate peace with universal brother- and sisterhood. Without underestimating the many similarities between Levinas and Gandhi, I also highlight their dissimilarities. I argue that precisely the differences between both thinkers allow for a “trans-different” dialogue, which respects specificities and promotes communication, in a movement of hospitality and mutual learning.
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Betti, Eloisa. "Gender and Precarious Labor in a Historical Perspective: Italian Women and Precarious Work between Fordism and Post-Fordism". International Labor and Working-Class History 89 (2016): 64–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547915000356.
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AbstractThis article investigates the historical relationship between gender and precarious labor by analyzing the case study of Italian women in the second half of the twentieth century. A gendered historical approach shows that different production modes and working conditions were simultaneously present in Fordist and post-Fordist societies, and women, as well as migrants, experienced a significant level of precariousness even in the so-called golden age of the twentieth century. Sexual division of labor and sex-based discrimination seem to lie at the very heart of the gendered nature of precarious work, a long dureé nexus that has characterized industrial and postindustrial societies, as the article shows, in regard to the Italian case. By approaching the question of job precariousness as a multifaceted phenomenon, it is claimed that the subsequent spread of precarious work in the second half of the twentieth century was directly affected by labor and women's movement struggles, on the one hand, and by the role of the state and politics in defining and redefining the labor law relationship, on the other.
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Mujkic, Asim. "Ethnic Mobilization in the Former Yugoslavia as a Kind of Structural Setting and Framing". Southeastern Europe 34, nr 1 (2010): 16–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633309x12563839996540.
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AbstractThe author claims that strategies of ethnic mobilization have deep roots in the politics of ex-Yugoslav nations, and that these roots are closely related to the response of the Western Balkans, especially Serbian political elites, to the challenges of democratization and modernization. The author develops this notion in two basic sections, outlining the ontology and history, and psychological background of the ethnic mobilization. Beyond the larger historical perspective, which will be reviewed, the very source of current ethno-mobilization processes lies in the deep opposition of Serbian political elites to the loose federal Yugoslav Constitution of 1974 that initiated various political strategies of ethno-mobilization's undermining and neglect. The author understands the term 'ethnic mobilization' to have three layers of meaning, the first being most rudimentary: an orderly and phased procedure aimed at ethnic crystallization or homogenization of Serb people. The second layer encompasses the underlying framing narrative of the reinterpretation of certain social events or conflicts within a particular interpretative frame or 'code.' The third meaning is, in a very important sense, demobilization, namely, the competing elites had to be demobilized, neutralized, or marginalized, and were usually described as ethnic 'traitors,' or 'those who sold to the interests of the enemy, or of the West.' Based on ideas of Latinka Perović and Dubravka Stojanović, the author traces the roots of the ethnopolitics back to the Russian anti-modernist movement of 'narodnichestvo.' This anti-Western and deeply anti-democratic strategy of political power lies at the heart of violent conflicts in Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia/Kosovo, and even Macedonia. And, in the author's view, it remains the key obstacle to a post-war democratic transition for these countries. Strategies of ethnic mobilization remain, up to the present day, the driving force of power structures in these countries.
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Morton, Adam David. "The Limits of Sociological Marxism?" Historical Materialism 21, nr 1 (2013): 129–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341284.
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Abstract Within the agenda of historical-materialist theory and practice Sociological Marxism has delivered a compelling perspective on how to explore and link the analysis of civil society, the state, and the economy within an explicit focus on class exploitation, emancipation, and rich ethnography. This article situates a major analysis of state formation, the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), and the growth of a broader Islamist movement in Turkey within the main current of Sociological Marxism. It does so in order to critically examine the rather bold revision of the theory of hegemony at the heart of Cihan Tuğal’s Passive Revolution: Absorbing the Islamic Challenge to Capitalism, which posits the separate interaction of political society, civil society and the state in theorising hegemonic politics in Turkey. My contention is that the revision of hegemony that this analysis offers and its state-theoretical commitments are deeply problematic due to the reliance on what I term ‘ontological exteriority’, meaning the treatment of state, civil society and the economy as always-already separate spheres. The focus of the critique then moves toward highlighting a frustrating lack of direct engagement with Antonio Gramsci’s writings in this disquisition on hegemony and passive revolution, which has important political consequences. While praise for certain aspects of ethnographic and spatial analysis is raised, it is argued that any account of the reordering of hegemony and the restructuring of spatial-temporal contexts of capital accumulation through conditions of passive revolution also needs to draw from a more sophisticated state theory, a direct reading of Gramsci, and broader scalar analysis of spatial relations and uneven development under capitalism.
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Waibel, Violetta L. "Light is Space". Yearbook for Eastern and Western Philosophy 2018, nr 3 (27.05.2019): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/yewph-2018-0007.
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AbstractThe sculptor Olafur Eliasson produces works together with his team that have two main goals: first, he intends to sensitize our daily perception of the world and our surroundings, and second, Eliasson’s works are not only works of art, but they also explore nature, the physical properties of light, of energy, of water, and other elements. With the famous project Little Suns, small plastic lamps with LED light bulbs and solar cells, he contributes to the amelioration of daily life for those who do not have access to electricity even today. In other works he focuses on elementary phenomena such as the movement of elements in a vortex of water or air, on the properties of light, of mirrored light, or the fascinating world of kaleidoscopes. Some of these works are very popular and often include visitors such as the Weather Project in the Turbine Hall of the Tate Modern in London created in 2003. This work is said to have provoked spontaneous meetings, celebrations, and even episodes of civil protest. The work turned the museum into a kind of agora, the public square in Ancient Greek cities that was at the heart of daily life, of politics, of democratic practices.
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van Bladeren, F., i G. Muller. "Toward a Smoke-free Generation: The Dutch Strategy". Journal of Global Oncology 4, Supplement 2 (1.10.2018): 140s. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jgo.18.72700.
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Background and context: In 2013, Dutch society was polarized on the tobacco topic. Sense of urgency was low among most stakeholders. Therefore, the Dutch Cancer Society, Heart and Lung foundations created a coalition with a mutual goal and joined efforts in realizing it. The common strategy resulted in a stepwise roadmap toward a smoke-free generation. According to their capacities and fields of interests, coalition partners were allocated subthemes to focus on as part of the one common overall strategy. In addition new coalition partners were sought and found among stakeholders in sectors with high influence on society and politics with respect to the main priorities following from the roadmap. In this way, the smoke-free movement grows like a rolling snowball. Aim: To realize a smoke-free generation by 2035 by working together. Strategy/Tactics: By striving for a smoke-free generation, we are protecting youth against tobacco. We aim for a society in which parents of children born from now onward will be able to raise them without any exposure to tobacco smoke and the temptation to start smoking. So that they never decide to start smoking. We developed a roadmap toward the smoke-free generation that holds a low threshold for people to start participating and is positively framed. It's consistent with all political colors, takes away polarization and opens conversation. This presentation will discuss the basic principles of the frame, the stepwise roadmap and the instruments we use to achieve our goal: lobby, communication and stakeholders activation, including the results of our approach. And we will show practical examples of how a rapid growing number of parties contribute, such as playgrounds, sports clubs and hospitals that become smoke-free and local governments. Program/Policy process: A roadmap toward a smoke-free generation was created and the efforts of the 3 NGOs were combined to become more effective and efficient in realizing the goal together. Outcomes: More than 100 organization are working together toward a smoke-free generation, environments where children recreate/are are becoming smoke free, the % of smokers is declining, the government is taking its responsibility, the support from society for tobacco control is increasing, and tobacco has been reframed into a positive movement. What was learned: A mutual goal works, positive framing leads to more and more partners that work toward the smoke-free generation and it is possible to turn a negative or neutral tobacco control climate into a climate that is more positive toward effective tobacco control.
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Kondakov, Yuri E. "Documents on Freemasonry from the Archive of Archimandrite Photius (Spassky)". Herald of an archivist, nr 3 (2020): 676–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2020-3-676-691.
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The article introduces into scientific use an analytical note on Freemasonry addressed to Alexander I. In Europe in the 18th – 19th centuries, there was extensive anti-Masonic literature. In Russia, such works were rare. Reputedly, the greatest Russian extirpator of Freemasonry was Archimandrite Photius (Spassky). The ban of Masonic lodges in 1822 is attributed to his influence on Alexander I. Photius was one of the leaders of the social movement of the Russian Orthodox opposition. Among other objects of its criticism were the Masonic lodges. However, a consolidated anti-Masonic action failed to materialize. Now it has been made possible to explain the opposition’s restraint in its attitude to Freemasonry. Four volumes of documents belonging to archimandrite Photius have been found in the Russian State Historical Archive. These are the materials from 1817-1832. The collection includes personal documents of Photius, messages and letters of Metropolitan Seraphim (Glagolevsky), A.A. Arakcheev, A.S. Shishkov, Metropolitan Filaret (Drozdov). Many of these documents were handed over to Emperor Alexander I and influenced his change of heart in the politics. An anonymous note on Freemasonry from the Photius collection is included in the article in its entirety as a rare example of an anti-Masonic message to the Emperor. The note gives a retrospective of the Masonic movement in Russia. It describes what influence the masons of the 18th century had on Freemasonry of the 19th century. Most mentioned Masonic leaders belonged to the “Rosicrucian” system of Freemasonry (Order of the Golden and Pink Cross). The author of the note assured the emperor that there were Rosicrucians in his inner circle. He named Senator I.V. Lopukhin, publisher and translator A.F. Labzin, R.A. Koshelev, and the tsar’s friend, Minister A.N. Golitsyn. Photius’s documents show that criticism of Freemasonry was not the focus of the Russian Orthodox opposition activities. Among the opposition there were people who shared the idea of a worldwide Masonic conspiracy: S.I. Smirnov, M.L. Magnitsky. In Archimandrite In the Photius’s documents references to Freemasonry are very rare. At the time of the opposition’s action in 1824, the issue of Freemasonry was no longer relevant, since Freemasonry was subjected to a government ban in 1822.
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Karimi, Sedigheh. "The Virtual Sphere and the Women’s Movement in Post-Reform Iran". International Journal of Contemporary Research and Review 9, nr 05 (15.05.2018): 20430–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.15520/ijcrr/2018/9/05/509.
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The rapid development of Internet and communication technologies raises the question of what role these media and communication interfaces play in social and political movements and development in individual countries. Although activities in cyberspace, including blogging, participation in social networks and other facilities provided by the Internet for its users are a new phenomenon, they have profound effects on social and political relations in the communities involved. In the information era, Internet is an important part of social movements in democratic societies and local communities. When the government blocks other ways to mobilization, Internet may bring like-minded people together and help them to find support for action. Internet has provided a new space for social movements and the effect of the virtual activities of the users on the actions and, often on the lack of social movements is of high importance.
Meanwhile, the Iranian women’s movement, like other social movements in contemporary Iran, realizes the impact and position of cyberspace and has made use of it. Many activists, for whom other ways for expressing their demands have been blocked, have entered this space and taken advantage of it for expressing their opinions and communicating information to other people. In fact, the dominant socio-political forces and the atmosphere of repression, and fear have led many Iranian women to use the virtual space to campaign for women’s empowerment and equal rights. They have realized that the Internet may inform the outside world of the movement’s goals and activities and facilitate maintaining contact with other members of the movement. In fact, the open space that provides a platform for sharing information and has given the chance to the Iranian women’s rights activists to perform their activities in a space with a decentralized structure where there is less pressure than there is in the real world. Campaigns formed following the cyberspace market boom indicate that cyberspace has indeed ushered in a new era in the history of the Iranian women’s movement.
The present study provides an analysis of the role of the Internet in the activities of the women’s movement and explores the extent to which cyberspace has been assisting the women’s movement in achieving its objectives. By interviewing 50 active women inside Iran, the article investigates whether there has been successful interaction between cyberspace and the Iranian women’s social movement resulting from a dynamic adaptation between functions of social and political groups in the real world and the virtual world. It also examines how factors such as social participation, increasing awareness, changing beliefs, traditional views of women and social mobility have been affected by the application of the Internet, and whether cyberspace has been able to make women’s voices heard in Iran’s patriarchal society.
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Bodek, Richard. "Red Song: Social Democratic Music and Radicalism at the End of the Weimar Republic". Central European History 28, nr 2 (czerwiec 1995): 209–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011651.
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Germany's interwar Social Democratic movement was anything but the monolithic structure often presented in the literature. Indeed, the standard teleology—which portrays the movement as conservative and petit bourgeois, doing its best to fend off Nazism, but ultimately not up to the task—obscures more than it illuminates. It imposes a top-down frame on the Social Democratic Party (SPD), that characterizes it and its affiliates as an undifferentiated mass, making a nuanced analysis difficult. As is true of most political movements, interwar German Social Democracy presented multiple faces to the world. While its core was a political party that worked to win elections, the SPD also formed the heart of an alternative culture, one that allowed its largely working-class membership to take part in cultural and social functions, as well as in political meetings to express class solidarity.
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Karimi, Sedigheh. "The State of Female Activities in Iran and the Internet". World Journal of Social Science Research 6, nr 2 (7.05.2019): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v6n2p217.
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<p><em>The rapid development of Internet and communication technologies raises the question of what role these media and communication interfaces play in social and political movements and development in individual countries. Although activities in cyberspace, including blogging, participation in social networks and other facilities provided by the Internet for its users are a new phenomenon, they have profound effects on social and political relations in the communities involved. In the information era, Internet is an important part of social movements in democratic societies and local communities. When the government blocks other ways to mobilization, Internet may bring like-minded people together and help them to find support for action. Internet has provided a new space for social movements and the effect of the virtual activities of the users on the actions and, often on the lack of social movements is of high importance.</em></p><p><em>Meanwhile, the Iranian women’s movement, like other social movements in contemporary Iran, realizes the impact and position of cyberspace and has made use of it. Many activists, for whom other ways for expressing their demands have been blocked, have entered this space and taken advantage of it for expressing their opinions and communicating information to other people. In fact, the dominant socio-political forces and the atmosphere of repression, and fear have led many Iranian women to use the virtual space to campaign for women’s empowerment and equal rights. They have realized that the Internet may inform the outside world of the movement’s goals and activities and facilitate maintaining contact with other members of the movement. In fact, the open space that provides a platform for sharing information and has given the chance to the Iranian women’s rights activists to perform their activities in a space with a decentralized structure where there is less pressure than there is in the real world. Campaigns formed following the cyberspace market boom indicate that cyberspace has indeed ushered in a new era in the history of the Iranian women’s movement. </em></p><em>The present study, covers the period from 2005 to 2017, provides an analysis of the role of the Internet in the activities of the women’s movement and explores the extent to which cyberspace has been assisting the women’s movement in achieving its objectives. By interviewing 50 active women inside Iran, the article investigates whether there has been successful interaction between cyberspace and the Iranian women’s social movement resulting from a dynamic adaptation between functions of social and political groups in the real world and the virtual world. It also examines how factors such as social participation, increasing awareness, changing beliefs, traditional views of women and social mobility have been affected by the application of the Internet, and whether cyberspace has been able to make women’s voices heard in Iran’s patriarchal society.</em>
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book reviews". Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 165, nr 1 (2009): 129–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003646.
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Johnny Tjia; A grammar of Mualang: An Ibanic language of West Kalimantan, Indonesia (Alexander Adelaar) Christopher Moseley (ed.); Encyclopedia of the world’s endangered languages (Peter K. Austin) Ian Rae and Morgen Witzel; The Overseas Chinese of South east Asia: History, culture, business (Chin Yee Whah) Ab Massier; The voice of the law in transition: Indonesian jurists and their languages, 1915-2000 (Dwi Noverini Djenar) Henk Schulte Nordholt and Gerry van Klinken (eds); Renegotiating boundaries: Local politics in post-Suharto Indonesia (Maribeth Erb) Nghia M. Vo; The Vietnamese boat people, 1954 and 1975-1992 (Martin Grossheim) O.W. Wolters; Early Southeast Asia: Selected essays [edited by Craig J. Reynolds] (Hans Hägerdal) Michael W. Scott; The severed snake: Matrilineages, making place, and a Melanesian Christianity in Southeast Solomon Islands (Menno Hekker) John H. McGlynn, Oscar Motuloh, Suzanne Charlé, Jeffrey Hadler, Bambang Bujono, Margaret Glade Agusta, and Gedsiri Suhartono; Indonesia in the Soeharto years: Issues, incidents and images (David Henley) Hanneke Hollander; Een man met een speurdersneus: Carel Groenevelt (1899-1973), beroepsverzamelaar voor Tropenmuseum en Wereldmuseum in Nieuw-Guinea (Anna-Karina Hermkens) Balk, G.L., F. van Dijk and D.J. Kortlang (with contributions by F.S. Gaastra, Hendrik E. Niemeijer and P. Koenders); The Archives of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) and the local institutions in Batavia (Jakarta) (Ton Kappelhof) Gusti Asnan; Memikir ulang regionalisme: Sumatera Barat tahun 1950-an (Gerry van Klinken) Lise Lavelle; Amerta Movement of Java 1986-1997: An Asian movement improvisation (Dick van der Meij) Nicole-Claude Mathieu (ed.); Une maison sans fille est une maison morte: La personne et le genre en sociétés matrilinéaires et/ou uxorilocales (Joke van Reenen) Henk Schulte Nordholt; Indonesië na Soeharto: Reformasi en restauratie (Elske Schouten) V.I. Braginsky; … and sails the boat downstream: Malay Sufi poems of the boat (Suryadi) Gilles Gravelle; Meyah: An east Bird’s Head language of Papua, Indonesia (Ian Tupper) Penny Edwards; Cambodge: The cultivation of a nation, 1860-1945 (Un Leang) J. Stephen Lansing; Perfect order: Recognizing complexity in Bali (Carol Warren) Roxana Waterson (ed.); Southeast Asian lives: Personal narratives and historical experience (C.W. Watson) Jean DeBernardi; The way that lives in the heart: Chinese popular religion and spirit mediums in Penang, Malaysia (Robert Wessing) REVIEW ESSAY Environmental and archaeological perspectives on Southeast Asia Peter Boomgaard; Southeast Asia: An environmental history Peter Boomgaard (ed.); A world of water: Rain, rivers and seas in Southeast Asian histories Ian Glover and Peter Bellwood (eds); Southeast Asia: From prehistory to history Avijit Gupta (ed.); The physical geography of Southeast Asia (Eric C. Thompson)
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Eller, Anne. "Skirts Rolled Up". Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 25, nr 1 (1.03.2021): 61–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-8912782.
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This essay considers the participation of Port-au-Prince women in municipal and national politics during the later decades of the nineteenth century. The growth of Port-au-Prince changed the dynamics of these contests, as newly arrived women joined expanding popular neighborhoods, and many assumed a central role in feeding the city. Women moved freely through the heart of the capital and the immediate countryside on personal, commercial, and sometimes directly political itineraries. While formally excluded from electoral politics, working women made their political desires well known, as they exerted an influence on the military movements that toppled the administration several times. These armed contests, as well as the stratification and militarization of the political scene during peacetime, provoked gendered violence. Simultaneously, working women confronted disdain from journalists who would discipline the women’s great influence. Nevertheless, these women commanded considerable respect in political contests that often seemed to have as their stakes the very independence of the nation itself.
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Koefoed, Minoo. "Constructive Resistance in Northern Kurdistan: Exploring the Peace, Development and Resistance Nexus". Journal of Peacebuilding & Development 12, nr 3 (grudzień 2017): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2017.1366352.
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Cultural and linguistic repression of Kurdish ethnic identity rests at the heart of the conflict between the Turkish state and the Kurdish movement in Turkey's Kurdish region, also known as Northern Kurdistan. Inspired by Peet and Hartwick's conceptualisation of alternative development, combined with Gandhi's idea of the constructive programme and Galtung's conceptualisation of positive peace, this article investigates intersections between peace, development and resistance. The discussion is informed and developed by illuminating two empirical cases of what will be argued should be seen as ‘constructive resistance’ conducted by the Kurdish movement. Both cases seek to undermine repressive Turkish assimilation policies. This article shows how social movements, through constructive resistance practices, can be understood as central actors in processes of social and political transformation, termed ‘self-organised development’.
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Alatas, Syed Farid. "Ibn Khaldun and the Good Madina". ICR Journal 4, nr 4 (15.10.2013): 529–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.52282/icr.v4i4.436.
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Ibn Khaldun’s theory of the rise and decline of states, and the key concept of social solidarity, ‘asabiya, provides rich source material for elaborating normative or prescriptive discussions on the nature of a good polity or civilised society. This renders him extremely relevant to the study of modern societies, even those that lack the nomadic-sedentary dynamic that furnished the material for Ibn Khaldun’s original science of human society. Ibn Khaldun’s concepts of authority are of great relevance to the modern Muslim world, not least because of the prevalence today of mulk tabi’i or unbridled kingship in Muslim realms. In line with his overall science of human society was his interest in the relationship between education and society. The relevance of his outlook on education lies more in the area of the philosophy of education and displays timeless and universal applicability. Ibn Khaldun covered the proper methods of teaching and learning and discussed learning capacity, memorisation, curriculum, teacher strictness and the breadth and depth of education.
The madina, the form of social organisation which he saw all around him, was not all bad, in his view, but there was an inevitable movement towards degeneration and decay. In the early stages of the up cycle, the madina displayed numerous political, economic and social dimensions that are worthy of emulation, and Ibn Khaldun expounds on these in his discussions of the nature of authority, the role of the government in the economy, and the nature of education. Life in the madina is founded on certain universal values such as the rule of law, justice, accountability, responsibility, and the quest for knowledge and truth. Unfortunately such values do not inform many modern societies of the Muslim world today and should be given more emphasis in our discussions on civilisational renewal. At the heart of the problem is perhaps education. Ibn Khaldun’s reflections on education take into account politics, language, city life and social class. He also dealt with the methods and procedures of education and can be seen to be an innovator in pedagogy. For Ibn Khaldun, the way to the good madina is through an holistic education that produces not just competent but moral individuals. This view implies an entire corpus of practical recommendations in the educational realm in Muslim nations today.
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Aytekin, E. Attila. "A “Magic and Poetic” Moment of Dissensus: Aesthetics and Politics in the June 2013 (Gezi Park) Protests in Turkey". Space and Culture 20, nr 2 (3.04.2017): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1206331217697138.
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This article departs from analyses that underline the middle-class character of June 2013 (Gezi Park) protests in Turkey by focusing on the relationship between politics and aesthetics in the protest movement. The predominant form of protest in the movement was aesthetic political acts, which did not bring about any distinction based on class or cultural capital. Rather, the artistic practices and cultural symbols employed by protesters bridged gaps by bringing a large and diverse body of people around a common political position. The June protests constituted a moment of “dissensus” in the Rancièrean sense as the shared position was based on an essential claim for equality of the dēmos and the demands of the anonymous to be seen, heard, counted in, and to partake. The article focuses on the role Second New Wave poetry played in the protests, as the protesters appropriated the ironic and ambiguous verses of the Second New Wave poets to create a unified movement.
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Siddiqi, Farhan. "Nation-formation and national movement(s) in Pakistan: a critical estimation of Hroch's stage theory". Nationalities Papers 38, nr 6 (listopad 2010): 777–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.515974.
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The present article critically evaluates Hroch's theory in light of the Sindhi and Baloch national movements in Pakistan. At the heart of the issue are the social preconditions and the stage theory which Hroch posits to comprehend both the formation of nations and origins of the national movement. As far as social preconditions are concerned, the article contests the overarching notion in Hroch's theory that only when a complete class structure develops that the nation comes into being and the national movement itself is successful. With respect to the stage theory, the article brings into contention the variable of “intra-ethnic conflict” or the conflicts which inheres within nations. This makes the linear progression from Stage A to B to C, as Hroch identifies, difficult to achieve because within a single nation multiple national movements exist. In such a scenario, one can depict a stage theory for each national movement within a single nation. Finally, I argue, that in order to understand nation formation and national movements, it is imperative that the ideological orientation of national movements, or in other words, nationalism should also be put in proper perspective.
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Soborski, Rafal. "Prefigurative Politics in Anti-Neoliberal Activism: a Critique". Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 18, nr 1-2 (18.01.2019): 79–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691497-12341506.
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Abstract Prefiguration is at the heart of today’s anti-neoliberal activism while also having a long history in progressive politics. Prefigurative movements aim to unite their means with their aims; in other words, the process is to be harmonized with the objective. The appeal of prefiguration is related to a widespread perception that corruption and hypocrisy are all-pervasive in mainstream political space. However, the current practice of prefigurative activism has some important flaws. The problems are particularly acutely evident in large-scale mobilizations bringing together diverse ideological positions and activists with typically highly individualistic personalities. This article provides a critique of prefigurative politics by highlighting the limitations it has imposed on the recently dominant forms of anti-neoliberal resistance.
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Gould, Deborah. "Life During Wartime: Emotions and The Development of Act Up". Mobilization: An International Quarterly 7, nr 2 (1.06.2002): 177–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.7.2.8u264427k88vl764.
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Focusing on the street AIDS activist movement ACT UP, this article explores the question of social movement sustainability. Emotions figure centrally in two ways. First, I argue that the emotion work of movements, largely ignored by scholars, is vital to their ability to develop and thrive over time. I investigate the ways AIDS activists nourished and extended an "emotional common sense" that was amenable to their brand of street activism, exploring, for example, the ways in which ACT UP marshaled grief and tethered it to anger; reoriented the object of gay pride away from community stoicism and toward gay sexual difference and militant activism; transformed the subject and object of shame from gay shame about homosexuality to government shame about its negligent response to AIDS; and gave birth to a new "queer" identity that joined the new emotional common sense, militant politics, and sexradicalism into a compelling package that helped to sustain the movement. Second, I investigate the emotions generated in the heat of the action that also helped the street AIDS activist movement flourish into the early 1990s.
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Mohamed, Nabil Yasien. "The Role of the Qur’ānic Principle of Wasaṭiyyah in Guiding Islamic Movements". Australian Journal of Islamic Studies 3, nr 2 (14.11.2018): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.55831/ajis.v3i2.103.
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This paper discusses the Qur’ānic principle of wasaṭiyyah (moderation/middle-way) towards guiding the Islamic movement and building an applied Islamic ethics. It demonstrates the application of the principle of wasaṭiyyah in the spheres of politics, civic engagement, spirituality, jurisprudence and theology. Wasaṭiyyah is an expression of the universal Qur’ānic principle of justice (adl). In the primary Qur’ānic verse on wasaṭiyyah, it describes the Muslim community as a witness of moderation to other nations. Observing the principle of wasaṭiyyah may draw individuals, the community and Islamic movements towards a middle-way. The paper will focus on modernist and Islamist movements in the late nineteenth and twentieth century. To reverse extremist tendencies among fringe groups within these movements, a practical methodology on the foundations of a centrist-based approach is needed. Through embracing Islam’s teachings on moderation, truth and justice the consequences of extremism may be remedied. The Islamic movement as a collective endeavour to guide humanity to Islam and restore the message of tawḥīd in the hearts, minds and lives of Muslims will be studied through the prism of wasaṭiyyah. The paper attempts to develop an applied Islamic ethics on the theoretical framework of wasaṭiyyah and maqāsid al-Sharī’ah (Objectives of Islamic Law) towards guiding the Islamic movement to promote justice and moderation. Thus, through harmonising wasaṭiyyah and maqāsid al-Sharī‘ah we may develop a balanced legal model, synthesising the ethical and legal face of the Islamic tradition.
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Izuegbunam, Chioma. "The social functions of female voice in politics and national development in selected political speeches of Patience Jonathan". UJAH: Unizik Journal of Arts and Humanities 20, nr 3 (30.10.2020): 196–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v20i3.11.
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Over the years, political and socio-economic participation in African society have been asymmetrical, and full of gender inequality. Women’s participation in politics has been very low in Africa especially Nigeria due to the patriarchal structure of the society. Women and their voices are often made to appear irrelevant in issues that affect their lives and society; they are sometimes regimented to ‘kitchen’ and’ bedroom’ responsibilities alone. However, the influence of women’s voice in conflict resolution, socio-economic status of different homes and the society at large cannot be underpinned. This could be seen in the role of Aba women’s riot of 1929. Their engagement in civil society, politics and social movements help to shape their society, and lobby the government towards the development of their areas. Several efforts and agitation both from women quarters and UN Right of Women to ensure that female voices are heard in politics, and policy making and decision taking of the society have been made, yet not much has been achieved in the political structure of Nigeria. This study investigates the social roles of female voice towards national development in selected political speeches of voices in politics encourage social mobilization and collective action towards political success, and resolving conflicts and crisis that bedevil the national development. Again, Women’s voice in politics helps to create social dynamism in politics and serves as agent of change.
Keywords: Social Functions, Female Voice, Political Speech, National Development
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Van Leeckwyck, Robin, Pieter Maeseele, Maud Peeters i David Domingo. "Indymedia in Belgium: the delicate balance between media activism and political activism". Media, Culture & Society 42, nr 6 (22.05.2020): 1031–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443720926047.
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Belgium was one of the first European countries to establish a local ‘national’ branch of the global Indymedia network. The diversity of those involved in this ‘national movement’ ultimately turned out to be both the strength of the original website and the cause of its decline. Indeed, due to political and organizational disagreement, many activists decided to create their own ‘local’ Independent Media Centre (IMC). This article distinguishes two perspectives on the role of Indymedia: the political activists saw Indymedia as a means to an end, as an instrument to discuss strategies and tactics, and to coordinate social movements and grassroots movements. The media activists, on the contrary, saw Indymedia as an end in itself, as a platform for civil society organizations to make their voices heard and facilitate democratic debate – in this vein, the experience of Indymedia.be was transformed into the alternative news site DeWereldMorgen.be.
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Paiva, Raquel. "#MeToo, feminism and femicide in Brazil". Interactions: Studies in Communication & Culture 10, nr 3 (1.11.2019): 241–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/iscc.10.3.241_1.
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In this article the international #MeToo movement is analysed from the perspective of Brazil: characteristics of the Brazilian feminist movement, historical paths and new approaches using social networks; #MeToo as one expression of new feminism; related movements and collectives and #EleNão (NotHim) as an offshoot of #MeToo and its failed attempt to avoid the 2018 election of a misogynist and chauvinist movement in Brazil. The campaign to denounce cases of assault neither prevent nor reduce the high femicide rates, with the country ranking fifth in the world and being qualified as one of the most dangerous places for women. Violence against women in Brazil continues to grow. The data from 2018 is alarming, and the country is losing only to El Salvador, Colombia, Guatemala and Russia. The trend will only increase given Brazil’s new political outlook. On the other hand, in the social networks Brazilian women have found the only possibility for being heard, and have slowly begun to make their voices heard by the judiciary system and traditional media. The return to feminist protest in the 2000s was marked by the rise of committees and marches with specifically feminist themes, such as the World Women’s March, the Marcha das Margaridas and SlutWalk.
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Ashmawy, Iman Karam I. M. "Youth Inclusion in American and Egyptian Political Party Management". World Affairs 181, nr 3 (wrzesień 2018): 215–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820018803485.
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The Arab Spring revealed that when the youth are marginalized, they can resort to informal political movements that may be characterized by extremism and criminality. However, when they join formal groupings, such as political parties, and are well utilized within them, they can become an active political force. This article explores the extent to which American and Egyptian political parties offer opportunities for youth inclusion in their structure and decision-making processes. By conducting semi-structured interviews with young members of the largest two Egyptian parties and the Democratic and Republican parties in the United States, the study argues that when young people develop a long-term interest in politics, they join political parties. Moreover, they are included in the party structures and decision-making processes when they are included in party activities and positions, as well as trusted, heard, and supported within the party. The existence of a national plan and political will may even encourage cross-party youth collaboration.
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Kuhn, Rick. "Economic Crisis, Henryk Grossman and the Responsibility of Socialists". Historical Materialism 17, nr 2 (2009): 3–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920609x436108.
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AbstractHenryk Grossman's discussion of economic crises was designed to complement his Leninist understanding of politics. For Grossman, as for Marx, the fundamental contradiction of capitalist production is between the unlimited scope for expanding the output of use-values and restrictions imposed by the framework of producing profits. The increasing weight of capitalists' outlays on dead compared to living labour, which is the only source of new value, gives rise to the system's tendency to break down and, hence, to economic crises. Deep financial crises can only be understood in the context of developments in production and particularly movements in the rate of profit. The initial widespread hostility to Grossman's development of Marxist economics can mainly be explained in terms of the logics of Social-Democratic and Stalinist politics. In contrast to dominant views on the Left today, the Marxist tradition in which Grossman stood places the construction of organisations capable of assisting the working class' conquest of political power at the heart of the responsibility of socialists. Grossman's political practice expressed his understanding of the close relationship between capitalism's breakdown tendency and the importance of building a revolutionary party.
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Schäfers, Marlene. "Walking a Fine Line". Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 40, nr 1 (1.05.2020): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-8186126.
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Abstract The Kurdish resistance movement, one often hears in Kurdistan, Turkey, and beyond, has brought momentous change to a deeply patriarchal society and in this way paved the way for the empowerment of Kurdish women. Instead of discussing whether such empowerment has “actually” materialized, this article seeks to investigate what moral expectations, normative standards, and gendered subjectivities this narrative generates. The Kurdish case reveals how narratives of empowerment form a crucial part of the moral and gendered bargains that sustain and legitimate resistance movements. As they tie personal lives to political projects of resistance and liberation through notions like sacrifice, gift, and debt, such narratives shape political belonging and render critique a perilous undertaking. Tracing how Kurdish women seek to reconcile the dilemmas that arise as a result, the article reflects on the ways in which the political comes to be refracted in intimate realms of kinship and family. It contends that familial and personal relationships are crucial sites where expectations of political loyalty and allegiance take on shape and substance but are also negotiated and contested.
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Bordo, Michael, i Harold James. "The trade-offs between macroeconomics, political economy and international relations". Financial History Review 26, nr 3 (10.07.2019): 247–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096856501900012x.
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This article explains the problem of adjustment to the challenges of globalization in terms of the logic underpinning four distinct policy constraints, or trilemmas, and their interrelationship, and in particular the disturbances that arise from capital flows. The analysis of a policy trilemma was developed first as a diagnosis of exchange rate problems (the incompatibility of free capital flows with monetary policy autonomy and a fixed exchange rate regime); but the approach can be extended. The second trilemma we describe is the incompatibility between financial stability, capital mobility and national policy choice over exchange rates. The third example extends the analysis to politics, and looks at the strains in reconciling democratic politics with monetary autonomy and capital movements. Finally, we examine the security aspect and look at the interactions of democracy with capital flows and international order. The trilemmas, in short, depict the way that domestic monetary, financial, economic and political systems are interconnected with the international order, or the impossible policy choices at the heart of globalization. Frequently, the trilemmas conjure up countervailing anti-globalization tendencies and trends.