Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Germany”
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1
Ivanchenko, T. A. "Features of intercultural communication of Germans in Germany and abroad". Uchenye zapiski St. Petersburg University of Management Technologies and Economics, nr 1 (9.04.2022): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35854/2541-8106-2022-1-17-23.
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The article describes the specifics of the communicative behavior of Germans in Germany and abroad. The model of communication of Germans within their own country is analyzed. The differences in communicative values between the inhabitants of the eastern and western parts of Germany are described. Highlighted are communicative principles common to all Germans in Germany. The features of the communicative style of the inhabitants of Germany and other German-speaking countries - Austria and Switzerland are studied. The ways of solving the problems of intercultural communication of the inhabitants of German-speaking countries are outlined.
2
Maftuna, Karshiboeva. "LITERATURE OF REUNIFIED GERMANY". International Journal Of Literature And Languages 03, nr 03 (1.03.2023): 14–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/ijll/volume03issue03-04.
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Germany is home to many famous composers, writers, poets, dramatists, philosophers and artists. German (Germanic) culture has been known since the 5th century. BC NS. German culture also includes the culture of Austria and Switzerland, which are politically independent from Germany but inhabited by Germans and belong to this culture.
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von Donat, Marcell. "Neutralism in Germany". Government and Opposition 21, nr 4 (1.10.1986): 406–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1986.tb00029.x.
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IN 1986, THE FRENCH PRESIDENT FRANÇOIS MITTERRAND reminded us that neutralism in Germany was not just a simple reaction to political facts but a very complex constant in recent German history. Is the idea of a neutral Germany or of two neutral German states of any political importance today? Are there still supporters for neutrality in Central Europe? Would it not be normal for some people to think in those terms?In today's relatively tension-free period of East-West relations, the fact may be overlooked that the German situation remains exceptional and that the Germans have a burden to carry which other nations do not have. The Federal Republic of Germany does not have full freedom of choice like for instance, Norway, which is a member of NATO without being a member of the EC, or Ireland which is an EC-member without belonging to NATO. What is considered as a normal option for any other nation might not be permitted for the Germans. Thus the frontline state at the frontier of the two world ideologies cannot claim normal freedom of action.
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Дубинский i Vladimir Dubinskiy. "Non-verbal communication in Germany". Modern Communication Studies 2, nr 4 (20.08.2013): 10–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/811.
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The article addresses non-verbal communication presenting the national peculiarities of body language in Germany in close correlation with the stereotypical image of the German nation and the language picture of the world. The author gives a typology of German non-verbal communication on the basis of interpersonal interaction. The article illustrates gender differences in non-verbal communication of Germans giving particular attention to its national and international aspects. The author demonstrates the process of acculturation through non-verbal communication of foreigners living in Germany and of Germans living in Russia.
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Panagiotidis, Jannis. "What Is the German’s Fatherland?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 29, nr 1 (luty 2015): 120–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325414540934.
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This article deals with the migration of “ethnic Germans” from socialist Eastern Europe to the GDR in the decades after the Second World War. Post-expulsion resettlement from that region is commonly associated with Aussiedler migration to West Germany. Contesting the idea that East Germany displayed no interest in Eastern European Germans, this article shows that the GDR, which challenged the West German claim to be the sole representative of the German nation, also received ethnic German immigrants, mostly from Poland and the USSR. It argues that the distribution of roles between the two German states, with West Germany being the prime destination for resettlers, was not clear from the outset. It was only after Polish–West German “normalization” in 1970 that the FRG became the almost uncontested “fatherland” for Eastern European Germans. West and East German approaches resembled each other as long as they were predicated on humanitarian family reunification. They diverged as the GDR attempted co-ethnic labor recruitment in Poland in the 1960s. These efforts met with limited success, as East Germany was the weakest link in a cross-bloc “tetradic nexus” with the German minority in Poland, the Polish state, and West Germany. Meanwhile, the GDR authorities eyed grass-roots migration initiatives by Soviet Germans with suspicion, as they undermined the government aspiration to control the movement of people. The article finally argues that movement of labor had no priority in the project of socialist economic integration, which gives reason to suspect a link between limited migration and failed COMECON integration.
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Waddington, Keir. "“We Don't Want Any German Sausages Here!” Food, Fear, and the German Nation in Victorian and Edwardian Britain". Journal of British Studies 52, nr 4 (październik 2013): 1017–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.178.
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AbstractThis essay brings together aspects of the history of science, food, and culture, and applies them to the study of Anglo-German relations and perceptions by examining how between 1850 and 1914 the German sausage was used as a metaphor for the German nation. The essay shows how the concerns that became attached to German sausages not only provide a way of understanding Britain's interaction with Germany but also reveal further dimensions to popular anti-German sentiment. Alarm about what went into German sausages formed part of a growing strand of popular opposition to Germany, which drew on increasing insecurity about Britain's position on the world stage and the perceived economic threat that Germany and German immigrants presented. Such sentiment was translated into how Germans were caricatured and onto material objects—in this case, the “deadly mysteries” that were feared to go into German sausages. Cultural and gastronomic stereotypes overlapped in a discourse that linked Germany and Germans to their national diet and aggressive nature, as well as associated German sausages with fears about diseased meat, adulteration, and the risks that eating them entailed. The result was that the German sausage was used as a staple for satirical comic representations of Germany, as representative of dishonesty in food production, and as a xenophobic slur. Around the German sausage, anti-German sentiment and questions of food safety merged and became mutually reinforcing.
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Iksanov, Ilya S. "The Transformation of the Institution of Citizenship of the European Union in the FRG Laws". Constitutional and municipal law 12 (24.12.2020): 73–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3767-2020-12-73-77.
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The article studies the institution of citizenship in the Federal Republic of Germany (the “FRG”) and analyzes the constitutional provisions of the FRG laws regulating the institution of citizenship. The FRG institution of citizenship is also reviewed in this article from the European law standpoint. Special attention is paid to the correlation of the following concepts: “citizen of Germany”, “German” and “citizen of the European Union”. The concept of “German” is broader than the concept of a “citizen of Germany”, and not only the belonging to the German race is of importance for referring to “Germans”, but also the effective procedure for acceptance of interested parties in Germany.
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Kasatkin, P. I., V. S. Kurske i I. A. Valiev. "The Role of German Diaspora in Russian-German Relations". MGIMO Review of International Relations, nr 5(26) (28.10.2012): 86–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-5-26-86-97.
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German Diaspora played and plays significant role in Russian-German relations. It is very important for cooperation in humanitarian sphere, education and culture. Key actors are Germany as «the external homeland», German diaspora and Russia as «the accommodation country». In the activity concerning the Russian Germans all three parties are guided by various principles and purposes that sometimes leads to tensions and the conflicts. But as a whole we have to note that the Russian Germans became a constructive link between Germany and Russia.
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Ziemer, Klaus. "The Emergence of New States in Eastern Europe after World War I: The German Impact". TalTech Journal of European Studies 11, nr 1 (1.05.2021): 93–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bjes-2021-0007.
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Abstract After World War I, many borders in Europe were redrawn, especially in the northeast and southeast of Germany. Almost all political forces in Germany strived to restore the prewar German borders, especially towards Poland. Even Poland’s very existence was denied by many German political forces. The Baltic States were less important for Germany in this respect. Here the relationship with the Baltic Germans and trade relations prevailed. The independence of these states was in the eyes of German elite subordinated to the relations with Russia. The article presents this pattern of German policy until the Treaty of Rapallo in 1922.
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Madajczyk, Piotr. "Niemiecka wizja miejsca Rosji w multipolarnym świecie". Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, nr 25/1 (28.04.2017): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2017.25.02.
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The commonly held truth is that the attitude of German society and the German elite to Russia is different to the attitude of Poland. This is not entirely true because due to Russian policy, the Germans have become more critical of Russia in the twenty-first century than before. Germany, however, pursues a more global policy than Poland. As Russia and Germany are of great significance in Polish politics, it is important to question the German vision of Russia’s place in today’s multipolar world. This is all the more important given that Germany, as the strongest country in Europe and the one that stabilized the euro zone, has difficulty in defining its role in the international arena. It is only as a result of the recent debate about the hybrid war, that Germany has overcome its unilateral geo-economic perception of the world. It is clear that the Germans are facing a new challenge, which they have not been prepared for.
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Hartenian, Larry. "The Role of Media in Democratizing Germany: United States Occupation Policy 1945–1949". Central European History 20, nr 2 (czerwiec 1987): 145–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900012589.
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The Allied defeat of the German Wehrmacht in May 1945 brought the military struggle against fascism in Europe to an end. Yet with the occupation of Germany the struggle against fascism was to continue on other fronts. Germany was to be “demilitarized,” the economy “decartelized,” and the society “denazified. ” Ultimately Germany was to be “democratized.” The newly established media were to play a major role in the transformation of German attitudes, in this attempt to “reeducate” the Germans.
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Blankenburg, Erhard. "The Purge of Lawyers after the Breakdown of the East German Communist Regime". Law & Social Inquiry 20, nr 01 (1995): 223–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1995.tb00687.x.
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When in East Germany communist rule broke down, West Germans stood ready to take over. The end of communism also meant the end of the German Democratic Republic state; unification came as unconditional surrender to the western Federal Republic of Germany. The purge of the former regime's leaders therefore became intertwined with the West German takeover. With the takeover came Western politicians, managers, and professionals, forcing East Germans to compete fur jobs and influence. Opportunistic strategies with regard to the future buildup thus mixed with the desires for revenge and justice toward those responsible for the communist past. In this article I focus especially on the screening of the East German legal profession for reemployment in the unified Germany. In the West German tradition the legal profession forms the core of the civil services. In communist states lawyers had remained relatively marginal to the center of political power. Thus Western perceptions of the role of law account for the demise of the East German legal profession. That demise is taking place at a time when the Western regime is in need of many more legally trained people than ever worked in East Germany.
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Cordell, Karl. "Memory, Identity and Poland's German Minority". German Politics and Society 27, nr 4 (1.12.2009): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270401.
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This paper seeks to offer an assessment of the nature of identity among Poland's German minority and to investigate why since 1950 large numbers of that minority have migrated to Germany. It does so by examining the nature of identity in the historic Polish-German borderlands, by recounting the experiences of those Germans who remained behind in Poland after the post World War Two expulsion process was completed in 1949, and by examining the continued salience of negative stereotypes of Germans and Germany among elements of Polish society. The paper highlights a number of salient factors of importance for members of the minority in deciding whether or not to stay in Poland or to migrate to Germany.
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Ivasiuk, Halyna. "Valuable Orientation of the Germans in Comparison with Other Folks as a Prerequisite of Germany's Foreign Policy". Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, nr 39 (16.06.2019): 116–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2019.39.116-121.
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In addition to geopolitical and economic factors, the factor of values also influences the choice of priorities in foreign policy of the state. The study of values is of particular importance for understanding the principles of foreign policy of Germany because these values were often the basis of various actions of the German state on the world stage, and along with the change of system of values in Germany, the formation of the foundations of European unity was formed. Monitoring the system of values in Germany does not lose its relevance in future. The purpose of this study is to analyze the actual values f the Germans and their potential impact on Germany's foreign policy. Accordingly, the main tasks will be: 1) to work out the theoretical and methodological base of the study of values; 2) to analyze current surveys on the values of the Germans; 3) to determine the potential effects of values on Germany's foreign policy. After analyzing the results of the surveys, we can draw out the conclusions about the influence of socio-cultural values on Germany's foreign policy. In the system of values of modern Germans there are both the influences of the historical path of Germany, as well as new trends, driven by the development of Germany and the development of modern world. The transition of Germany to post-materialist values brings new emphases in socio-political processes and, at the same time, new vectors of German foreign policy. Values are one of the prerequisites of Germany's foreign policy and, at the same time, one of its consequences.
Keywords: system of values, Germans’ system of values, Gert Hofstede, Ronald Inglehart, German foreign policy.
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Kreyenfeld, Michaela, i Anja Vatterrott. "Salmon migration and fertility in East Germany – An analysis of birth dynamics around German reunification". Zeitschrift für Familienforschung 30, nr 3-2018 (3.12.2018): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/zff.v30i3.02.
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This paper uses rich administrative data from the Deutsche Rentenversicherung (German Pension Fund) to describe changes in the timing and the spacing of births that occurred in the period following German reunification. We examine differences in the birth dynamics of East Germans, West Germans, and women who migrated between the two parts of Germany in these years. As the pension registers provide monthly records on whether a person is living in East or West Germany, they also allow us to examine the role of regional mobility in birth behaviour. In particular, we test the “salmon hypothesis”, which suggests that migrants are likely to postpone having a child until after or around the time they return to their region of origin. Our investigation shows that a large fraction of the cohorts born in 1965-74 migrated to West Germany after reunification, but that around 50% of these migrants returned to East Germany before reaching age 40. The first birth risks of those who returned were elevated, which suggests that the salmon hypothesis explains the behaviour of a significant fraction of the East German population in the period following German reunification.
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Schweiger, Christian. "Deutschland einig Vaterland?" German Politics and Society 37, nr 3 (1.09.2019): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370303.
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Thirty years on from the peaceful revolution in the former communist German Democratic Republic (GDR) Germany remains profoundly divided between the perspectives of Germans living in the eastern and the western parts of the country, which is becoming ever more obvious by the polarization of domestic politics. Hence, Germany today resembles a nation which is formally unified but deeply divided internally in cultural and political terms. This article examines the background to the growing cleavages between eastern and western regions, which have their roots in the mistakes that were made as part of the management of the domestic aspects of German reunification. From a historic-institutionalist perspective the merger of the pathways of the two German states has not taken place. Instead, unified Germany is characterized by the dominance of the institutional pathway of the former West German Federal Republic, which has substantially contributed to the self-perception of East Germans as dislocated, second-class citizens.
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Bahturina, Alexandra. "The Test of Patriotism: Germany in the Perception of the Baltic Germans during the First World War". Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, nr 3 (2022): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640020240-2.
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The article examines the attitude of the Baltic Germans towards Germany during the Great War. With the outbreak of the war, the Baltic Germans were forced to define their position towards their ethnic homeland, which had gone into war with the Russian Empire. The Baltic Germans' perception of Germany is reflected in a wide variety of sources, resulting in diametrically opposite assessments. The aim of the article is to provide a comparative analysis of official documents of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Council of Ministers, ego-sources, and applications for Russian citizenship from “enemy subjects”, to identify different attitudes towards Germany among the Baltic Germans, which were shaped by a variety of factors, including the anti-German activities of the Tsarist government, general imperial measures prompted by the war, and emotional assessment of what was happening. Previous studies have examined the views of the Baltic Germans mainly on the basis of Russian periodicals and the writings of nationalist publicists. This has left the complex process of searching for the boundary between loyalty to the Russian Empire and attitudes towards Germany, the country of their culture and mother tongue, among the Baltic Germans, outside the realm of research interest. This article aims to fill this gap. The study suggests that the patriotism of the Baltic Germans did not extend so far as to actively and publicly demonstrate rejection of their historic homeland. A considerable proportion of the Baltic Germans sought to strike an acceptable balance between their Russian citizenship and their German background, while attitudes towards Germany among them varied, depending on social background, degree of attachment to Russia and other factors.
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von Beyme, Klaus. "A United Germany Preparing for the 1994 Elections". Government and Opposition 29, nr 4 (1.10.1994): 445–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1994.tb01236.x.
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The Unification of Germany — not as a Confederation as most DDR intellectuals and many West German leftists and Greenish citizens had hoped for but by means of the Anschluss of the GDR — was a daring venture: would the East Germans accept the new national state? The Anschluss by the ‘unconditional surrender’ of the East Germans entailed enormous costs. Destabilization of West German democracy and non-acceptance of democracy by the East Germans was always a latent danger.
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Кудайберген i Pirimkul Kudaybergen. "Functions and the role of labor agency in social welfare and personnel management in Germany (through the example of immigrants)". Management of the Personnel and Intellectual Resources in Russia 3, nr 3 (17.06.2014): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/4872.
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The paper considers functions of the Labor Agency (Agency), which is an important mechanism for workforce management processes and procedures in the context of socially-oriented German economy. Agency activities are analyzed and how it practically implements social welfare principles (as exemplified by immigrants from CSI, Asian and African countries). The author operates based on his research and personal experience, gained while working in various German universities and companies. Special attention is given to how the Agency’s Center of Employment provide unemployed with unemployment relief and workplaces. Practical measures conducive to unemployment reduction are highlighted. It is emphasized that while Germany has powerful system of social welfare and sufficient unemployment reliefs, payroll taxes are also relatively high. Consequently, many immigrants try their hard to avoid working and prefer to live on the dole. Along with that the author reveals the reasons and ways through which German state officials discriminate immigrants thus favoring natives of Germany.
Nevertheless, given one million vacancies to be filled throughout the country, many Germans reject the German tax system, emigrate and work successfully abroad (e.g., 65% of doctors in Switzerland are expatriate Germans). The paper specially emphasizes, that the majority of immigrants to Germany are poorly educated, poorly civilized Asians and Africans with extra families, while among native Germans single-child families prevail and highly qualified specialists do prevail among emigrants. Such social discrepancy arose discontent among German burghers which results in annual neo-Nazi anti-German marches in towns and villages. In conclusion the author provides recommendations for immigrants and Russians, willing to work in German, on how to integrate in the German society and adapt to labor market conditions of Germany.
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ADOMEIT, HANNES. "The German Factor in Soviet Westpolitik". ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 481, nr 1 (wrzesień 1985): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285481001002.
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The author begins with a broad overview of Russian-German relations and observes that Russian diplomacy has historically vacillated between close cooperation with Germany and the construction of alliances against Germany. The latter has always been important to the Soviet Union, especially since 1945. The first section of the article evaluates the importance of East Germany in Soviet policy. The second section evaluates Soviet-West German relations in terms of Soviet long- and short-term interests. The author argues that Soviet policies toward both Germanys in the late 1970s and early 1980s have failed to produce positive results. The campaign against West German “revanchism” and “militarism” lacks credibility. The recent Soviet attempt to limit intra-German relations is likely to be met with resistance. The Soviet approach has been a setback and an embarrassment. Soviet control over East Germany will become more difficult than it has been in the past.
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Domizi, Alessandra. "Außenstereotype über die deutsche Sprache und was sich dahinter verbirgt". Studia Linguistica 39 (7.12.2020): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1169.39.5.
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The German language is (stereo)typically viewed as a language that is both hard to learn and harsh to the ear, as well as useful and (sometimes overly) precise. Considering a few linguistic studies but focusing on layman manifestations from different countries found in literature, press, television and social networks, the author analyses these stereotypes as to their spread, connection to German culture, possible origins and social connotations. Following a qualitative approach, the analysis highlights how the outside view of Germany and the Germans has been shaped by specific historical events, from the era of the Germans as a people of poets and thinkers to the two World Wars and the modern EU. Finally, the analysis allows the identification of a clear connection between Germany/Germans-related and German-related stereotypes.
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Tlemissova, Zh, i A. Mamyrbekov. "Cultural relations of Kazakhstan and Germany: the case of the German diaspora (1991-2020)". Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. Historical Sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series 140, nr 3 (2022): 106–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-7255-2022-140-106-121.
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Since independence, the Republic of Kazakhstan has been pursuing a multi-vector policy with Western countries. The main directions are aimed at politics, economics, and the cultural and humanitarian sphere. Our country has established relations with Western countries, including Germany. Bilateral cooperation is a priority and enhances mutually beneficial partnerships between the two states. Economic relations and political integration as an impulse of the new time are a model for all states of the modern world. In addition, the strategic partnership between Kazakhstan and Germany is constantly strengthening and expanding, covering almost all areas of activity. Reciprocity and tolerance, as a manifestation of the culture of relations between peoples, are the distinctive qualities of Kazakh-German relations. The coincidence of interests in the main areas of foreign relations will undoubtedly contribute to the harmonization of cultural relations in bilateral friendly relations. A significant part of the contact between Kazakhstan and Germany in the cultural sphere is linked to the German diaspora in Kazakhstan. If we make a historical digression, the Germans have lived throughout the territory of the Republic of Kazakhstan since the time of tsarist power. Kazakhstani Germans, preserving their culture and identity, live in close cultural ties with the Kazakh people. Such activities between peoples reach the interstate level, which contributes to the development of cultural ties between Kazakhstan and Germany. The article examines the cultural ties between Kazakhstan and Germany through the example of the German diaspora in our country. The article presents a scientific analysis of the role and influence of Kazakhstani Germans on these relations.
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Adaire, Esther. "“This Other Germany, the Dark One”". German Politics and Society 37, nr 4 (1.12.2019): 43–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370405.
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This paper examines antiforeigner violence in the former East German towns of Hoyerswerda (1991) and Rostock-Lichtenhagen (1992) as a case study for both the heightened presence of neo-Nazi/skinhead groups in Germany following 1989/in the Wende period, and the memory politics employed by German politicians in the Bundestag, as well as in media discourse, with regards to the problems entailed in uniting two Germanys which had experienced entirely difference processes of Vergangenheitsbewältigung. My analysis of the riots focuses mainly on the mnemonic discourses surrounding them, in particular the work that the image of “the East German skinhead” does within the broader context of German memory politics. This paper is also situated within the context of present-day German politics with regards to shifting cultures of memory and the electoral success of Alternative for Germany.
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Sinn, Andrea A. "Returning to Stay? Jews in East and West Germany after the Holocaust". Central European History 53, nr 2 (czerwiec 2020): 393–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000163.
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ABSTRACTTo better understand the position of Jews within Germany after the end of World War II, this article analyzes the rebuilding of Jewish communities in East and West Germany from a Jewish perspective. This approach highlights the peculiarities and sometimes sharply contrasting developments within the Jewish communities in the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, from the immediate postwar months to the official East-West separation of these increasingly politically divided communities in the early 1960s. Central to the study are the policies of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, which exemplify the process of gradual divergence in the relations between East and West German Jewish communities, that, as this article demonstrates, paralleled and mirrored the relations between non-Jewish Germans in the two countries.
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Zhu, Stella. "The The War Guilt Clause and the Rise of Adolf Hitler". European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 1, nr 3 (24.06.2021): 41–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2021.1.3.68.
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After the fall of Nazi Germany during World War II, the allied powers issued harsh reparation payments that burdened the German economy and humiliated the Germans. Most importantly, the War Guilt Clause led Germany into an economic and social turmoil, which in turn paved the path for the rise of radical extremists like Adolf Hitler.
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Mihułka, Krystyna. "Selbst- und Fremdbilder in der Fremdsprachendidaktik am Beispiel des DaF-Unterrichts in Polen". Glottodidactica 49, nr 2 (30.12.2022): 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/gl.2022.49.2.05.
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This article aims at providing an answer to the question of whether, and if so to what extent (intensive) German language learning and exploring German culture leads to a positive change in the image of Germany and Germans in Poland. The article opens with theoretical considerations on the Us–Them dichotomy, the essential components of self-image and the image of the Other, as well as the interpenetration of the self and otherness. In turn, the empirical part of the article, which is directly related to the theoretical one, is devoted to the analysis of the results of a qualitative study conducted among Polish students of German Philology. The results of the analysis of the students’ utterances show that the exploration of German culture and the improvement of one’s German language proficiency at school and during German studies at university, as well as direct contact with the Germans have resulted in a positive change in the respondents’ attitudes towards Germany, Germans and the German language. The article ends with conclusions along with clearly outlined avenues for further research.
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HUGHES, R. GERALD, i RACHEL J. OWEN. "‘The Continuation of Politics by Other Means’: Britain, the Two Germanys and the Olympic Games, 1949–1972". Contemporary European History 18, nr 4 (29.09.2009): 443–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777309990099.
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AbstractThis article evaluates the interplay between international sport and international politics during the cold war through an examination of the two Germanys and the Olympics from a British perspective. Germany was at the centre of Olympic and cold war politics between 1945 and the early 1970s, and the two German states competed fiercely over questions of national legitimacy. West Germany was initially successful in denying international recognition to the ‘other’ German state. East Germany countered this by developing a strategy that utilised international sport, particularly the Olympic Games, to further its claims for statehood. While recognising the flaws in the West German case against East Germany, British policy was constrained by the need to accommodate Bonn's sensibilities, given that the Federal Republic was a major ally. An examination of this ‘Olympian’ struggle from a British perspective tells us much about the West's cold war strategy and casts new light on this arena of East–West competition.
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Wolf, Christa. "Parting from Phantoms: The Business of Germany". PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 111, nr 3 (maj 1996): 395–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/463164.
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Everything about Germany has been said. I make this claim after wearily pushing aside the stacks of recently published books, the piles of fresh newspaper articles that I have read, skimmed, or left unread. What a giant gruel Germans have been cocking up, talking and writing and analyzing and arguing and polemicizing and pontificating and lamenting, even satirizing themselves and Germany, in the past four years. We have stirred this gruel ourselves, put the pot on the fire, watched it simmer, bubble, sizzle, boil over; we have tasted it, eaten it up like good little children. But the gruel cannot be consumed, nor can it be held in check any longer. It is spilling over the stove and kitchen, out from the messy house onto the road, onto all the streets of our German cities, apparently bringing no nourishment to the homeless Germans who huddle there. And if we well-housed Germans want to be honest—and what do Germans today want more urgently than to be honest!—we must admit that we no longer like the taste of this German millet gruel. We are sick of it. We are fed up with it.
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Biedermann, Bettina. "Vergessene Auswanderer". PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 35, nr 140 (1.09.2005): 423–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v35i140.593.
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Today, the debate on migration in Germany focuses on immigration. But a few decades ago, after World War II, a large number of Germans was leaving. USA and Canada were the favoured destinations, but Australia was also popular. In contrast to the former two countries, Australia and Germany in 1952 signed a bilateral treaty on the regulation of German migration to Australia. Consequently, an individual disposition for migration could only be materialised if the two governments permitted it. Australia wanted to industrialise and expand its population, whilst Germany saw migration as a contribution to the solution of the problems with German refugees. Nevertheless, there continued to be strong disagreement: The German government had an interest in the migration of older refugees with limited qualifications, whilst the Australian side wanted young, male and skilled migrants.
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Vogel, Nina, Denis Gerstorf, Nilam Ram, Jan Goebel i Gert G. Wagner. "Terminal decline in well-being differs between residents in East Germany and West Germany". International Journal of Behavioral Development 41, nr 1 (10.07.2016): 115–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0165025415602561.
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Lifespan research has long been interested in how contexts shape individual development. Using the separation and later reunification of Germany as a kind of natural experiment we examine whether and how living and dying in the former East or West German context has differentially shaped late-life development of well-being. We apply multi-level growth models to annual reports of life satisfaction collected over 20+ years since German reunification from 4,159 deceased participants in the Socio-Economic Panel ( NWest= 3,079, Mage at death = 73.90, 47% women; NEast= 1,080, Mage at death = 72.23, 48% women). We examine differences between East and West Germany in levels, rates of change, and onset of terminal decline in well-being and the role of age at death, gender, education, disability and time spent in reunification. Analyses revealed that West Germans reported higher life satisfaction than East Germans, and that these differences get smaller both with passing time since reunification and in late life. The gap between East and West Germany diminishes over the last 10 years of life by more than 25%. Taking into account key individual characteristics only slightly attenuated this pattern, with education and age at death moderating late-life well-being level and decline in East Germany. Our results are consistent with long-standing notions that contextual factors shape individual development and illustrate the plasticity of human development. After having experienced disadvantages in life circumstances for up to 40 years through living in East Germany, effects of this natural experiment diminish considerably with passing time since reunification.
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Kantola, Janna. "Images of Germans and Finns in Contemporary Finnish-Language Novels". Journal of Finnish Studies 19, nr 1 (1.06.2016): 6–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/28315081.19.1.03.
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Abstract This article examines the literary representations of Germans in recent Finnishlanguage novels from an imagological angle.1 The examination is divided into three thematic sections: (1) novels that deal with the Lapland War (1944–45); (2) novels that satirize Finnish contemporary society and extremist political movements by referring to Nazi Germany; and (3) finally, in brief, novels that show a more neutral attitude towards Germany or that acknowledge present-day Germany as Europe's economic power. The idea is first to show that images of Germans and of Germany are startlingly present in contemporary Finnish novels and, secondly, to try to understand why this is the case. In other words, I will consider whether the phenomenon is related to broader issues in Finnish society today—issues that the novels' authors criticize, such as rising xenophobia and the problems that arise from economic inequality. The conclusion is that the German image reflected in these Finnish novels is created by contemporary Finnish novelists in order to discuss delicate issues concerning Finnish society. This means, in imagological terms, that the image of Germans and Germany in these novels strongly reflects the Finnish self-image.
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LAMMERS, KARL CHRISTIAN. "Living Next Door to Germany: Denmark and the German Problem". Contemporary European History 15, nr 4 (6.10.2006): 453–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003493.
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This article analyses Danish relations with the two German states. After 1949 Denmark found itself in a special position as the only West European country that was neighbour to both Germanys, having a land border with the Federal Republic and a sea border and important communications links with the German Democratic Republic. But Denmark recognised only the Federal Republic as the legitimate representative of Germany. Germany had historically constituted a serious problem for Denmark, and even in the after-war period Danish relations with its big neighbour were beset with problems. After 1955, when the minority question was settled and Denmark and the FRG were both members of NATO, relations with West Germany improved. Relations with the GDR were much more troubled because Denmark was to an extent forced to bow to West German interests, but could not ignore the existence of the East German neighbour state.
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Casteel, James E. "The Russian Germans in the Interwar German National Imaginary". Central European History 40, nr 3 (20.08.2007): 429–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000799.
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In September 1929, a group of Russian German farmers who were dissatisfied with conditions under Soviet rule traveled to the suburbs of Moscow and demanded that they be allowed to emigrate. The gathering of ethnic Germans, most of whom were Mennonites, grew rapidly and numbered more than 13,000 people at its height. Their demands were widely reported in the German press and brought the subject of Soviet collectivization into the public eye in Germany. The effect of this event on German-Soviet diplomatic relations, which became increasingly strained as Stalinism took hold, is well known. Although studies of the gathering mention the public outcry in the press, they have generally assumed that the German public's identification with the Russian Germans was self-evident and not in need of explanation. In fact, public interest in and government concern for the Russian Germans was a relatively recent phenomenon. In the post-World War I era, Germans came to understand the Russian Germans as emblematic of Germany's fate—as innocent, hard-working farmers who were loyal to Germanness and who worked tirelessly to expand German culture in the world. The Russian Germans also came to represent the larger crisis of legitimacy that affected the Weimar Republic in which parliamentary government was increasingly perceived as not being able to protect the German people and its interests, whether in Germany or abroad.
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Węglińska, Agnieszka. "The Image of Germany in Social Media: Political and Social Aspects of Public Service Media in Poland". Central European Journal of Communication 13, nr 1 (21.07.2020): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.13.1(25).4.
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The goal is this paper is to analyze the image of Germany and Germans in social media platforms of Polish Television (Telewizja Polska — TVP). Through a web content analysis the study aims at presenting main societal and political aspects in the daily functioning of public service media. The outcome is therefore presented in a broad social and historical context, including relations between Germany and Poland. The main factors shaping bilateral relations such as stereotypes, trans-border cooperation and the presence of the German minority in Poland are presented. The empirical part of the paper comprises content and discourse analysis of TVP’ s social media related to the image of Germans and Germany over a period of three months in 2018.
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Dittrich, Marie-Agnes. "How to Split the Heritage when Inventing a Nation. Germany's Political and Musical Division". English version, nr 10 (22.10.2018): 359–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.51515/issn.2744-1261.2018.10.359.
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After the end of the old Empire in the Napoleonic Age, the states which are now Austria and Germany have separated gradually. But due to the rivalry which had emerged between Prussia and Austria in the decades before the new German Empire excluded Austria, the concept of “Germany” had to be redefined by differentiation not only from France, but from Austria too. Promoting the idea of an inherently “German” culture without admitting the superiority of practically all European cultural centres and especially of Vienna’s rich cultural and musical heritage required a redrawing of the map of Europe`s musical memory with the help of great dividers like religion or gender roles. Germans liked to believe that they were, as predominantly Protestants, more intellectual, progressive, and masculine, as opposed to the decadent, traditionalist Catholics in Austria. This “othering” of Austria affected the reception of composers like Beethoven, whom Prussia appropriated as German, or Schubert as typically Austrian. Similar differences were constructed with the shifting relationships between Germany and Austria after the WWI and after National Socialism, and when Germany itself was divided once more.
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Yu, Wanlin. "The Role of German Economy in Europe". Lecture Notes in Education Psychology and Public Media 24, nr 1 (20.11.2023): 151–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7048/24/20230686.
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This paper details the role that Germany and the German economy have played in Europe over time. The timeline is divided into three parts, namely the period of World War II, the period before and after German reunification, and the German economy today, and each timeline is analyzed in the context of Germany, Europes overall history, and the world situation at the time, with different examples and comparative analyses of individual country situations. The main reason why this article was able to get at what kind of role Germany plays in Europe is because of the gradual conclusions drawn through comparisons with the economic development of different but contemporaneous countries and Germanys own GDP growth. In every period of Europes development, the German economy has had a greater influence and guidance on Europe as a whole and on some countries, and in most cases has played a dominant, leading role, despite the blows and impacts of World War II on the development of the economy.
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Xiao, Yunlong. "The Impact of the Russia-Ukraine Conflict on the German Energy Industry". Highlights in Business, Economics and Management 13 (29.05.2023): 236–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.54097/hbem.v13i.8826.
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This passage will mainly focus on the effect that Russia-Ukraine War had on the German energy industry in 2022 and the time after. However, the paper will also focus on the German economy and political and social development during this war. This paper's assumptions on the influence of war that impacted Germany are primarily supported by the German government's statistical data about gas and electricity, the newspaper, the institutional statistics, and the data from other academic papers. The results shown in the documents indicate that the German economy and energy industry has suffered much damage in the past few months. Especially the collapse of one of the biggest energy companies in Germany called Uniper, and the government's enormous subsidy amount given out on the power market for more than 660 billion Euros. Although this war has impacted Germany significantly, also it may change the future German energy market to a more renewable and cleaner one. Moreover, the German political structure may change by the Green Party, which may support by more Germans.
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Hever, Shir. "BDS Suppression Attempts in Germany Backfire". Journal of Palestine Studies 48, nr 3 (2019): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.3.86.
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German organizations are among the last Palestine solidarity groups in Europe to have embraced the call for Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS), launched in 2005. Pro-Israel German groups have been quick to respond with aggressive rhetoric equating a BDS-favorable stance with Nazism. The vilification of the movement has had the unintended consequence of inserting BDS into German politics, both at federal and local levels. Select case studies show that the BDS debate in Germany has developed somewhat differently than in other European countries, and that religious discourse is significant in shaping attitudes to Israel and Palestine. While the Palestine solidarity movement tends to single out the “Anti-Germans”—a pro-Israel formation that grew out of the Left after the reunification of Germany—as the major culprit, it is in fact conservative Christian, mostly Evangelical, organizations that are largely responsible for discouraging BDS activism.
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O'Brien, Peter. "German-Polish Migration: The Elusive Search for a German Nation-State". International Migration Review 26, nr 2 (czerwiec 1992): 373–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839202600211.
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This article examines past and present migrations to Germany from the perspective of nation-state formation. Much of modern German history has been characterized by repeated (and failed) attempts to establish and sustain a strong, independent nation-state like France or Britain. But each attempt, including the recent reunification, has forced Germany to absorb large numbers of non-Germans either as a result of 1) expanding borders and annexations and/or 2) the appeal and labor needs of a robust economy. Focusing on the many experiences with the Polish minority (ranging from the eighteenth century to the present), this essay suggests that Germans have never discovered an acceptable and workable approach for dealing with large non-German minorities in the German nation-state. Rather, different regimes at different times have vacillated between an exclusive approach founded on nationalist principles and practices and an inclusive one founded on liberal principles and practices. In the current migration crisis, brought on by the raising of the Iron Curtain, both approaches, despite the contradictions between them, are being employed to determine who should and should not be permitted to immigrate to the “new” Germany. The confusion over the two approaches produces not only a confused immigration policy, but also reflects deep-seated confusion over the definition of the new German state and identity of the newly united German nation.
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Pence, Katherine. "Showcasing Cold War Germany in Cairo: 1954 and 1957 Industrial Exhibitions and the Competition for Arab Partners". Journal of Contemporary History 47, nr 1 (styczeń 2012): 69–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009411422361.
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East Germany staged two successful industrial exhibitions in Cairo in 1954 and 1957 in an effort to gain Egypt as a trading and eventually diplomatic partner. These displays of East German products and political culture challenged West Germany, which similarly courted Egypt and presented a rival exhibition in Cairo in 1957. They showcased industrial goods from the socialist ‘economic miracle,’ but also revealed German lack of understanding of the Egyptian market and its culture. These exhibitions also showed how Cold War competition between the two Germanys was intertwined with decolonization in Africa and the Arab world, especially when the 1954 show coincided with Gamal Abdel Nasser’s rise to power. East Germany could circumvent West Germany’s Hallstein Doctrine’s goal of diplomatically isolating the socialist state by fostering anti-imperialist solidarity with Arab nations.
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Bondarenko, Ksenia Andreevna, i Natalia Alekseevna Kharitonova. "Well-being of immigrants in Germany: country of origin and income convergence". Contemporary Europe, nr 2 (15.04.2023): 186–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323020158.
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As of 2021, Germany is a host country for 22,3 million people with a migration background, that amounts to 26,9% of the total population of the country. Most of migrants come to Germany to improve their level of welfare, and seek for getting the same income as the locals do. The article outlines econometric modeling of the well-being of ethnic Germans and migrants living in Germany based on the statistics from the World Bank and the data from a representative longitudinal study of private households by the German Socio-Economic Panel (SOEP-Core), which covers more than 683,000 respondents for 1984-2019. Based on the SOEP data, it is possible to reveal the real socio-economic conditions surrounding both the local population and the migrants in Germany. It is concluded that respondents with migration background tend to have higher real income (a proxy for wealth) rather than their peers born in Germany. However, migrants’ real income varies significantly depending on the country of origin/birth (i. e. newcomers from Northern Europe and Africa earn the most) and has non-linear relationship with the duration of staying in Germany. Personal characteristics (age, gender) and professional qualities (education, employment status) have generally similar impact on real income both for migrants and ethnic Germans, while the effect of marital status varies case by case (i. e. married local Germans have lower real incomes than their peers, while for migrants the effect of marriage is insignificant).
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Dalton, Russell J. "Communists and Democrats: Democratic Attitudes in the Two Germanies". British Journal of Political Science 24, nr 4 (październik 1994): 469–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006967.
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German unification has revived earlier scholarly debates about the nature of the German political culture and the ability of the nation to rise above its cultural heritage – now focused on the cultural inheritance from the German Democratic Republic. This article examines popular support for democratic attitudes as a prerequisite for successful political unification and the development of democracy in a unified Germany. Our evidence focuses on a study of democratic attitudes conducted in West Germany and East Germany by the Mannheim Research Unit for Societal Development in early 1990, with supplemental data from more recent surveys. We find that East Germans voice support for democratic attitudes that rivals or excels the expression of democratic norms in the West. The correlates of these opinions suggest that democratic norms in the East developed from an on-going process of counter-cultural socialization and from judgements about the relative economic strength of the Federal Republic.
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Rauch, A. M. "Die geistig-kulturelle Lage im wieder-vereinigten Deutschland". Literator 18, nr 3 (30.04.1997): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.560.
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The mental-cultural situation of the re-united GermanyIn 1993 an exhibition presenting phenomena about the past, present and future of both East and West Germany took place in Berlin. It became clear that West and East Germans differ in inter alia the way in which life and existence have been experienced. East and West Germans also have different perspectives and perceptions of policy and society. Among the former GDR-citizens, nostalgia dominates the reflection on the past. It should, however, not be underestimated how deeply East and West Germans have been alienated from each other and that many East Germans think that facing a common future - together with West Germans - is more than they could handle. The difference in which life and existence have been experienced in East and West Germany is also reflected in German literature as is pointed out in the work of Ulrich Woelk. It also becomes, however, clear that the idea of a common German culture and history supplies a strong link to overcome these alienations.
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Belinskaya, Elena, Tatiana Martsinkovskaya, Vasilisa Orestova, Ekaterina Kiseleva i Evgenia Kriger. "Dynamics of sociocultural and linguistic identity in the process of socialisation in a multicultural society". Global Journal of Sociology: Current Issues 10, nr 1 (30.04.2020): 15–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.18844/gjs.v10i1.4752.
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The relevance of the problem of socialisation in multicultural space is extremely high. Its significance is connected with the processes of globalisation and increasing migration. In this situation, the sociocultural and, especially, linguistic identity can be analysed as a bonding and bridging social capital that helps or complicates socialisation, depending on the specifics of the social situation. These assumptions were checked in the empirical research of the sociocultural and linguistic identity of the three groups of ethnic Germans: living in Russia, in the CIS and those who moved to Germany. The obtained data showed the bilingualism of the majority of respondents. At the same time, respondents from Russia and Germany consider both Russian and German languages as native, while respondents from the CIS no longer regard German as their mother language. For them, ethnic, not linguistic, identity is the most essential for socialisation in a multicultural society. For Germans living in Russia, on the contrary, both languages help in communication and in professional activity. For the Germans, who now live in Germany, the Russian language helps in understanding their sociocultural specifics. The future is associated with the German language. Our respondents answer that the main group of socialisation for them is the family. This was especially marked in the answers of respondents living in Russia and Germany. So, we can state that in a complex multicultural environment, the family for them is not only a group for socialisation, but also an object of identity, partly playing the role of psychological defence and support in a changing world. The obtained results also showed a tendency towards individualisation. For the respondents from Russia and Germany, the main identity groups, besides family, are professional groups and groups with common interests. Thus, it can be concluded that linguistic identity plays the role of both bonding and bridging social capital. In positive socialisation, sociocultural identity plays the role of a bridging rather than a connecting capital. Mixed linguistic identity is predominantly a positive moment, increasing socialisation in a multicultural environment.
Keywords: Socialisation, transitivity, identity, multicultural world.
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Gortat, Jakub. "Powrót do ruin. O atrakcyjności niemieckiego powojnia". Załącznik Kulturoznawczy, nr 10 (31.12.2023): 333–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zk.2023.10.16.
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Return to the Ruins: The Appeal of Post-War Germany One of the most important dates in Germany’s postwar history was May 6, 1955, when the Federal Republic joined the North Atlantic Alliance, an event which perfectly reflected the dynamics of geopolitical changes that had taken place in the ten years since the end of World War II. The article focuses on the depictions of the German civilian population in selected motion pictures which, at least in theory, do not hold ordinary Germans responsible for war crimes. A look at the German war-torn landscape and its functionality will play an important role in the analysis, as it is against this background that the key plot lines are developed. Emphasis is placed on the allegorical and metaphorical significance of the ruins and their hidden meanings. The films under investigation are works created independently of German cinematography (except for two recent international co-productions). This is because the purpose of the analysis is to present the changing attitudes of filmmakers representing nations hostile to Germany until 1945 to the civilian population of ruined German cities. These attitudes, it is worth emphasizing, sometimes stand in opposition to the prescribed perception of Germany and Germans resulting from Cold War political realities and dictating that the nation be treated with sympathy, trust, friendship, and love as a new ally.
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Aron, Hadas. "Postcommunist Germany". German Politics and Society 41, nr 4 (1.12.2023): 107–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2023.410406.
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Abstract This article situates Germany within postcommunist Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) to explain current political outcomes, particularly, the disproportionate success of the AfD in eastern Germany. Similar to CEE, politics in eastern Germany is fragmented and volatile compared to western Germany; the political system in the east reflects conservative social values; and east German patterns of discontent are similar to CEE. However, in CEE, party systems were new and thus volatile and susceptible to populist mobilization from both mainstream and radical parties. Conversely, East Germany integrated into the developed West German party system and adopted its traditional parties, lowering the east's potential for volatility and polarization. Moreover, since the east is a minority within Germany, its relative volatility has limited impact on the German system.
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Druxes, Helga, Christopher Thomas Goodwin, Catriona Corke, Carol Hager, Sabine von Mering, Randall Newnham i Jeff Luppes. "Book Reviews". German Politics and Society 36, nr 3 (1.09.2018): 111–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360306.
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David D. Kim, Cosmopolitan Parables: Trauma and Responsibility in Contemporary Germany (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 2017) Johann Chapoutot, Greeks, Romans, Germans: How the Nazis Usurped Europe’s Classical Past, trans. Richard R. Nybakken (Oakland: University of California Press, 2016) Kimberly Mair, Guerrilla Aesthetics: Art, Memory, and the West German Urban Guerrilla (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2016) David B. Audretsch and Erik E. Lehmann, The Seven Secrets of Germany: Economic Resilience in an Era of Global Turbulence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015) Craig Morris and Arne Jungjohann, Energy Democracy: Germany’s Energiewende to Renewables. (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2016) Peter Polek-Springer, Recovered Territory: A German-Polish Conflict over Land and Culture, 1919-1989 (Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2015) Manuel Borutta and Jan C. Jansen, ed., Vertriebene and Pieds-Noirs in Postwar Germany and France: Comparative Perspectives (Houndmills: Palgrave MacMillan, 2016).
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Kuliś, Jakub. "Transitions in the Way Germans and Polish-German Relations Were Presented in the Primary Schools of the Polish People’s Republic". Historia scholastica 8, nr 1 (sierpień 2022): 79–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.15240/tul/006/2022-1-004.
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The aim of the article is to show the changes in the perception of Germans and Polish-German relations in the education of the People’s Republic of Poland. This problem is related to the changes in the domestic politics of post-war Poland and both German states. The paper is devoted to the evolution of the perception of Poland’s western neighbor from the post-war period to the end of the Polish People’s Republic, i.e. until 1989. The study presents the beginnings of the anti-German narration, caused by war trauma, which has intensified since 1949 due to pressure which has been exerted by communist government. The next part shows in which places the end of Stalinism and the takeover of power by Władysław Gomułka softened the perception of Federal Republic of Germany. The next phase was opened by the recognition of the western border of Poland by the Federal Republic of Germany on December 7, 1970. This event entailed a gradual liberalization of the recognition of the German problem in the curricula. Undoubtedly, this tendency deepened in the decade of Edward Gierek’s rule due to the problems of the Polish People’s Republic with the repayment of foreign debt, partly also in West Germany. In the early 1980s, the establishment of The Independent and Self-Governing Trade Union Solidarność brought a new quality. Thanks to them the methods of showing Germans (and Polish education as a whole) started a slowly evolution to eliminate the communist propaganda. The school subjects which received the most attention were history, German language, Polish language and geography, because during these lessons the issues related to Germany were most often discussed. The work was created on the basis of selected textbooks and curricula.
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Johnson, Roger, i John Ardagh. "Germany and the Germans". Die Unterrichtspraxis / Teaching German 23, nr 2 (1990): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3530811.
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Williams, Arthur, i John Ardagh. "Germany and the Germans". Modern Language Review 85, nr 4 (październik 1990): 1036. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3732774.
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