Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Government partisanship

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Government partisanship”

Autor: Grafiati
Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021
Data aktualizacji: 20 lutego 2023

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Government partisanship"

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Rueda, David. "Left Government, Policy, and Corporatism: Explaining the Influence of Partisanship on Inequality". World Politics 60, nr 3 (kwiecień 2008): 349–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100009035.

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The author argues that to understand the relationship between partisan government and equality two fundamental things need to be done: separate the effects of partisanship on policy and of policy on the economy; and assess the influence of government partisanship once the mediating role of corporatism is accounted for. The main goal of this article is to explore the relationship between government partisanship, policy, and inequality at the lower half of the wage distribution. The analysis is motivated by a puzzling finding in previous work: the absence of government partisanship effects on earnings inequality. The author focuses on the role of three different policies: government employment, the generosity of the welfare state, and minimum wages. The results show that government employment is a most significant determinant of inequality (although it is affected by left government only when corporatism is low). They also demonstrate that welfare state generosity does not affect inequality and, in turn, is not associated with left government. Finally, they reveal that the effect of government partisanship on minimum wages and of minimum wages on inequality is completely conditional on the levels of corporatism (these effects are only present when corporatism is low). The author explains why specific policies do or do not affect earnings inequality and also why corporatism mitigates or magnifies the influence of government partisanship. By explicitly exploring the determinants of policy and earnings inequality, the article represents an important contribution to our understanding of how governments can promote redistribution.
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이규정, 신재혁 i Lee Sung-woo. "Government Partisanship and Technological Disasters". Locality and Globality: Korean Journal of Social Sciences 41, nr 3 (grudzień 2017): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.33071/ssricb.41.3.201712.271.

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Walter, Aaron T. "Institutional partisanship". Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 16, nr 2 (1.04.2016): 146–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2016-0008.

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Abstract The balance of power between the legislative and executive branches of government in the United States has held firm despite the evolution of each branch. Moreover, as the primacy of one branch succumbed to the dominance of the other there remained a constant variable. Partisanship existed since the American founding, however, the importance of Congressional partisanship in the later half of the nineteenth century and rise of the imperial presidency in the twentieth century highlight the formidable challenges of divided government in the United States. The following paper utilizes rational choice theory in political science to explain decision making of American political leaders though inclusion of casual and descriptive examples highlight certain choices within
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Matsubayashi, Tetsuya, i Michiko Ueda. "Government Partisanship and Human Well-Being". Social Indicators Research 107, nr 1 (29.03.2011): 127–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11205-011-9831-8.

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Kang, Michael. "Gerrymandering and the Constitutional Norm Against Government Partisanship". Michigan Law Review, nr 116.3 (2017): 351. http://dx.doi.org/10.36644/mlr.116.3.gerrymandering.

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This Article challenges the basic premise in the law of gerrymandering that partisanship is a constitutional government purpose at all. The central problem, Justice Scalia once explained in Vieth v. Jubilerer, is that partisan gerrymandering becomes unconstitutional only when it “has gone too far,” giving rise to the intractable inquiry into “how much is too much.” But the premise that partisanship is an ordinary and lawful purpose, articulated confidently as settled law and widely understood as such, is largely wrong as constitutional doctrine. The Article surveys constitutional law to demonstrate the vitality of an important, if implicit norm against government partisanship across a variety of settings. From political patronage, to government speech, to election administration and even in redistricting itself, Vieth is the exception in failing to bar tribal partisanship as a legitimate state interest in lawmaking. The puzzle therefore is why the Supreme Court in Vieth diverged from this overarching norm for legislative redistricting where the need for government nonpartisanship is most acute and so rarely met. The Article proposes a new approach focused on legitimate state interest and partisan purpose, building on a constitutional norm against government partisanship. The importance of consolidating and reifying this norm, in its most salient legal context, cannot be overstated at a time when hyperpolarization between the major parties dominates national politics and is at its most severe in our lifetime.
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Koch, Jeffrey W. "Partisanship and Non-Partisanship Among American Indians". American Politics Research 45, nr 4 (17.03.2016): 673–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x16637122.

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This research examines the partisan inclinations of American Indians, a minority population with a complicated history with the U.S. government and American society. The empirical analyses identify Native Americans as preferring the Democratic Party over the Republican Party. The impact of being Native American on identification with the Democratic Party is sizable, equivalent to the effect for being Hispanic, Asian, or female. In addition, American Indians demonstrate a pronounced tendency to not affiliate with a major American political party. The higher incidence of non-identification among Native Americans likely results from the importance of their claims for sovereignty and, relatedly, living separate from much of American society. Unlike other broad-based social groups in American politics, Native Americans disseminate cues that reduce the tendency of their members to affiliate with a major political party.
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Whiteley, Paul, i Ann-Kristin Kölln. "How do different sources of partisanship influence government accountability in Europe?" International Political Science Review 40, nr 4 (9.07.2018): 502–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512118780445.

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The possibility of holding representatives to account through regular elections is one of the cornerstones of representative democracy. The precise role of partisanship in doing this has not been extensively examined. Using survey data from Europe (2002–2012), we show that partisanship can weaken or strengthen accountability, depending on its sources. If it is an affective-psychological attitude, as the Michigan school suggests, then it weakens accountability because it acts as a perceptual screen. If, however, it is a calculation of party performance which is constantly updated by citizens, then it strengthens accountability. The findings suggest that partisanship in Europe has been quite responsive to performance over the ten-year period. Instead of acting as a screen that inhibits accountability, partisanship appears rooted in calculations of party performance and so enhances accountability. However, the effects are asymmetric with left-leaning partisans more sensitive to the performance of their governments than right-leaning partisans.
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Alvarez, R. Michael, Geoffrey Garrett i Peter Lange. "Government Partisanship, Labor Organization, and Macroeconomic Performance". American Political Science Review 85, nr 2 (czerwiec 1991): 539–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963174.

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Governments of the Left and Right have distinct partisan economic policies and objectives that they would prefer to pursue. Their propensity to do so, however, is constrained by their desire for reelection. We argue that the ability of governments to further their partisan interests and preside over reelectable macroeconomic outcomes simultaneously is dependent on the organization of the domestic economy, particularly the labor movement. We hypothesize that there are two different paths to desirable macroeconomic performance. In countries with densely and centrally organized labor movements, leftist governments can promote economic growth and reduce inflation and unemployment. Conversely, in countries with weak labor movements, rightist governments can pursue their partisan-preferred macroeconomic strategies and achieve similarly beneficial macroeconomic outcomes. Performance will be poorer in other cases. These hypotheses are supported by analysis of pooled annual time series data for 16 advanced industrial democracies between 1967 and 1984.
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Kim, Heemin, i Richard C. Fording. "Government partisanship in Western democracies, 1945-1998". European Journal of Political Research 41, nr 2 (marzec 2002): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1475-6765.00009.

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Shin, Doh Chull, i Rollin F. Tusalem. "Partisanship and Democratization". Journal of East Asian Studies 7, nr 2 (sierpień 2007): 323–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008766.

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How do attachments to political parties among the mass publics of East Asia affect the process of democratization in the region? Analyses of the East Asia Barometer surveys reveal that partisanship motivates East Asians to endorse the democratic performance of their political system and embrace democracy as the best possible system of government. These findings accord, by and large, with the socialization, cognitive dissonance, and rational choice theories of partisanship.
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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Government partisanship"

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McGovern, Robert F. "Federal Deficit Spending and Partisanship: An Economic Analysis". Youngstown State University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ysu1197410777.

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Ewell, William Henry Carsey Thomas M. "Partisanship, inter-institutional bargaining, and the appropriations process in American government". Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2283.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2009.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Jun. 26, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Austin, Eric S. "Effects of partisanship on the municipal budgeting process". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1350.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Meaders, Eddie Loyd. "Partisanship and Judicial Decision Making in U.S. Courts of Appeal". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2002. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc3329/.

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Partisanship is found in voter and Congressional behavior. Members of the federal judiciary should behave similarly. I utilize cases involving the Republican and Democratic parties from 1966 to 1997 and examine the voting behavior of federal Courts of Appeal judges. I utilize both cross tabulations and a Logit regression model to determine the likelihood appellate judges will vote for their own party and against the opposition.
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Prasser, Gavin Scott, i n/a. "A Study of Commonwealth Public Inquiries". Griffith University. School of Politics and Public Policy, 2004. http://www4.gu.edu.au:8080/adt-root/public/adt-QGU20060811.160901.

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This thesis seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of the extent and use of public inquiries appointed by the Commonwealth government since federation. Given the increased incidence in public inquiries since the 1970s, particular attention is given to assessing inquiries during this period. The thesis develops a clear definition of public inquiries to better identify the number established and to distinguish them from other advisory institutions and to allow more accurate comparison of their use by different governments over extended timeframes. The thesis addresses a number of key issues concerning public inquiries such as the reasons for their appointment, their roles and functions in the political system, their powers of investigation, processes of operation, their different organisational forms and their impact on policy development. In addition, the thesis seeks to explain both the long term use of public inquiries in Australia, and in particular their increased incidence since the 1970s. Supported by new data, and a more rigorous definition of public inquiries, the thesis identifies trends in the number and type of public inquiries appointed, their use by different governments, the range of issues investigated, the processes employed and the changing composition of their memberships. The thesis proposes that an important means of explaining the continuing appointment of inquiries is their intrinsic 'publicness' - their public appointment, external membership, temporary nature, open processes, and public reporting arrangements. This 'publicness' has given public inquiries a particular standing and legitimacy in the political system that for a variety of reasons, other institutions are increasingly unable to provide. Other issues concerning public inquiry appointment such as the effect of government partisanship, the impact of the electoral cycle, and the political motivations of governments are also assessed. A number of theories such as public choice are examined in relation to explaining inquiry appointment and found to have limited application in providing an overall explanation of inquiry use and their functions. These different issues are analysed by examination of many individual inquiries and supplemented by in depth assessment of three clusters of case studies. The case studies cover seven inquiries of different types and powers appointed over a twenty year period by both Labor and Coalition governments into a range of different fields including public sector reform, allegations of corruption and maladministration and financial deregulation. Each set of case studies examines why the inquiries were appointed, their classification and type, the processes employed, the form and content of their reports, and their policy impact. The thesis concludes that in examining why public inquiries are appointed and their roles in the political system, they need to be assessed not just by the effectiveness of their processes or the quality of their advice. These are important, but alone are not sufficient in explaining the persistent use of inquiries by all governments and their proliferation since the 1970s. The thesis contends that it is the 'publicness' of inquiries which distinguishes them from other advisory bodies and gives inquiries particular standing in the Australian political system to be perceived to be able to legitimately investigate and advise on a wide of issues. Despite the growth of other advisory bodies in recent times, public inquiries have continued to be appointed in increasing numbers since the early 1970s regardless of the government in power and therefore need to be seen less as an aberration of the Australian political system and more as an important, if often understudied, component. Future research areas recommended include the need for greater comparative analysis of their use with other Westminster democracies such as the United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand.
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Prasser, Gavin Scott. "A Study of Commonwealth Public Inquiries". Thesis, Griffith University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/365294.

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This thesis seeks to provide a comprehensive overview of the extent and use of public inquiries appointed by the Commonwealth government since federation. Given the increased incidence in public inquiries since the 1970s, particular attention is given to assessing inquiries during this period. The thesis develops a clear definition of public inquiries to better identify the number established and to distinguish them from other advisory institutions and to allow more accurate comparison of their use by different governments over extended timeframes. The thesis addresses a number of key issues concerning public inquiries such as the reasons for their appointment, their roles and functions in the political system, their powers of investigation, processes of operation, their different organisational forms and their impact on policy development. In addition, the thesis seeks to explain both the long term use of public inquiries in Australia, and in particular their increased incidence since the 1970s. Supported by new data, and a more rigorous definition of public inquiries, the thesis identifies trends in the number and type of public inquiries appointed, their use by different governments, the range of issues investigated, the processes employed and the changing composition of their memberships. The thesis proposes that an important means of explaining the continuing appointment of inquiries is their intrinsic 'publicness' - their public appointment, external membership, temporary nature, open processes, and public reporting arrangements. This 'publicness' has given public inquiries a particular standing and legitimacy in the political system that for a variety of reasons, other institutions are increasingly unable to provide. Other issues concerning public inquiry appointment such as the effect of government partisanship, the impact of the electoral cycle, and the political motivations of governments are also assessed. A number of theories such as public choice are examined in relation to explaining inquiry appointment and found to have limited application in providing an overall explanation of inquiry use and their functions. These different issues are analysed by examination of many individual inquiries and supplemented by in depth assessment of three clusters of case studies. The case studies cover seven inquiries of different types and powers appointed over a twenty year period by both Labor and Coalition governments into a range of different fields including public sector reform, allegations of corruption and maladministration and financial deregulation. Each set of case studies examines why the inquiries were appointed, their classification and type, the processes employed, the form and content of their reports, and their policy impact. The thesis concludes that in examining why public inquiries are appointed and their roles in the political system, they need to be assessed not just by the effectiveness of their processes or the quality of their advice. These are important, but alone are not sufficient in explaining the persistent use of inquiries by all governments and their proliferation since the 1970s. The thesis contends that it is the 'publicness' of inquiries which distinguishes them from other advisory bodies and gives inquiries particular standing in the Australian political system to be perceived to be able to legitimately investigate and advise on a wide of issues. Despite the growth of other advisory bodies in recent times, public inquiries have continued to be appointed in increasing numbers since the early 1970s regardless of the government in power and therefore need to be seen less as an aberration of the Australian political system and more as an important, if often understudied, component. Future research areas recommended include the need for greater comparative analysis of their use with other Westminster democracies such as the United Kingdom, Canada and New Zealand.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Politics and Public Policy
Full Text
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Lem, Steve B. "The declining significance of partisanship? party positions and welfare policy in industrialized democracies /". Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2007.

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Cepenas, Simonas. "THE EFFECTS OF GOVERNMENT IDEOLOGY ON THE PERFORMANCE OF STATE-OWNED ENTERPRISES: THE CASE OF LITHUANIA". OpenSIUC, 2015. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/theses/1759.

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Even though empirical studies show that political institutions affect various economic policies, standard economic models do not evaluate the effects of government ideology on the performance of state firms. I argue that state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are more efficient under center-right governments, while state firms under center-left cabinets show weaker performance. A modified Stackelberg oligopoly competition model that analyzes the proposed connection is developed. I, then, test implications from the model empirically using the case of Lithuania.
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Ho, Karl Ka-yiu. "Dealignment Decades on: Partisanship and Party Support in Great Britain, 1979-1996". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1996. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278532/.

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This dissertation surveys electoral change in Great Britain during the period between 1979 and 1996. It analyzes the long-term factors and the short-term dynamics underlying the evolution of three aspects of the electorate: party identification, voting intentions and party support in inter-election periods. Drawing on cross-sectional and panel data from the British Election Studies and public opinion polls, I investigate the impacts of long-term socialization and short-term perceptions on voters' political decisions. I hypothesize that, over the last four elections, perceptual factors such as evaluations of party leaders and issues, particularly economic concerns, emerged as the major forces that account for the volatility in electoral behavior in Britain. Accordingly, this study is divided into three sections: Part I probes into the evolution in party identification across age cohorts and social classes as illustrated in trends in partisanship. Part II focuses on changes in voting intentions as affected by perceptual factors and party identification. Part III investigates the public's support for governing parties by analyzing the dynamics of aggregate party support during inter-election periods.
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King, Marvin. "A Black/Non-Black Theory of African-American Partisanship: Hostility, Racial Consciousness and the Republican Party". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5264/.

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Why is black partisan identification so one-sidedly Democratic forty years past the Civil Rights movement? A black/non-black political dichotomy manifests itself through one-sided African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness and Republican hostility is the basis of the black/non-black political dichotomy, which manifests through African-American partisanship. Racial consciousness forced blacks to take a unique and somewhat jaundiced approach to politics and Republican hostility to black inclusion in the political process in the 1960s followed by antagonism toward public policy contribute to overwhelming black Democratic partisanship. Results shown in this dissertation demonstrate that variables representing economic issues, socioeconomic status and religiosity fail to explain partisan identification to the extent that Hostility-Consciousness explains party identification.
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Książki na temat "Government partisanship"

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Redistricting and legislative partisanship. San Francisco: Public Policy Institute of California, 2008.

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Levine, Myron A. Presidential campaigns and elections: Issues, images, and partisanship. Itasca, Ill: F.E. Peacock, 1992.

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Kelly, Norm. Directions in Australian Electoral Reform: Professionalism and Partisanship in Electoral Management. Canberra: ANU Press, 2012.

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H, Newcomb Benjamin. Political partisanship in the American middle colonies, 1700-1776. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1995.

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The state of disunion: Regional sources of modern American partisanship. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008.

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Minority rights, majority rule: Partisanship and the development of Congress. Cambridge, U.K: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

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Beyond ideology: Politics, principles, and partisanship in the U.S. Senate. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2009.

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Representation and misrepresentation in later Stuart Britain: Partisanship and political culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.

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Jaenicke, Douglas. Partisanship, Free Soil and defection: The case of the New York Barnburners. Manchester: Department of Government, Victoria University of Manchester, 1988.

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Cheek, Kyle. Judicial politics in Texas: Partisanship, money, and politics in state courts. New York: P. Lang, 2005.

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Części książek na temat "Government partisanship"

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Sawada, Yasuyuki, Michiko Ueda i Tetsuya Matsubayashi. "Government Partisanship and Suicide". W Economic Analysis of Suicide Prevention, 137–61. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-1500-7_7.

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Xezonakis, Georgios, Spyros Kosmidis i Stefan Dahlberg. "Can Elections Combat Corruption? Accountability and Partisanship". W Elites, Institutions and the Quality of Government, 283–304. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137556288_16.

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Avellaneda, Claudia N., Ricardo Andrés Bello-Gómez i Johabed G. Olvera. "Explaining Subnational Governance: The Role of Governors’ Codified and Uncodified Knowledge". W Knowledge for Governance, 131–59. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47150-7_7.

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AbstractThe decentralization of responsibilities has led to considerable variation in subnational performance. In this chapter, we explore the determinants of subnational government performance by suggesting that governors’ education (codified knowledge) and experience (uncodified knowledge) explain education outputs and health outcomes. We test our propositions in two data sets derived from 32 Mexican states and 32 Colombian departments during 1995–2010 and 2004–2013, respectively. Based on their findings, we caution against generalizing results, because factors driving performance in Mexican states differ from those boosting performance in Colombian departments. Neither governors’ codified nor uncodified knowledge drives subnational performance in Colombia. However, governors’ uncodified knowledge (experience) does explain health outcomes in Mexican states. Moreover, although political factors (e.g., partisanship and party ideology) explain health performance in Mexican states, no political factor does so in the Colombian departments. In sum, what drives performance in one country may not have the same explanatory power in another country.
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Thomassen, Jacques. "Party government and democracy". W Research Handbook on Political Partisanship, 31–46. Edward Elgar Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4337/9781788111997.00008.

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Perry, Elisabeth Israels. "Negotiating Partisanship". W After the Vote, 35–66. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199341849.003.0004.

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After New York women won the vote in 1917, many joined political party clubs and some ran for office. In the 1920s, only a few won seats in the state legislature, and only one served more than one term. A few women won other posts—register of New York County and alderwoman—and a few others won appointive government and judicial posts. Local and state political party committees elected women as officers. These small victories encouraged other women to keep trying. The obstacles to women’s political success in the first decade after suffrage remained high, however. Some suffragists were ambivalent toward partisanship and discouraged women from being active party members; party men remained prejudiced against women politicians and government officials. In the 1920s African American women and Socialists had no electoral success at all.
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"Partisanship, Partiality, and Parts of Government". W The Effective Republic, 225–40. Duke University Press, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/9780822382874-016.

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"Partisanship, Partiality, and Parts of Government". W The Effective Republic, 225–40. Duke University Press, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv11sn6xv.16.

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"XII Partisanship, Partiality, and Parts of Government". W The Effective Republic, 225–40. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822382874-014.

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Cho, Hye Jee. "Leftist party government and perceived creditworthiness". W Institutions, Partisanship and Credibility in Global Financial Markets, 36–51. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315445045-3.

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"The BJP coalition: partisanship and power-sharing in government". W Coalition Politics and Hindu Nationalism, 29–51. Routledge, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203007792-11.

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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Government partisanship"

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Prats, Joan, Helen Harris i Juan Andrés Pérez. Political Determinants of Public-Private Partnerships. Inter-American Development Bank, wrzesień 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003619.

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During the last three decades, Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) have emerged as a new contractual arrangement to provide infrastructure investment and services. Examining the evolution of PPPs contracts in emerging countries, this paper analyses the role played by political institutions and partisanship showing that: (i) PPPs are more used when governmental and legislative transaction costs increase; and (ii) political partisanship does not explain the use and consolidation of PPPs as a contractual arrangement. The paper also confirms the relevance of macroeconomic and institutional quality variability variables found in previous literature and sheds new light regarding the political economy of PPPs, especially on how political governance structures shape incentives for using PPPs as a contractual mechanism.
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