Rozprawy doktorskie: „Green politics”

1

Guedes, Olga M. R. "Green politics, ideology and communication". Thesis, Loughborough University, 1996. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/27785.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

2

Li, Kin-man Ronald, i 李健民. "Green politics of planning in Hong Kong". Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1998. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B42574791.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

3

Li, Kin-man Ronald. "Green politics of planning in Hong Kong". Hong Kong : The University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B42574791.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

4

Simcock, Adam. "MacIntyre and green political thought : deliberative eco-politics for dependent rational animals". Thesis, Keele University, 2018. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/5151/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Ecologism is a political ideology that emerged in the 1970s. It challenged the neoliberal privileging of economic growth over environmental protection and a narrow conception of the self as autonomous, rational and self-interested. Ecologism’s normative challenge has grown quiet as it became perceived as too inward looking and focused on the self, rather than engaged with issues such as climate change that now preoccupy green political thought. However, in the early 21st century, neoliberalism now dominates western democracies. This turn away from the self and normative opposition to neoliberalism has clearly not furthered the environmental cause, and so there is a need to return to re-politicise the ontological arguments of ecologism. A small number of green political theorists have begun to look towards the Thomistic Aristotelianism of Alasdair MacIntyre and this thesis seeks to add to their number. I argue that MacIntyre’s work concerning the self as dependent rational animal, and arguments for the political and social structures that support this self, can be used to affirm and reengage ecological arguments with politics. MacIntyre’s thought moves ecologism away from its “inward-turn”, concerned with the self’s personal experience of the environment, to a collective politics that looks outwardly to challenge the dominant neoliberal order. In bringing ecologism into conversation with MacIntyre’s philosophy, the original contribution I offer ecological political theory is two-fold. Firstly, the virtues of acknowledged dependence can be used to reflect substantive concern for the environment within political deliberation. Secondly, I develop MacIntyre’s conception of localized deliberative democracy. In order to counter claims that such localization is naïve, I bring MacIntyre’s ideal into conversation with Murray Bookchin’s model of municipal libertarianism and consider two real world examples: Rojava in northern Syria and the ‘Idle no More movement’ in Canada. These examples offer hopeful evidence that decentralised deliberative politics, starting from acknowledging our dependence, can oppose the hegemony of neoliberalism both socially and ecologically.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

5

Jeong, Hyoung-Wook. "Green democratization in a developing country : a case study of South Korean green politics". Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250190.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

6

Farquhar, Russell Murray. "Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions". Thesis, University of Canterbury. Sociology and Anthropology, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/944.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Various writers, for example Rudolf Bahro and Arne Naess, have for a long time associated Green politics with an impulse toward deepening democracy. Robert Goodin has further suggested that decentralisation of political authority is an inherent characteristic of Green politics. More recently in New Zealand, speculation has been raised by Stephen Rainbow as to the consequences of the direct democratic impulse for existing representative institutions. This research addresses that question. Examination of the early phase of Green political parties in New Zealand has found that the Values Party advocated institutional restructuring oriented toward decentralisation of political authority in order to enable a degree of local autonomy, and particpatory democracy. As time has gone on the Values Party disappeared and with it went the decentralist impulse, this aspect of Green politics being conspicuously absent in the policy of Green Party Aotearoa/New Zealand, the successor to the Values Party. Since this feature was regarded as synonymous with Green politics, a certain re-definition of Green politics as practised by Green political parties is evident. This point does not exhaust the contribution Green politics makes to democracy however, and the methodology used in this research, critical discourse analysis (CDA), allows an insight into what Douglas Torgerson regards as the benefits in resisting the antipolitical tendency of modernity, of politics for its own sake. This focusses attention on stimulating public debate on fundamental issues, in terms of an ideology sufficiently at variance with that prevalent such that it threatens to disrupt the hegemonic dominance of the latter, thereby contributing to what Ralf Dahrendorf describes as a robust democracy. In this regard Green ideology has much to contribute, but this aspect is threatened by the ambition within the Green Party in New Zealand toward involvement in coalition government. The final conclusion is that the Green Party in New Zealand has followed the trend of those overseas and since 1990 has moved ever closer to a commitment to the institutions of centralised, representative, liberal democracy and this, if taken too far, threatens their ideological integrity.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

7

Hagberg, Lovisa. "Finding a place for green politics : political space-time, globalisation and new environmental policy concepts /". Umeå : Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, Univ. [distributör], 2003. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-109.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

8

Dann, Christine R. "From earth's last islands: The global origins of Green politics". Lincoln University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10182/1905.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Since World War Two the world has undergone a profound economic and political transformation, from an international economy and internationalist politics to a global economy and globalist politics. The Bretton Woods international financial institutions have 'structurally adjusted' Third World countries, and similar structural reforms have occurred in First World countries. The environmental consequences of globalising economic activity have been severe and also global; the social consequences of the structural reform process are equally severe. National sovereignty has been radically compromised by globalisation, and previous nationally-based initiatives to manage the activities of capital in order to mitigate its negative impacts on society and the environment, such as social democrat/labour politics, have ceded their authority to globalism. Green parties have arisen to contest the negative environmental and social consequences of the global expansion of capital, and are replacing socialist parties as a global antisystemic political force. Green politics had its origins in the world-wide 'new politics' of the New Left and the new social movements of the 1960s, and the world's first two Green parties were formed in Australia and New Zealand in 1972. A general history of the global forces which gave rise to Green politics, and a specific history of the first two Green parties, demonstrate the interplay of global and local political forces and themes, and provide an opportunity to redefine the core elements of Green politics.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

9

Drugan, Joanna Marie. "Environmental themes in French literature and politics of the 1930s". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.323737.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

10

Ward, Stephen. "The politics of environmental agendas : the case of UK local authorities". Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.261618.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

11

Vess, Lora Elizabeth 1972. "The Politics of PVC". Thesis, University of Oregon, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/6195.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

xv, 277 p. A print copy of this title is available from the UO Libraries, under the call number: SCIENCE TP1180.V48 V46 2007
This dissertation examines the political, scientific, social, environmental, and health debates surrounding the use of polyvinyl chloride (commonly called vinyl), a plastic many public health advocates and activists contend has a toxic lifecycle with deleterious human and ecological impacts at every stage. Using extensive documentary research and in-depth interviews, I answer a basic question: how and why have major stakeholders politicized PVC in recent decades? I find the strength of the anti-PVC movement lies largely in its broad based constituency: it includes professionals within the health care and green building industries, as well as labor unions and environmental health advocates. However, I raise critical questions about the movement's strategy of situating itself as a market-based movement where limited analysis is given to the greater environmental and health impacts of the health care and building industries as a whole.
Adviser: Gregory McLauchlan

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

12

Wall, Derek. "The politics of Earth First! in the United Kingdom". Thesis, University of the West of England, Bristol, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244290.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

13

Aldam, Brett. "Contemporary movements, green politics and the logics of collective action : a synthesis /". Title page, contents and abstract only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ara357.pdf.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

14

Vaahtoranta, Reetta. "Green politics and the concept of nature : Heidegger, nature and the earth". Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/3f584756-3b96-435b-8f93-82d58bc7d7bc.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis investigates the role that the concept of nature plays in green politics. Nature, in the green literature, is usually assumed to refer to the nonhuman environment. But critics of this way of thinking about nature argue that humans exist in such interconnected networks with their environments that environments cannot be divided into categories of human and nonhuman. These criticisms suggest that we should abandon talking about nature and concentrate instead on investigating the complex relationships we share with our environments. But even in the light of these criticisms the idea of nature does seem to articulate something important about green politics which cannot be communicated by just investigating the relationships that we share with our environments. I turn to the philosophy of Martin Heidegger to make sense of this concept of nature. Heidegger makes numerous references to the unfolding of nature and the earth in his works. His philosophy has thus been used to make sense of what is at stake in taking care of our environments. In mainstream green readings of Heidegger, nature is understood as referring to the spontaneous growth of a nonhuman nature. However, I will approach nature in Heidegger's work differently, divorcing these concepts of nature and the earth from descriptions of the material growth of nonhuman natural beings. This allows us to understand the importance of the idea of nature in green politics. Paying attention to nature is important not because it allows us to address environmental crisis, but because it allows us to stop thinking that we can represent things through calculations and to think of them as mere resources. This thesis proposes thinking of green politics as having two separate goals, the goal of protecting nature and the goal of protecting the environment.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

15

Tyler, Colin. "Thomas Hill Green and the philosophical foundations of politics : an internal critique". Thesis, University of York, 1996. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14020/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

16

Lou, Loretta Ieng Tak. "Healing nature : green living and the politics of hope in Hong Kong". Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ab6671e4-f656-4729-aae6-51f21485e712.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

In Hong Kong, 'green living' (luksik saangwut) is promoted as a way of living that is kind to the Earth and good to the people. It is a grassroots movement that encourages people to take personal responsibility for the environment and the society at large. While most studies of Asia's environmental movements focus on green groups' lobbying tactics and mobilisation strategies, this thesis pays serious attention to individuals' experience of living a green life. Although Hong Kong's green culture is highly influenced by the global appeal to sustainability and environmental protection, its specificities are shaped by the city's social and political climate in a unique historical conjuncture. By focusing on individual experience and their practices of green living in the everyday, I argue that green living in Hong Kong is best understood as 'technologies of the self' wherein new environmental, social, and political subjectivities are formed among the ordinary people. The perceived reciprocity between the act of healing nature and the healing power of nature is an essential element in the formation of green subjectivity in Hong Kong. Not only does green living help people heal and transform themselves, it has also given rise to an embodied politics (santai likhang) that enables people to reimagine a social and political 'otherwise'. Such embodied politics has come to represent a politics of hope that empowers people to confront with the politics of fear that has been looming over Hong Kong since the former British colony was returned to China in 1997. In light of this background, I argue that what the Hong Kong people want to sustain is not just the natural environment, but also the social norms and the ways of living that are thought to distinguish themselves from their counterparts in mainland China.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

17

Liu, Jia-Hau. "The practical philosophy of T.H. Green : an idealistic conception of liberal politics". Thesis, Cardiff University, 2015. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/76111/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

As a critical advocate of the philosophy of Enlightenment, Thomas Hill Green (1836-1882) reconsidered the development of the empiricist and naturalistic philosophies of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and held that their development was connected in intricate ways to various quite specific issues arising in nineteenth-century British society. In order to respond to these issues, he established a comprehensive framework of philosophical thought as the foundation for his practical activities. In this framework, the core argument focuses on the relationship between consciousness and action. However, though Green’s philosophy has been widely investigated, no study has, as yet, focused exclusively on Green’s practical philosophy, and in particular his idea of the ethical citizen. This thesis undertakes this task and argues firstly that viewing the relationship between consciousness and action as the nexus of the human condition, Green’s practical philosophy is a coherent and consistent philosophical system which includes metaphysics; moral and ethical theory; and social and political theory. I then go on to argue that, by virtue of his philosophical system, Green founded political activity on the basis of metaphysical and moral ideas, on the one side, but on the other side, provided politics with a deep raison d’être; that is, to maintain and to provide the equality of opportunity for individuals by means of state power. Finally, I argue that while Green accordingly established a justification for state action, the nature of such state action relates closely to the self-government of individual citizens. Hence, Green’s practical philosophy provides an ethical theory of politics which underpins an important legacy for contemporary liberal political philosophy.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

18

Taki, Mesir. "The Green State of Ethiopia : Challenging the Western Perception of African States Environmental Politics". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-178126.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Environmental sustainability has long been assumed to be a postmaterialist claim solely granted for affluent countries. This Western perception suggests that African and other developing countries are not capable of successfully dealing with environmental issues due to limited institutional and instrumental resources. Through semi-structured interviews with nine Ethiopian environment experts, and the supplementary method of field observations, this paper demonstrate empirical material from the green state of Ethiopia. Albeit being one of the poorest countries in the world, Ethiopia is displaying capacity to overcome environmental challenges and a willingness to undergo an environmentally sustainable transition process. Ultimately, environmental sustainability in Ethiopia is a possibility that contain challenges. The state have established environmental units, produced the comprehensive Climate Resilient Green Economy (CRGE) strategy and is actively transforming the rain-fed agriculture, investing in infrastructure and renewable energies, providing agricultural extension systems, rehabilitating degraded lands and creating environmental awareness. In addition, the national reforestation program, which includes restoration, creation and conservation of forests, boosts the forest industry and develops eco-system services, such as carbon sinks. However, weak implementation capacity disables the state from following through with ambitious environmental policies, and, in addition, the urge for economic development along an absence of strong regulative mechanisms stimulate the continuing conversion of forests and lands to agriculture.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

19

Ruedig, W. "Energy, public protest and green parties : A comparative analysis". Thesis, University of Manchester, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.377678.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

20

Coates, Ian. "Green ideology in theory and practice : an examination of theories of green politics in relation to a sociological investigation of the worldview of Green Party activists". Thesis, University of Bristol, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/a0660232-c6da-4ef3-b60b-ff5c70155845.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

21

Lloyd, Rebecca Jane. "A green utopia : the legacy of Petra Kelly". University of Western Australia. European Languages and Studies Discipline Group. German Studies, 2005. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2005.0140.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

[Truncated introduction] This thesis will introduce Petra Karin Kelly, former Green politician and campaigner for social justice and environmental issues to an English-speaking audience as an important figure in the development of ideas relating to ecofeminism, nonviolence, and Green politics and utopias. Kelly, born in 1947 in Germany, spent the latter half of her childhood in the United States, and attended university there before returning to Europe. While working with the European Community in Brussels, Kelly became involved in grassroots politics in Germany and was one of the co-founders of the German green party, Die Grunen, (literally: the Greens) in 1979. She was to become a formidable politician through her passion for grassroots politics, nonviolence and feminism and her excellent leadership skills. Later ostracised by the party, due in part to her inability and unwillingness to conform to party rules, Kelly worked independently, giving speeches and promoting peace and the importance of human rights. However, at the age of 44, she was murdered by her partner, Gert Bastian, who then shot himself. It should be noted that texts so far written on Petra Kelly have been essentially biographies, which, while encompassing much of her academic and political life, focus heavily upon her personal life, in particular her relationships with married men, and her long term relationship with former NATO General Gert Bastian ... Therefore, the aim of the dissertation is not to ignore the importance of personal matters, rather to ensure a professional approach towards them. For this reason, the focus of this sociopolitical and sociohistorical thesis is upon the elements of ecofeminism, nonviolence and utopia as they relate to Petra Kelly’s politics, both within her role with Die Grunen and in her political life outside of German parliament.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

22

Tyler, Colin. "Thomas Hill Green (1836 - 1882) and the philosophical foundations of politics : an internal critique /". Lewiston [u.a.] : Mellen Press, 1997. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/274130513.pdf.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

23

Ferguson, Sean Michael. "Plastics Without Petroleum History and Politics of 'Green' Plastics in the United States". Thesis, Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3557924.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Among the new technologies heralded as part of the emerging bioeconomy are plastics made from plant material, known as bioplastics. This dissertation examines the political and historical underpinnings of the bioplastics that are now being offered as an alternative to petrochemicals in the United States. As a case study of "green" technological development, bioplastics challenge dominant conceptions of innovation for sustainability. The bioplastics being developed and marketed today are the outcome of interventions in commodity crop prices, incubation of research on biomass during periods of fossil fuel dominance, and the commercialization of publicly funded research. Their origins can be traced at least as far back as the 1920s, when advocates of "chemurgy" encouraged the federal government to create research centers to discover new industrial uses of agricultural crops.

Research in science and technology studies (STS) indicates that social structures shape perceptions of problems, condition viable solutions, and limit the diversity of stakeholders and ideas present in the social construction of technology. This study examines these processes in the history and current debates about bioplastics. The dissertation asks who has influenced the social construction of bioplastics and why bioplastics have become part of a larger bioeconomic vision now. Theoretical insights are drawn from the sociological theory of the treadmill of production, which argues that environmental problems cannot be solved in a capitalist system in which the federal government, private industries, and organized labor continuously seek the expansion of production and consumption at the expense of environmental sustainability. Major players in the chemical and biotechnology industries have pursued bioplastics as a means of continuing economic growth and consumption of goods, even as petroleum becomes costly and environmentalists voice objections to petrochemicals. There are many critiques of bioplastics and their impacts at every stage of bioplastics, from sourcing feedstocks from food crops to disrupting existing recycling and composting systems. Nevertheless, the bioplastics currently on the market were not designed to resolve these environmental concerns. Increasingly, however, activists are using non-governmental institutions, particularly the development of voluntary standards, to shape the industry and technology. The study examines the extent to which such reforms might lead to the production of more sustainable alternatives to petrochemicals.

Ultimately, this dissertation presents the history and politics surrounding the field of bioplastics in order to highlight how things "might have been otherwise" and what changes in society could be useful for producing more sustainable technologies.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

24

Pickerill, Jennifer Mary. "Weaving a green web? : environmental activists' use of computer mediated communication in Britain". Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327244.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

25

Smith, Gordon W. "The major works of Rudolf Bahro". Thesis, Loughborough University, 1990. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/13853.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis represents an original contribution to research in offering a comprehensive analysis of the work of Rudolf Bahro. The thesis combines a study of Bahro's work as a prominent opposition figure in the German Democratic Republic in the 1970s with an assessment of his career as an outspoken member of the West German Green Party in the 1980s. The core of the thesis is devoted to a thorough reappraisal of Bahro's major critique of 'actually existing socialism' in East Germany, Die Alternative - Zyr Kraik des real existierenden Sozialismus. Bahro's harsh critique of the SED is explored within the context of the GDR's historical development and Eastern European Marxist revisionism in general. A critical analysis of the extensive secondary literature which now surrounds this work is undertaken to discover how far existing interpretations offer an accurate assessment of Die Alternative. A further section compares for the first time the differing reception of Bahro's study in both East and West Germany. Bahro's earliest essays as an editor of the GDR journal Forum and his first critical work ... die nicht mit den Wolfen heulen are discussed as a key to establishing the particular nature of his opposition. Later chapters trace the development of Sahro's theories and discuss his contribution to the peace and ecology debates in West Germany in the 1980s. Bahro's efforts to achieve a synthesis of the interests of ecology and socialism are explored and his 'Fundamentalist' version of Green politics is discussed within the context of the Green Party's early development. The thesis concludes with an assessment of the increasingly radical utopianism permeating Bahro's writings and offers a critical examination of his attempts to infuse the ecology debate with a spiritual dimension, as detailed in Logik der Rettung, his chief work written in West Germany.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

26

Grodeland, Ase Berit. "The 'greening' of Ukraine : an assessment of the political significance of the Ukrainian Green Movement". Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.298943.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

27

Laudati, Ann Alden. "The greening of the fortress : reclaiming the politics of exclusion in a green era /". view abstract or download file of text, 2007. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1404342211&sid=7&Fmt=2&clientId=11238&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2007.
Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 207-225). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

28

Young, Liz. "Green politics in West Germany and Tasmania : a comparative analysis of theory and practice /". Title page, contents and introduction only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ary71.pdf.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

29

North, Peter. "Local exchange trading systems : a social movement approach". Thesis, University of Bristol, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.361077.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

30

Taggart, Paul A. "Green giants and sleeping giants: environmental interest group politics and the nature of the state". Thesis, Virginia Tech, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/44692.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The neglect that recent political science has shown toward the concept of the State has drastically reduced the efiicacy of analyses of environmental interest group politics. This thesis is an attempt to introduce a revamped concept of the State into such an analysis. The State is defined as both administrative and ideological. Through drawing out the logic of the environmentalist position, it can be shown how environmentalism challenges both these aspects of the modem State. It will then be shown how the State plays a decisive role in setting the parameters in which interest group activity operates, and how those parameters dictate that only groups which deny the logic of their own environmental ideological position gain access to existing power structures. The State, through the marketization, scientization, and technologization of the issues, has effectively defined the language of debate. This language is not the natural language of environmentalism, just as the definitions of the arena, and the norms of legitimacy and behavior sanctioned by the State are unsuited to the claims of environmentalism. By showing that the State has both the capacity and the incentive to intervene, the original premise of bringing the State back in to this analysis of environmental interest group politics in the United States is justified.

Master of Arts

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

31

Warren, Kristin. "Symbolic politics and local control : an analysis of framing processes in the county movement /". Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/5462.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

32

Kula, Mari-Helen. "From scepticism to engagement : Europeanization of the Green Party and Sinn Féin in Ireland inelection campaigns 2009–2020". Thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-186522.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This study examines the impact of the European Union and the programmatic and policy changes in two Irish political parties, the Green Party and Sinn Féin. The Europeanization concept is the theoretical basis of the study and it is operationalized by the use of EU salience. The study is carried out by content analysis of national and European election manifestos prepared by the parties during the 2009–2020 time period. The findings showed an increased salience on the European Union in national election campaigns by both parties, and in the European Parliament elections by Sinn Féin. A process of Europeanization has taken place in both parties regarding foreign policy and issues related to external relations. The Green Party showed an increased emphasis on the European Union regarding environmental issues. This study contributes to the research on the European impact on national political parties and the increased importance of European level politics in the national systems.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

33

Milder, Stephen Jarausch Konrad Hugo. "Thinking globally, acting trans-locally Petra Kelly and the transnational roots of West German Green politics /". Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,1596.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Sep. 16, 2008). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History." Discipline: History; Department/School: History.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

34

McDowell, Eleanor. "Green politics in Scotland : an analysis of historical and contemporary aspects of the Scottish environmental movement". Thesis, University of Strathclyde, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.337719.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

35

Andersson, Ann-Catrin. "Identity politics and city planning : the case of Jerusalem". Doctoral thesis, Örebro universitet, Akademin för humaniora, utbildning och samhällsvetenskap, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-16371.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Jerusalem is the declared capital of Israel, fundamental to Jewish tradition, and a contested city, part of the Israel–Palestine conflict. Departing from an analysis of mainly interviews and policy documents, this study aims to analyze the interplay between the Israeli identity politics of Jerusalem and city planning. The role of the city is related to discursive struggles between traditional, new, and post-Zionism. One conclusion is that the Israeli claim to the city is firmly anchored in a master commemorative narrative stating that Jerusalem is the eternal and indivisible capital of Israel. A second conclusion is that there is a constant interplay between Israeli identity politics, city policy, and planning practice, through specific strategies of territoriality. The goals of the strategies are to create a political, historical and religious, ethnic, economic, and exclusive capital. Planning policies are mainly focused on uniting the city through housing projects in East Jerusalem, rehabilitating historic heritage, ancestry, and landscapes, city center renewal, demographic balance, and economic growth, mainly through tourism and industrial development. An analysis of coping strategies shows that Jerusalem planners relate to identity politics by adopting a self-image of being professional, and by blaming the planning system for opening up to ideational impact. Depending on the issue, a planner adopts a reactive role as a bureaucrat or an expert, or an active role, such mobilizer or an advocate. One conclusion drawn from the “Safdie Plan” process is that traditional Zionism and the dominant collective planning doctrine are being challenged. An alliance of environmental movements, politicians from left and right, and citizens, mobilized a campaign against the plan that was intended to develop the western outskirts of Jerusalem. The rejection of the plan challenged the established political leadership, it opened up for an expansion to the east, and strengthened Green Zionism, but the result is also a challenge to the housing needs of Jerusalem.
Författaren tillhör även "Forskarskolan Urbana och Regionala Studier – Städer och regioner i förändring"

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

36

Mol, Hanneke Heleen. "To miss the forest for the trees? : a green criminological perspective on the politics of palm oil harm". Thesis, University of Kent, 2015. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/50063/.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Globally, the palm oil industry has been linked to practices that fit the most conventional definitions and perceptions of crime as well as the types of social and environmental harm that do not fit strictly legalistic definitions and understandings of crime. This thesis examines both the perceptions and realities of harm in the context of palm oil production in Colombia’s Pacific coast region, attending to the perspectives of corporate executives, public officials, industry representatives, small growers of oil palm, local palm oil critics, and NGOs with a critical stance towards agroindustrial palm oil production. The theoretical and analytical approach put forward to this end redirects the harm debate from a central concern with the academic contestation of harm within criminology, toward a focus on the on-the-ground contestedness of harm. The central research question that underpins the study is: “How are perceptions, practices, and realities of harm linked to palm oil production in the Colombian Pacific coast region contested, and what are the implications of this for debates on harm within green criminology?” Via a rich field-based account of the constructions, practices, and the lived and perceived realities of harm related to palm oil production, and the interrogation of the mechanisms and relations of power that thereby invest practices and discourses of harm, the study contributes empirically and theoretically to the green criminological analysis of the extractive industries, encouraging green criminology to engage with the notion of harm in more complex and nuanced ways. This approach enhances criminological understanding of the power dynamics that draw and keep in place the boundaries between legal harm, tolerated illegal harm, and non-tolerated illegal harm, and the hegemonic notions and practices of legality that thus operate to reproduce the status quo in ways that generate harm to human beings and the natural environment.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

37

Andersson, Rickard. "The politics of resilience : A qualitative analysis of resilience theory as an environmental discourse". Thesis, Stockholm University, Department of Sociology, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-8427.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

During recent years, resilience theory – originally developed in systems ecology – has advanced as a new approach to sustainable development. However, it is still more of an academic theory than a discourse informing environmental politics. The aim of this essay is to study resilience theory as a potential environmental discourse in the making and to outline the political implications it might induce. To gain a more comprehensive knowledge of resilience theory, I study it in relation to already existing environmental discourses. Following earlier research on environmental discourses I define the discourses of ecological modernization, green governmentality and civic environmentalism as occupying the discursive space of environmental politics. Further, I define six central components as characteristics for all environmental discourses. Outlining how both the existing environmental discourses and resilience theory relates to these components enables an understanding of both the political implications of resilience theory and of resilience theory as an environmental discourse in relation to existing environmental discourses. The six central discourse components I define are 1) the view on the nation-state; 2) the view on capitalism; 3) the view on civil society; 4) the view on political order; 5) the view on knowledge; 6) the view on human-nature relations. By doing an empirical textual analysis of academic texts on resilience theory I show that resilience theory assigns a limited role for the nation-state and a very important role for civil society and local actors when it comes to environmental politics. Its view on local actors and civil society is closely related to its relativist view on knowledge. Resilience theory views capitalism as a root of many environmental problems but with some political control and with changing perspectives this can be altered. Furthermore, resilience theory seems to advocate a weak bottom-up perspective on political order. Finally, resilience theory views human-nature relations as relations characterized by human adaptation to the prerequisites of nature. In conclusion, I argue that the empirical analysis show that resilience theory, as an environmental discourse, to a great extent resembles a subdivision of civic environmentalism called participatory multilateralism.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

38

Baffico, Stéphanie. "Green Politics et aménagement urbain durable à Baltimore : la racialisation du développement durable au coeur du traitement des ghettos". Thesis, Perpignan, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PERP0039.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Baltimore fait partie des grandes métropoles américaines qui se sont lancées dans le cercle vertueux du développement durable. Traditionnellement acquise aux votes démocrates, constituée d’une majorité d’Afro-Américains appartenant aux classes sociales défavorisées, et portant les profonds stigmates de la crise industrielle et des récessions économiques successives, la ville offre un terreau favorable aux expériences de gestion urbaine intégrant la notion de durabilité. Bien plus, tant du point de vue des caractéristiques économiques et démographiques que de celui de l’héritage marqué de la ségrégation, c’est la dimension sociale du développement durable et la justice environnementale qui sont en jeu. Depuis 2000, la municipalité a initié deux grands projets intégrant le développement durable dans ses dimensions de « sustainability », « livability » et « smart growth », pouvant être regroupées sous l’appellation de « green politics ». L’essentiel de ses efforts porte sur la revitalisation de deux ghettos du centre-ville tombés en complète déshérence, East Baltimore et West Baltimore. Nous concentrerons notre réflexion sur deux exemples précis de « green politics » (la réhabilitation d’une partie du ghetto d’East Baltimore avec le Grand Piano ; la Red Line, ligne de train qui doit relier les deux ghettos et des zones de friches industrielles au quartier des affaires). À partir de ces exemples, nous étudierons les modes de gouvernance mis en place et le rôle joué par les différents acteurs qui y participent (« anchor institutions », grandes fondations, acteurs publics et associations de quartier). Nous nous interrogerons sur l’émergence de formes inédites de citoyenneté façonnées par ces nouveaux modes de participation à l’aménagement urbain durable. Il s’agira de comprendre si le développement durable est conçu au service des habitants du ghetto afin de lutter contre la pauvreté et les injustices sociales et environnementales, ou si, au contraire, la racialisation de ce concept favorise la gentrification, crée de nouvelles formes de ségrégation et aboutit à la fin programmée des ghettos
Baltimore is part of the big American metropolises committed in a race for sustainable development. Traditionally a democratic stronghold, with a majority of city dwellers who are poor Afro-Americans, and harshly battered by the industrial crisis and the economic recession, Baltimore City is the perfect laboratory for urban planning projects experimenting sustainable development. Furthermore, with regard to its economic and demographic characteristics and the importance of segregation in the city, the social dimension of sustainable development and the issue of environmental justice are at stake. Since 2000, the Mayor and the City Council initiated two ambitious projects integrating the various aspects of sustainable development (« sustainability », « livability » and « smart growth »), which are all belonging to « green politics ». These efforts are focused on East Baltimore and West Baltimore, two huge ghettos surrounding the financial district in the downtown area. The core of our analysis concerns two projects of green politics (the rehabilitation of a part of the East Baltimore ghetto through the Grand Piano; the Red Line, a train connecting the ghettos, some industrial wastelands and the Central Business District). Through these examples, we will put under study the types of urban governance and urban regimes at work, and the role played by the different stakeholders (« anchor institutions », philanthropic foundations, public actors and neighborhood associations). New forms of citizenship may appear with unheard modes of participation to sustainable urban planning. Sustainable development may be an opportunity to improve the living conditions in the ghetto and fight against poverty and social and environmental injustices. The seamy side of the story may be a racialization of sustainable development nourishing gentrification, creating new forms of segregation and bringing about the death of the ghettos

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

39

Zelle, Carsten F. "Why is there no Green Party in America?: Environmental politics and environmental consciousness in the United States and West Germany". Thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/52094.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The present paper attempts to explain the absence of a Green Party in America by means of comparison with the country that gave birth to the most successful Green Party so far: West Germany. In the first section it will be shown, that neither the electoral system nor other legal barriers prevent new parties from emerging in the United States. Then, the two countries will be examined from two different perspectives. First, through comparison of the politics of environmental protection it will be shown how a dialogue between the state and interest groups could be established in America, while it could not in Germany. The conclusion will be drawn that different opportunity structures define different incentives to founding a Green Party. From this finding the hypothesis will be developed that the conflictual environmental politics in Germany caused environmental concern to merge with other New Politics concerns and visions of a new state. It is from this ideology that the Green Party drew its electoral success. Due to aggregation of the environmental issue in institutional politics, this potential Green electorate did not emerge in the United States. The hypothesis will be tested empirically using survey data. Three operationalizations of the Green ideology will be employed: postmaterialism, the New Environmental Paradigm, and support for protest movements. The results deliver strong support for the hypothesis. The electoral resources for an American Green Party are weak.
Master of Arts

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

40

Harper, Sally Anne. "Towards the development of a "green" worldview, and criteria to assess the "green-ness" of a text Namibia Vision 2030 as example /". Thesis, Pretoria : [s.n.], 2008. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-05312009-012155.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

41

Celik, Elcin. "Bosnian Refugees in Bowling Green, Kentucky: Refugee Resettlement and Community Based Research". TopSCHOLAR®, 2012. http://digitalcommons.wku.edu/theses/1190.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

To understand the reasons for the increase in recent years of the Bosnian population in Bowling Green, Kentucky and their adaptation problems as refugees in their host country, this study focused upon the Bosnian community in Bowling Green and addressed what the role of their challenges is in the shaping of refugees’ new life in their host country. Extensive literature review helped to emerge that for an understanding of the situation of the refugees, their interaction in the host country is more meaningful topic for research. This study employed qualitative research methods, drawing from existing empirical studies addressing resettlement in the context of the informants’ wartime experiences. Initially, the researcher approached patrons at Bosnian restaurants and worshipers at local mosques to find Bosnian people. Snowball sampling used to identify Bosnian refugees living in the Bowling Green community. Twenty-five in-depth interviews were conducted for needs assessment and issue identification. The interviews were transcribed and analyzed in an attempt to understand the difficulties of adaptation among Bosnian refugees living in Bowling Green. A qualitative case study approach was chosen because it was the most effective way to gain knowledge of refugees’ experiences and perceptions in the context of the societies in which they resettled. Findings revealed that interviewed group struggled with mostly language and employment challenges to integration. Social support was provided through organizations that included Americans aided integration and the families resettled before as they provided significant support is directing resettlement. Banki’s (2004) and Jacobsen’s (2001) indicators of refugee integration were used to in order to determine to the extent to which this sample of Bosnian refugees are integrated into their host county.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

42

Sua, Yttrium. "Bridging the Blue-Green Divide: The Role of Environmental NGOs in Tackling Environmental Problems in Taiwan". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2015. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pomona_theses/133.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This thesis attempts to provide a brief historical outline of the environmental movement in Taiwan and the unique political situation that has directly affected how the movement has progressed. Thereafter, it looks at some examples of environmental disputes that have occurred in recent years, paying special attention to the ways the environmental movement has interacted with the government. This provides the background to frame the analysis, which will shed light on the reasons for the current state of distrust and antagonistic interactions between the environmental movement and the government. Finally, the thesis evaluates whether such interactions with the government is helpful for the environmental movement in achieving its goals, while suggesting other possible models of environmentalism in Taiwan.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

43

Detwiler, Dominic. "Bridging The Queer-Green Gap: LGBTQ & Environmental Movements inCanada, Ireland, the United Kingdom, and the United States". Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1587131806748671.

Pełny tekst źródła

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

44

Deisinger-Murray, Alexander. "Whose Right to Urban Nature? A case study of Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden in Deptford, south-east London". Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Kulturgeografiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-169427.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

This exploratory research project explores the production and use, and subsequent closure and eviction of the community-designed and managed Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden in Deptford – a predominantly working-class area in south-east London. This community garden played a key role in the lives of many local residents and its closure and subsequent demolition to make way for a large housing project drew a significant backlash from local residents which included protests, law-suits, and the occupation of the garden itself. Why this small, half-acre community garden garnered such a notable response is the main focus of and motivation for this research project. Using a combined-methods approach consisting of semi-structured interviews and participant observation, this research investigates what it was about Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden which resulted in this backlash, and why the local council’s decision to close it drew such a militant revolt from local community members. Combining the empirical results of this research with a deep inquiry into the concepts of space and power within urban theory, this thesis seeks to understand the rights working-class communities have to contribute to the production of public green space, and how such community-led contribution can impact on the space produced, both inside and outside the context of Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden and its former users.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

45

Mattos, Karina Andrade [UNESP]. "Espaços verdes urbanos: análise multimétodos para a valorização". Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/149998.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Submitted by Karina Andrade Mattos null (karina_amattos@hotmail.com) on 2017-03-27T16:09:49Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO DE MESTRADO_KARINA ANDRADE MATTOS _REPOSITÓRIO.pdf: 38116716 bytes, checksum: 108b51c05dd508c255283b851a6cfdee (MD5)
Approved for entry into archive by Luiz Galeffi (luizgaleffi@gmail.com) on 2017-03-29T19:03:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 mattos_ka_me_bauru.pdf: 38116716 bytes, checksum: 108b51c05dd508c255283b851a6cfdee (MD5)
Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-29T19:03:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 mattos_ka_me_bauru.pdf: 38116716 bytes, checksum: 108b51c05dd508c255283b851a6cfdee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-23
Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
A presente pesquisa propõe a análise multimétodos dos espaços verdes urbanos das cidades de Botucatu e Bauru, a fim de valorizá-los. A criação e manutenção de espaços verdes urbanos proporcionam inúmeros benefícios, contudo, tais espaços só se tornam relevantes à vida urbana quando objeto de políticas, programas e projetos públicos bem sucedidos. Nota-se que a partir do final do século XX e início do século XXI, uma consciência em relação à importância desses espaços começou a emergir, tanto por parte da administração pública como da população. No entanto, diante da conjuntura contemporânea baseada na multifuncionalidade dos espaços verdes, na maioria das vezes as ações dos planejadores e administradores não coincidem com as necessidades dos cidadãos. Assim, entender como as diferentes instâncias da sociedade avaliam os benefícios associados a esses espaços, considerando os fatores sociais, culturais, territoriais e políticos do meio, torna-se fundamental para o desenvolvimento e aplicação de estratégias e políticas públicas urbanas participativas e eficientes. Dessa forma, nosso objetivo é verificar se os benefícios dos espaços verdes são igualmente classificados pela população em diferentes áreas urbanas, apresentando divergências ou influências das particularidades locais, e se os benefícios atribuídos pelos cidadãos têm o mesmo valor que os destacados pelas políticas públicas municipais. Para isso, a metodologia adotada inclui diferentes materiais e métodos: pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, estudos de campo, cartografia, entrevistas e o método Best-Worst Scaling (BWS). Os resultados direcionam para três principais constatações: primeiro, que há uma hierarquização dos benefícios dos espaços verdes e que, apesar das diferenças, existe uma semelhança entre a classificação das duas cidades; segundo, que, em Botucatu, a percepção dos cidadãos vai de encontro com as medidas adotadas pela gestão pública municipal; e terceiro, que pesquisas desta natureza são fundamentais para a valorização dos espaços verdes urbanos.
The present research proposes the multi-method analysis of the urban green spaces in Botucatu and Bauru cities, in order to valorize them. The creation and maintenance of urban green spaces provide innumerous benefits, however, such spaces only become relevant to urban life when object of successful politics, programs and public projects. It is noticed that from the end of the twentieth century and early of twenty-first century, a conscience in relation to importance of these spaces began emerging, as much in the public management as in the population. Therefore, in face of the contemporary conjuncture based on the multifunctionality of the green spaces, mostly the action of the planners and managers do not coincide with the necessities of the citizens. Thus, to understand how the different instances of society evaluate the benefits associated to these spaces, considering the social, cultural, territorial and political facts of the place, it is fundamental to the development and application of the participative and efficient strategies and urban public policies. This way, our objective is to verify if the benefits of the urban green spaces are equally classified by the population in different urban areas, presenting divergences or influences of the local particularities, and if the benefits attributed by citizens have the same value that the detailed by the municipal public policies. For this, the methodology adopted includes different materials and methods: bibliographic and documentary research, field studies, cartography, interviews and the method Best-Worst Scaling (BWS). The results point to three main findings: first, that there is a ranking of the benefits in the green spaces and that, in spite of the difference, there is a similarity between the classifications of the two cities; second, that, in Botucatu the citizens’ perception meet the measure adopted by the municipal public management; and third, that researches of this nature are fundamental to the valuation of the urban green spaces.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

46

Norton, Paul C. R., i n/a. "Accord, Discord, Discourse and Dialogue in the Search for Sustainable Development: Labour-Environmentalist Cooperation and Conflict in Australian Debates on Ecologically Sustainable Development and Economic Restructuring in the Period of the Federal Labor Government, 1983-96". Griffith University. Australian School of Environmental Studies, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20040924.093047.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

47

Norton, Paul C. R. "Accord, Discord, Discourse and Dialogue in the Search for Sustainable Development: Labour-Environmentalist Cooperation and Conflict in Australian Debates on Ecologically Sustainable Development and Economic Restructuring in the Period of the Federal Labor Government, 1983-96". Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/368094.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

The thesis seeks to provide a deeper understanding of the dynamics of interaction between the environmental and labour movements, and the conditions under which they can cooperate and form alliances in pursuit of a sustainable development agenda which simultaneously promotes ecological and social justice goals. After developing an explanatory model of the labour-environmentalist relationship (LER) on the basis of a survey of theoretical and case-study literature, the thesis applies this model to three significant cases of labour-environmental interaction in Australia, each representing a different point on the spectrum from LER conflict to LER cooperation, during the period from 1983 to 1996. Commonly held views that there are inevitable tendencies to LER conflict, whether due to an irreconcilable "jobs versus environment" contradiction or due to the different class bases of the respective movements, are analysed and rejected. A model of the LER implicit in Siegmann (1985) is interrogated against more recent LER studies from six countries, and reworked into a new model (the Siegmann-Norton model) which explains tendencies to conflict and cooperation in the LER in terms of the respective ideologies of labour and environmentalism, their organisational forms and cultures, the national political-institutional framework and the respective places of labour and environmentalism therein, the political economy of specific sectors and regions in which LER interaction occurs, and sui generis sociological and demographic characteristics of labour and environmental actors. The thesis then discusses the major changes in the ideologies, organisational forms and political-institutional roles of the Australian labour movement which occurred during the period of the study, and their likely influence on the LER. The two processes of most importance in driving such changes were the corporatist Accord relationship between the trade union movement and Labor Party government from 1983 to 1996, and the strategic reorganisation of the trade union movement between 1988 and 1996 in response to challenges and opportunities in the wider political-economic environment. The research hypothesis is that the net effect of these changes would have been to foster tendencies towards LER conflict. The hypothesis is tested in three significant case studies, namely: (a) the interaction, often conflictual, between the Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) and the environmental movement in debates around macroeconomic policy, economic restructuring and sustainable development from the mid-1980s onwards; (b) the complex interaction, involving elements of cooperation, disagreement and dialogue, between the environmental movement and the unions representing coal mining and energy workers in the formulation of Australia's climate change policies; and (c) the environmental policy and campaign initiatives of the Australian Manufacturing Workers Union to improve workplace environmental performance and promote worker environmental education. The case studies confirmed the research hypothesis in the sense that, whilst the LER tended overall towards greater cooperation in the period of the study, the Accord relationship and union restructuring process worked to slow the growth of cooperative tendencies and sustain conflict over particular issues beyond what might otherwise have been the case. The Accord relationship served to maintain conflict tendencies due to the dominance of productivist ideologies within the ACTU, and the union movement's perseverance with this relationship after the vitiation of its progressive potential by neo-liberal trends in public policy. The tripartite Accord processes institutionalised a "growth coalition" of labour, business and the state in opposition to excluded constituencies such as the environmental movement. This was partially overcome during the period of the Ecologically Sustainable Development (ESD) process, which temporarily included the environmental movement as an insider in the political-institutional framework. The long-run effects of union reorganisation on the LER are difficult to determine as the new organisational forms of unions were not in place until almost the end of the period of the study. However, in the short term the disruptive effects of the amalgamations process restricted unions' capacity to engage with environmental issues. Pro-environment initiatives by the AMWU, and cooperative aspects of the coal industry unions' relationship with environmentalists, reflected the social unionist ideology and internal democratic practices of those unions, and the influence of the ESD Working Group process, whilst LER conflict over greenhouse reflected the adverse political economy of the coal industry, but also the relevant unions' less developed capacity for independent research and membership education compared to the AMWU. The LER in all three cases can be satisfactorily explained, and important insights derived, through application of the Siegmann-Norton model. Conclusions drawn include suggestions for further research and proposals for steps to be taken by labour and environmental actors to improve cooperation.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Australian School of Environmental Studies
Full Text

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

48

Lind, Jenny. "Spelar politiken någon roll? : En jämförelse mellan Kalmar kommun och Karlskrona kommun". Thesis, University of Kalmar, School of Human Sciences, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hik:diva-489.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Currently, the whole globe is faced with serious problems which negatively affect people around the world: increased pollution, excessive waste, and weather pattern changes. ‘Left’ and ‘right’ wing political parties alike have embraced ‘green’ politics and for many of these parties, environmental issues have become a top priority that is very much reflected in their manifestos. This study examines the environmental goals of two of Sweden’s largest political parties and how these ambitions are reflected at a local level. The conclusions I have drawn in the study have been achieved by analysing official documents and by the comparison between two Swedish municipalities. As a result of my research, I have learned that the political leanings of a party are substantial in determining the goals and works for long-term sustainability at a local level. However, whether the prevailing parties are of the ‘left’ or ‘right’ political orientation does not seem to be of big importance because both ‘wings’ in Sweden are very liberal and have very similar environmental goals.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

49

Lejeune, Caroline. "En quête de justice écologique : théorie politique environnementale et mobilisations sociales". Thesis, Lille 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LIL20022.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

L’étude des mobilisations sociales et institutionnelles nées autour d’un projet d’aménagement urbain – la Zone de l’Union (métropole lilloise, Nord) – permet d’analyser l’évolution théorique de la justice sociale lorsqu’elle se trouve progressivement confrontée aux limites environnementales. Originellement, ces mobilisations sociales étaient éloignées des enjeux spécifiquement écologiques.Mais une lente évolution des revendications s’opère lorsqu’il s’agit de se positionner sur un projet d’ « écoquartier exemplaire » (2006-2022). Nous nous intéresserons au glissement des revendications sociales (fondées sur la justice distributive et la reconnaissance politique) vers des revendications écologiques (élaborées à partir de la confrontation de la justice sociale aux limites environnementales). L’analyse des dispositifs de transformation des discours, des procédures participatives, ainsi que de l’évolution des référentiels théoriques des mobilisations, participe à une réflexion sur les conditions de transformation de la démocratie pluraliste représentative. A travers l’étude de la justice écologique et de ses enjeux, nous proposons de repenser la manière dont les limites environnementales peuvent être intégrées aux pratiques participatives de la démocratie. En nous appuyant sur les travaux de la Green Political Theory, nous montrons également que la justice écologique repose sur une conceptionécocentrée de la justice qui pourrait contribuer à interroger la théorie de la démocratie à partir des interdépendances existentielles entre les sphères sociales et écologiques
This work aims at analysing the theoretical evolution of social justice when it is progressively confronted to environmental limits. It is based on the study of the social and institutional movements that arose around an urban planning project – the Union Zone – in the metropolis of Lille, Northern France. These social movements were at first concentrating their claims on issues far from ecologicalconcerns. But a slow evolution of their claims took place when they were confronted to a project of “exemplary eco-district” (2006-2022). This work will focus on the shift from social claims (based on distributive justice and political acknowledgement) to ecological claims (where social justice is confronted to environmental limits). Drawing on an analysis of the transformation of discourses, of the participation procedures, and of the evolution of the theoretical frames used by the social movements, we offer an insight on the conditions of transformation of pluralist representative democracy. This analysis of the issues and purposes of ecological justice aims at reconsidering the way environmentallimits could be incorporated into the participative practices of democracies. Drawing on the field of green political theory, this work also aims at showing that ecological justice lays on an ecocentrist view of justice that could contribute to question the theory of democracy in the light of existentialinterdependences connecting the ecological and the social spheres

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

50

Anderson, Loriel Sarah Ann. "Reflections of the 'Other': foreign polities in archaic and classical greek political discourse". Thesis, University of Bristol, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.658565.

Pełny tekst źródła

Streszczenie:

Throughout their history interactions with foreigners had a profound influence on the Greek sense of' self and the development of a Panhellenic identity. In many ways, Greek culture developed out of interactions with ' others'. However, Greek ethnicity did not operate as a polarity with strictly defmed categories but was a sliding scale. The endpoints were strongly structuralist understandings of 'Greek' and 'Barbarian', with various intermediary points to accommodate those who did not conform to these precise categories. Greek ethnicity was complex and fluid, meaning different things at different times to different people. The texts examined in this study, Homer's epic poems, Herodotus' Histories, and Ctesias' Persica, all variously display what it meant to be Greek, 'other', and the shades and subtleties inherent in such concepts. Homer's Trojans, although traditionally considered to be similar to the Greeks, exhibit several characteristics of 'others' as typified in fifth-century concepts of the Barbarian, demonstrating that such stereotypes have long roots. Although several contemporary texts emphasise the differences between Greeks and Barbarians, Herodotus provides an extremely sophisticated portrait of ' others' by refraining from relying upon simple stereotypes. While Homer and Herodotus present the shades and subtleties inherent in conceptions of ethnicity and alterity, Ctesias' work functions on the premise of polarity between Greeks and ' others'. Ctesias imagines Persia as a fantastical 'other', the opposite of Greece in almost every way. He plays to the stereotypes, revealing the complexities inherent in notions of ' self and 'other' . This project demonstrates that it is possible to understand contemporary Greek political thought through a backwards reading of Greek texts about 'others' . The authors examined respond to contemporary political concerns, particularly discussions of wealth, access to power, and decision making, in various ways, providing unique insight into the contemporary political thought that influenced each of these authors.

Style APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO itp.

Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Green politics”

Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych