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1
Kyrchanoff, Maksym. "ETHNIC ELEMENT IN THE CONTEMPORARY GEORGIAN POSTMODERNIST INTELLECTUAL DISCOURSE (“ARILI” AND “DIDGORI” AS ACTORS OF “IMAGINED COMMUNITIES” AND “INVENTED TRADITIONS”)". History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 16, nr 2 (12.07.2020): 376–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch162376-393.
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The author analyzes the collective ideas about ethnicity and ethnic culture in the modern intellectual discourse of Georgia in contexts of interdisciplinary theories of nationalism. The purpose of the article is to analyze the various forms and dimensions of “ethnicity” and “ethnic culture” in modern Georgian cultural nationalism as a modernist and constructivist project. It is assumed that the modern project of the nation in Georgia is based on the imagination of Georgians as a political community and the actualization of the concepts of “kartveloba”. Kartveloba is defined as an invented tradition that arose in intellectual discourse as a result of transplantation of Western theories of nationalism. The author analyzes the role of ethnicity and ethnic culture in the development of modern Georgian nationalist imagination in the contexts of the activities of intellectuals as the main producers of nationalist discourse? In modernist historiography, nationalism is imagined as a social and cultural construct and one of the consequences of modernization, which minimizes the factor of ethnicity, reducing it to one of the invented traditions. It is assumed that Georgian intellectuals are active in their attempts to support and develop the concept of “kartveloba” as a synthetic version of Georgianness. The author believes that intellectuals are not inclined to ethnographization of ethnic culture, rejecting its museufication in the world of postmodernity and consumer society. It is presumed that Georgian intellectuals were able to synthesize the values of ethnicity and the principles of the nation as a political community. The author shows that Georgian ethnic culture is widely represented and actualized in cultural spaces, and the intellectual transplantation of Western culture does not exclude the manifestation of Georgian ethnicity, facilitating its integration into the Western canon.
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Cole, Michael. "A Taste of Georgia. Far Right Populism with a Unique Georgian Flavour". Populism 3, nr 2 (23.10.2020): 186–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25888072-bja10010.
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Abstract Georgia has proved no exception to recent political trends, which have seen the increased prominence and influence of far right populist parties and movements purporting to represent ‘the people’ in an antagonistic struggle against the ‘elites’ or ‘enemies’. However, while considerable academic attention has been devoted to cases in Central and Western Europe (CWE), studies of Georgian far right populism are less common. This paper examines the political styles of two Georgian far right actors, the Alliance of Patriots of Georgia (APG) and Georgian March (GM). I argue that the populist discursive frames both employ demonstrate enough commonalities with their CWE counterparts to consider them members of the far right populist ‘family’. However, the prevalence of populist politics, highly influential role of ‘traditional values’ promoted by the Georgian Orthodox Church (GOC), and Russian influence, are three important factors which produce a uniquely Georgian ‘flavour’ to far right populist movements in Georgia.
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Russo, Alessandra, i Francesca Zambelli. "The European Union’s Approach to Post-conflict Displacement and “the Local Turn”: A Study on Georgia’s Second-wave Internally Displaced People". Caucasus Survey 11, nr 2-3 (15.09.2023): 312–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/23761202-bja10024.
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Abstract How and to what extent do the European Union’s (EU) presence and projects in Georgia respond to principles and commitments relating to conflict and context sensitivity and local ownership? Drawing on local turns unfolding in both European studies and peace and conflict studies, the article focuses on EU support to Georgian internally displaced persons (IDP s) and discusses how this is received and perceived by actors on the ground in the context of the EU’s crisis response and the post-conflict setting in Georgia. The discussion is based on data from a questionnaire distributed to 40 respondents in three IDP settlements and by seven interviews with Brussels- and Georgia-based EU officials, as well as local and national authorities, non-governmental organization practitioners, and international organizations implementing EU projects in Georgia. Despite the existence of EU-sponsored measures of assistance targeting Georgian IDP s and the overall positive perception of the EU’s role in large sectors of Georgia’s society, the analysis reveals that the EU does not seem to be fully capable of interacting with local stakeholders and beneficiaries in an effective way. This limits the EU’s ability to uphold the principles of local ownership and conflict sensitivity.
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Ulybina, Olga. "Transnational agency and domestic policies: The case of childcare deinstitutionalization in Georgia". Global Social Policy 20, nr 3 (9.06.2020): 333–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468018120926888.
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This article describes a policy adoption case study about deinstitutionalization of childcare in Georgia since independence. It highlights the evolving and non-homogeneous nature of transnational agency in the area of childcare deinstitutionalization, and offers insights into the complex relationship between transnational agency and national policymaking. The analysis draws on national policy documents, reports of United Nations agencies, the European Union, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and non-governmental organizations that contributed to the evolution of childcare deinstitutionalization in Georgia. We trace several developments: evolution of Georgian domestic policy versus the changing role of childcare deinstitutionalization in activities of various transnational actors. We find that Georgian childcare was shifting towards deinstitutionalization at the same time as global policy actors were developing their interventions in this policy area, showing how a lower middle-income country can develop its domestic social policies in conditions of an incoherent external environment.
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SPRINGER, MELANIE JEAN. "Why Georgia? A Curious and Unappreciated Pioneer on the Road to Early Youth Enfranchisement in the United States". Journal of Policy History 32, nr 3 (lipiec 2020): 273–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030620000093.
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AbstractIn 1943, Georgia’s constitution was amended to lower the voting age to eighteen, making it the first—and for twelve years, the only—state in the Union to establish a voting-age requirement below twenty-one. Despite being widely considered at the time by several national and state political actors, Georgia’s reform represents an important and unappreciated historical puzzle. First, few would regard mid-twentieth-century Georgia as being even modestly progressive, especially regarding voting rights. Second, there is no evidence that an organized group lobbied for the reform. Further, there is no reason why lowering the voting age was inherently unique to Georgia qua Georgia. Instead, this study offers a detailed historical analysis highlighting the dedication of its young governor, and argues that Ellis Arnall’s political entrepreneurialism coupled with growing intraparty factionalism in Georgian politics and strategic timing facilitated this rare instance of electoral progressivism in the Deep South.
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Volkhonsky, Mikhail Alekseevich, i Akhmet Aminovich Yarlykapov. "Symbolic Politics of Georgia and Azerbaijan in Russia: Two Research Cases". Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 20, nr 3 (15.12.2020): 605–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2020-20-3-605-618.
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One of the most actively discussed topics in modern political science is symbolic politics. This topic looks especially relevant in relation to the former Soviet republics, which are actively operating within the framework of the symbolic component of politics. Based on an interdisciplinary approach to the study of symbolic politics, the article analyzes two cases related to the symbolic politics of the two republics of the post-Soviet space - Georgia and Azerbaijan, respectively. The first case refers to an attempt by the leadership of the Georgian Orthodox Church to obtain permission from the Russian Orthodox Church and the Russian authorities to transfer the ashes of Georgian kings Vakhtang VI and Teymuraz II from Astrakhan to Tbilisi. The second case studies the circumstances of the construction of a monument in Dagestan near Agachaul to Turkish soldiers who died here in 1918 during the Civil war. The two cases presented in the article are interesting primarily because they allow us to see the methods of symbolic politics using concrete examples. In both cases, the actors were not state structures, but religious, social, and scientific organizations. The main method of the actors was to organize a commemorative campaign, around which an information campaign was then built, with the aim of replicating a certain interpretation of historical events. At the same time, cases differ from each other in the degree of openness and scale of actions of actors. In the first case regarding the transfer of the ashes of Georgian tsars, the Georgian side directly addressed both the leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church and the leadership of Russia. At the same time, the actions undertaken by the Georgian side were not successful. In the second case, the Azerbaijani side actively used the local commemorative campaign, initiated by local communities in Dagestan, to launch an appropriate wide information campaign. A comparison of cases leads to the conclusion that the success of a symbolic policy does not depend on the scale of the actions taken.
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Abzianidze, Nino. "Us vs. Them as Structural Equivalence: Analysing Nationalist Discourse Networks in the Georgian Print Media". Politics and Governance 8, nr 2 (2.06.2020): 243–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i2.2605.
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Nationalist discourse has been identified as a driving factor in the causal chain linking democratization to the likelihood of ethnic conflicts, due to its nature of polarizing <em>us</em> against <em>others</em> along ethnic lines. However, we lack systematic knowledge of the structure and dynamics of this polarization. Adding to the established practices of analysing in-group/out-group divisions in ideological and political discourses, this article proposes an innovative way of measuring the divisiveness of nationalist discourse using social network analysis. Instead of looking at direct nationalist interaction between actors, deeper discursive structures are found by analysing indirect relationships across actors, based on their nationalist interaction with third parties. In this manner, it is possible to identify whether certain actors form structurally similar clusters, based on whom they direct their nationalist appeals to, how intense these appeals are towards specific actors, and what other groups they are targeted by themselves. By applying the measure of Structural Equivalence to the original data on nationalist appeals obtained from the quantitative content analysis of the Georgian print media across the 20 years of its democratization (1991–2012), this article shows that the actor structure of nationalist discourse conveys information on group polarization. Further, it demonstrates that the divisiveness of this discourse in Georgia became sharper during electoral periods, with the first two elections after independence being particularly dangerous in this regard.
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Pardo Sierra, Oscar. "Stabilizing the Neighbourhood? The EU’s Contribution to SSR in Georgia". European Foreign Affairs Review 14, Issue 4 (1.11.2009): 479–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/eerr2009035.
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Abstract. This article examines how the European Union (EU) has contributed to Security Sector Reform (SSR) in Georgia. SSR is a relatively new concept, which aims at creating a secure environment that is linked with democratic norms and institutions and which encompasses all the sectors and actors related to a state’s security and not only defence or intelligence forces. The European Security Strategy (ESS) identifies SSR as one of the main new possible missions of the EU’s foreign policy. Looking at the diverse EU programmes undertaken in Georgia and norms transference, the paper evaluates to what degree the EU has contributed to Georgian SSR, especially since the 2003 Rose Revolution. It is argued that in SSR the EU acts mainly as a ‘transmission belt’ of international norms and through bilateral ad hoc programmes. These results also show how the EU has increased its profile as a security provider, especially in the support of Georgian border management, and how the EU can become a security provider in areas of soft security such as judicial and law enforcement or police reform.
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Kirchanov, Maksim V. "Democratic Republic of Georgia as an Object of the Historical Politics of Memory in Georgia (2018–2020)". Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 24, nr 2 (2022): 209–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2022.24.2.035.
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This article presents an attempt to analyse historical politics as politics of memory in modern Georgia in the context of perception of the images and heritage of the Democratic Republic of Georgia (DRG). The aim of the study is to analyse the images of the Democratic Republic of Georgia between 2018 and 2020 as part of the history and genealogy of the modern project of Georgian statehood in historical politics. The article is based on the methods used in studies of the politics of memory (historical politics) in modern interdisciplinary historiography. The article describes the features of the instrumentalisation of DRG images in the historical and political cultures of Georgia. The article examines the forms of participation of modern elites in the politics of memory in contexts of jubilee celebrations, memorial, and commemorative events that inspired the actualisation of the DRG images in the cultural and public spaces of Georgia. It is revealed that modern elites and heirs of DRG politicians became actors of historical politics and actual “battles for history”. As a result, the author concludes that images of the DRG became a symbolic resource for the consolidation of society and the development of the political identity of Georgian statehood. It is assumed that images of the DRG are integrated into the symbolic tools that political elites used in their attempts to correct identity and historical memory in modern Georgia. It is demonstrated that by initiating memorial celebrations dedicated to the 100th anniversary of the DRG in 2018, Georgian elites launched a series of commemorative events planned until 2024 solving political problems, localising, and interpreting historical traumas in the politics of memory proposed by the state as the main former of the official historical canon.
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Skvortsova, Nino, Irina I. Volkova, Archil Sikharulidze, Dimitri Abazov i Ana Dovlatova. "Formation of pre-election political discourse in the audiovisual media of Georgia". RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 27, nr 4 (15.12.2022): 788–807. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2022-27-4-788-807.
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Based on qualitative and quantitative analysis of the audio-visual material of two Georgian media outlets, the empirical base of research on the formation of political discourses and their influence on the socio-political life of the country is presented. Media content during the pre-election period September - October 2020: about 2337 publications of audio-visual character. The analysis of television content is of interest for understanding the information and political environment in a society where media is directly linked to various interest groups. There is a high concentration of the political factor in the media that determines its discourse. Taking into account the increasing political polarization in Georgia, the mass media also take an appropriate stance towards political actors and form discourse that serves the political agenda of a certain interest group. The public receives ideologically processed information and, despite the factor of democratization of the methods of political struggle, finds itself in a situation where political forces use information and disinformation as a method of combating opponents. The presented analysis is one of the first results of the inter-university project “Mass Media in Political Processes of Georgia”, it is crucial for understanding the trends of Georgian mass media related to both internal and external factors. The results of the research show the patterns inherent in different TV channels in the context of media and political environment in Georgia.
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YENOKYAN, Artyom. "South Caucasus and Its Foreign Policy Significance for Russian Federation". Middle & Post-Soviet East 2, nr 2 (2023): 98–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/j.2949-2408.2023.02.06.
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Since the beginning of the 21 st century, the South Caucasus has not lost its significance as one of the important regions of the world and remains a territory for the competitive struggle of the main players in international politics. The article presents the countries of the region – Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, their economic, demographic and political features. The countries of the region have completely different foreign policy guidelines and are members of different political and economic organizations, which is mainly due to the presence of major international forces in the region. Russia has traditionally been an important actor and claims to be the leader in the region, but it is forced to compete with other actors – Iran, Turkey, the US and the EU. The article examines bilateral relations between Russia on the one hand, and the states of the South Caucasus region, on the other, focuses on the importance of this region for Russia. An overview of Russian-Azerbaijani, Russian-Armenian and Russian-Georgian relations is given.
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Kereselidze, Nata, i Maria-Isabel Voirol-Rubido. "Promoting a capability approach and impacting social justice through a wellbeing framework: a case study of VET reform in Georgia". L’éducation en débats : analyse comparée 11, nr 1 (22.12.2021): 116–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.51186/journals/ed.2021.11-1.e428.
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Georgia is currently undergoing a VET reform, bringing together public, private, and social actors, based on the principle of solidarity. This paper aims to identify ways in which the Georgian VET reform can be a force for economic prosperity, as well as wellbeing for different communities. Results are presented through a comprehensive research methodology, mobilizing a state of the art through in-depth analysis of primary and secondary data sources, as well as seven semi-structured, face-to-face interviews with education practitioners and policymakers in Georgia. The article highlights how progress is hindered by a peculiar mix of Soviet era and neo-liberal legacies that has shaped a unidimensional human capital approach focused on economic growth. We suggest limitations to this approach, and instead propose to re-align the system towards the objective of wellbeing, employing a Social Return on Investment (SROI) framework and advocating for collectivized intelligence between actors. Through an innovative meta-theoretical framework, we emphasize the importance of historical path-dependency and lay out the context. We analyze stakeholder interviews through the SROI framework and suggest socially-minded changes, benefiting individuals and the society as a whole.
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Chedia, Beka. "Impact of the Pandemic on Damaging the Democratic Process in a Hybrid Regime in Georgia". Przegląd Politologiczny, nr 1 (20.04.2023): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2022.28.1.7.
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In hybrid political system of Georgia, in condition of COVID-19, the population obeyed control and strict regulations. Concepts such as the Iron Curtain, curfew, etc., have returned to the country’s political vocabulary. How can these symbols of a totalitarian (Soviet) past fit into the process of democratization? What is the reaction of society, other political actors? Why and how pandemic damaged democracy in Georgia? Does this threaten to revise the concept of a democratic political system, which will be especially difficult for post-totalitarian society?
This research paper examines case of Georgia: how political institutions, political elite, society, Media, the country’s legislative base was ready for new reality and what political consequences this crisis would have in the process of democratization and nation-building. Unfair political competition during the elections, the growth of populism, the partial abandonment of certain rights, the deepening of polarization, etc. – are these challenges related only to the pandemic or have they also threatened Georgian democracy in “normal” times?
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Nilsson, Niklas. "Role conceptions, crises, and Georgia’s foreign policy". Cooperation and Conflict 54, nr 4 (3.11.2018): 445–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836718808332.
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This article explores the scope conditions of national role conceptions as reference points for foreign policy decision making during crises. It aims to contribute to a refined perspective of the agency of new states undergoing socialization processes in relations with significant others. Drawing on a primary material consisting of interviews with Georgian and US officials, the article analyzes the significance of Georgia’s role conceptions in the country’s relations with the USA in relation to two major crises: the 2007 riots in Tbilisi and the 2008 war with Russia. The article posits that crises provide situational circumstances where the requirements of appropriate behavior associated with role expectations may enter into conflict with the demands of the immediate situation. In order to resolve ensuing role conflicts, actors face the need to both rationalize role expectations, and to compensate for departures from them. In turn, these strategies relate to the possibility for change and stability in role conceptions, and by extension their enactment in foreign policy. The analysis of the Georgian government’s management of the two crises demonstrates actions that implied both rationalization and compensation, aiming to retain the credibility of its existing role conceptions in the eyes of its US counterparts.
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Charkviani, Tamar. "The Police System Reform in Georgia (Informal Power its Forms, Types and Spheres of Influence)". International Journal of Area Studies 9, nr 2 (10.12.2014): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ijas-2014-0007.
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Abstract It is a widely accepted notion that the major change brought by the 2003 November revolution in Georgia was the reform of the public services. Two major tasks were to be achieved for the state institutions: to monopolize the use of legitimate power on the state territory and to start providing services to the citizens. Police reform was at the heart of both these objectives. The major obstacle identified on the way of this reform was corruption. Indeed it was widely known that posts in police forces were to be purchased; policemen were involved in organized crime, extortion, and other illegal pursuits. But the corruption itself was the effect of the broader system in which patrimonial system of not distinguishing between the public office and private sphere was hybridized with the legal-rational rule, having its origin in the Soviet Union. The main subject of our research is to analyze the model of informal power network in Georgian police, to describe its configurations and identify its social actors. For the theoretical approach in our study we will use different theories describing informal institutes and the reasons of their existence. One of the main theoretical sources for our analysis will be the theoretical concept of Helmke and Levitsky. Helmke and Levitsky are describing four types of informal institutions which we plan to apply to Georgian police system and identify which of them is more relevant for Georgian reality. Also we will refer to such theories as: Mark Granoveter's strength of week ties and social “embeddedness” of economic action; Mars and Altman's Cultural Basis of Soviet Georgia; Ledeneva's theory of “Blat”, which is one of most popular analytical theory about informal relations in post-Soviet countries. The main methods we have used are in-depth and narrative interviews. The interviews have been conducted with policemen currently working in different police departments, policemen no more working in this structure, expert and NGO representatives.
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Skvortsova, N. A., i D. A. Abazov. "Communication Regime in Georgia: Dialogue in the Context of Severed Diplomatic Relations". Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, nr 1 (6.04.2024): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-1(11)-38-53.
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This article presents the results of a research on the information and communication situation in Georgia, the role and importance of national and foreign communication resources, conducted by the annual monitoring of the friendliness of communication regimes of the National Research Institute of Communication Development (NRICD). The authors examined the main challenges and threats in the communication regime of the two countries. The article reveals the latent problems of the communication regime, including the concentration of media in the hands of a narrow circle of individuals and political forces, as well as the increasing politicization of information. The article examines the peculiarities of presentation of news materials that shape anti-Russian rhetoric and agenda. The communication regime between the two countries is largely determined by the continuing tension around the Tskhinvali region and Abkhazia, as well as the instability of the internal political situation. The increasing fragmentation of Georgian society, the extreme polarization of various political forces, and the growing role of non-regional actors have a great impact on Georgian political discourse and official rhetoric and serve as a facilitator for the complication of bilateral relations.The article uses the materials of the annual monitoring of the communication regimes of post-Soviet countries. Monitoring is provided by the National Research Institute for the Communications Development (Moscow).
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Aleksanyan, L. M. "THE “SOFTPOWER” POLICY OF TURKEY TOWARDS GEORGIA". MGIMO Review of International Relations, nr 2(47) (28.04.2016): 72–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2016-2-47-72-79.
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South Caucasus throughout history was at the epicenter of clashes of different religions, civilizations, nations and states. At present moment the interests of both regional (Turkey, Iran) and global actors (the United States, NATO, the EU, Russia and others.) intersect in the region. Global transformations, changing power relations in international relations have their direct influence on the political processes taking place in the region. These processes are also linked with the activities of Turkey, which aspire to regional leadership. It is Georgia, which serves as a corridor between Turkey and states of Central Asia and the South Caucasus. Turkey spreads its influence in Georgia in almost all areas using economic, military and political tools, as well as the Russian-Georgian deteriorated relations. To achieve its goals, Turkey is actively pursuing a strategy of "soft power", which further strengthens its influence in the country. Public diplomacy is a part of soft power, which also ensures the formation of a positive and attractive image of Turkey in Georgia. This article investigates the contemporary policy of "soft power" of Turkey towards Georgia. It analyses the basic tools, institutions and the direction of this policy, actively implemented by the Republic of Turkey. Particular attention is paid to the activities of the Gulen Movement in Georgia. The author makes general conclusions regarding the effectiveness of this policy.
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Baghaturia, Giorgi, i Aleksandre Shamatava. "Challenges of Public Relations in Modern Georgian Public Administration". Works of Georgian Technical University, nr 2(532) (10.06.2024): 301–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.36073/1512-0996-2024-2-301-309.
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There are some modern problems in public relations that affect the political processes in the public administration of Georgia. The results of empirical research are discussed, the role of public relations in the state management process is analyzed on the example of Georgia; The main challenges that different political groups face in the process of implementing public relations are highlighted. The research was conducted through semistructured in-depth interviews with a targeted selection of politicians and PR professionals, both political actors and representatives of international and local organizations. The key issues of the interview included characterizing the role and importance of public relations in the state management process; the main features of the government's PR campaign; characterizing the public relations campaign of the opposition; Expectations of the population from the government, etc. Appropriate conclusions have been drawn and the relevant recommendations have been formulated in order to improve the political climate in Georgia.
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Gabelia, Irakli, i Ketevan Grdzelidze. "THE DICHOTOMY OF GEORGIA-EU RELATIONS AND FUTURE PERSPECTIVES". International Journal of Social Sciences 3, nr 2 (18.12.2023): 147–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.55367/jeso5609.
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Despite the tectonic political shifts occurring in recent times, the European Union (EU) remains one of the strongest actors in the international arena. Consequently, its position on various ongoing processes is important and worth consideration. The processes occurring simultaneously with the 2022 Russo-Ukrainian conflict resulted in political and economic fluctuations. Sanctions imposed by the EU on the aggressor country have had a local impact as well, which directly affected the EU currency itself. Consequently, a well-founded fear and threat arose that, like in 2008, recessionary events would occur again and would have a great impact on member and non-member states. Considering the above-mentioned, it is important to conduct an in-depth review of the political and security aspects of relations and the attitude of the European Union toward Georgia and the states of the region in general. The paper provides a bilateral analysis of Georgia's road towards accession to the European Union and possible prospects for further development. The latter is also the main purpose of the research. With the use of qualitative methodologies, namely case study and content analysis, the research reviews the overall situation in the region. For these purposes, various primary and secondary sources were analyzed in-depth. Based on the latter a conclusion was drawn, which is in full compliance with the purpose of the research. In order to develop an alternative vision and perspectives on the topic, the research relies on a theory created within the Georgian scientific field – Relativistic-Quantum Noology. This allows us to see the future perspectives of Georgia-EU relations in a new light. Within the framework of the research, the dynamics of the relations between Georgia and the EU are reviewed in depth, an important aspect of which is the relations of the EU itself and the coherent analysis of these relations, which implies the development of security guarantees with the countries of the region itself. To implement the above-mentioned in practice, it is necessary to review not only the specific country but also the overall situation in the region. Consequently, the second chapter and its’ subchapters of the paper are devoted to a review of these issues, namely a discussion of EU-Georgia relations and the EU’s standing on the security issues in the region. The third chapter outlines the possibilities of the fulfilment of EU requirements, whereas the fourth chapter is devoted to a discussion of perspectives on Georgia’s membership of the EU and possible scenarios in case of such membership.
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LeJacq, Seth Stein. "Escaping court martial for sodomy: Prosecution and its alternatives in the Royal Navy, 1690-1840". International Journal of Maritime History 33, nr 1 (marzec 2021): 16–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0843871421991169.
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This article reassesses the sailing Royal Navy’s treatment of homoerotic crimes. Historians have argued that same-gender sexual contact was rare and loathed on naval vessels, and that trials were consequently uncommon but produced exceedingly harsh outcomes. Drawing on new archival research, this paper reveals that naval actors had more varied and complex attitudes towards the homoerotic and that courts treated these crimes more moderately on average than has long been assumed. Court martial trials also represented only one – extreme – outcome of an elaborate system that naval actors used to ‘resolve’ detected sex crimes. Summary punishment, flight, dismissal and a range of other routes served as common non-judicial alternatives. Detailed exploration of a protracted late-Georgian dismissal case, that of Lt. Arthur Walter Adair, shows that it is essential to attend to the full range of naval reactions to the homoerotic if we are to fully understand its place in naval history.
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Sandlos, John. "Federal Spaces, Local Conflicts: National Parks and the Exclusionary Politics of the Conservation Movement in Ontario, 1900-1935". Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 16, nr 1 (7.05.2007): 293–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/015735ar.
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Abstract The historical displacement of indigenous and non-Native people from national parks and nature preserves has often been analyzed as a deliberate imposition of state authority over local people living in rural and hinterland regions. The cases of Point Pelee and Georgian Bay Islands National Parks indicate that local people had considerable influence over the siting and management policies applied to parks and protected areas in the early twentieth century. Although the federal government did attempt to either expel or severely curtail the wildlife harvesting activities of Aboriginals and non-Aboriginals living within the national parks during this period, such policies were often the result of lobbying from local conservation groups intent on saving threatened wildlife populations or business promoters hoping to stimulate the local tourist economy through the creation of a public pleasuring ground. This paper argues that the management frameworks governing Point Pelee and Georgian Bay Islands National Parks were not the product of narrow state interests, but of a much broader policy community composed of local and state actors hoping to shape the park environments to suit their own political priorities.
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Werrett, Simon. "Introduction: Rethinking Joseph Banks". Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 73, nr 4 (12.06.2019): 425–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2018.0064.
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Following a series of workshops funded by AHRC (Arts and Humanities Research Council), the papers in this special issue provide new perspectives on the naturalist Sir Joseph Banks (1743–1820). Moving beyond a focus on Banks's work with Captain Cook's first voyage of exploration to the Pacific, the papers expand on, while challenging, views of Banks as a ‘centre of calculation’ and all-powerful agent of science and imperialism in Georgian Britain. Banks is shown to have relied on a variety of expert men and women as actors and audiences for botany, operating with more diversified agendas and practices than previous pictures of him have suggested.
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LOLADZE, NIKA. ""B/ORDERIZATION OF THE BOUNDARY: ENTANGLED PERSPECTIVES ON THE SPLIT VILLAGES OF THE TSKHINVALI REGION/SOUTH OSSETIA "". New Europe College Yearbook 2020-2021 (31.03.2023): 299–332. http://dx.doi.org/10.58367/necy.pm.h.2022.2.299-332.
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Since the Russo – Georgian war in August 2008, a once fictional administrative boundary of the currently occupied Tskhinvali Region/South Ossetia, is being transformed into a heavily militarized “state border”. While much of the perimeter stays uncertain and unmarked, locals are frequently detained by the Russian/South Ossetian militants, which creates constant psychological pressure and an insecure living environment. In some cases, „border” demarcations serve to create security through their supposed clarity. At the same time, they produce uncertainties for different actors and in different places. This paper shows how locals experience the complex process of b/orderisation of the boundary around the occupied territory; how this creates ambiguities, precludes clarity, and thus generates further un/certainties that must be dealt with – analytically as much as practically.
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Sukiasyan, Narek. "Threat Perception of the Ruling Elite of the Republic of Armenia in Relations with Turkey and Azerbaijan 2008-2016". Analytical Bulletin 15 (27.12.2022): 70–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.15-70.
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The purpose of the article is to find out the dynamics of security threat perceptions among the ruling elite of Armenia from the 2008 Russian-Georgian war to the 2016 April four-day war. The internal structural problems and the existing threats in the relations with Turkey and Azerbaijan were singled out, as defined by the ruling elite. Through discourse analysis the speeches, texts, interviews and other formats of public speech by president Serzh Sargsyan and Minister of Foreign Affairs Edward Nalbandian, as well as, in case of strong relevance, other key actors representing the ruling elite were collected and analyzed. The importance of the research purpose is that the perceptions of threat, as assessed by the elites, is the most important foundation for formulating foreign and defense policies and/or informing their assessment.
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Helbig, Adriana, Nino Tsitsishvili i Erica Haskell. "Managing Musical Diversity Within Frameworks of Western Development AID: Views from Ukraine, Georgia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina". Yearbook for Traditional Music 40 (2008): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0740155800012091.
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Researchers have increasingly begun to critically assess local engagements with globalizing notions of civil society that have been introduced via Western-based supranational political, economic, financial, and cultural programmes (Fischer 1997; Okongwu and Mencher 2000; Yúdice 2003). Following the notion of thinking globally and acting locally, such programmes are usually set up by transnational structures such as the World Bank, UNESCO, the European Union, or global foundations such as the Open Society Institute, and put into practice by local actors, among them non-governmental organizations. This article positions music within intra-national discourses that work hand-in-hand with the political and cultural economics of Western cultural initiatives and aim to promote an understanding of pluralism in countries throughout Eastern and South Eastern Europe. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork conducted by Nino Tsitsishvili, Erica Haskell, and myself in Georgia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Ukraine, respectively, this study juxtaposes the perspectives of policy makers and grant givers in Western Europe and the United States with the views of people in post-socialist conflict zones for whom such initiatives are intended. It analyses the political and cultural implications of UNESCO's declaration of Georgian polyphony as a masterpiece of intangible cultural heritage of humanity, the local effects of internationally sponsored music projects in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina, and the role of national minority music festivals sponsored by Western philanthropic organizations in nation-building processes in Ukraine.
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ÇALIŞKAN, Orçun. "An Analysis of Georgia-EU Relations through the Expectation of Candidacy Status". Sosyolojik Bağlam Dergisi 3, nr 3 (15.12.2022): 263–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.52108/2757-5942.3.3.4.
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Since Georgia's inclusion in the European Neighborhood Policy program in 2006, Georgia-EU relations have been in a stable and gradual development process, taking into account the geopolitical balances in the region. During this process, the European Union provided Georgia with a political framework for integration, both at the institutional and legislative levels. Georgia, on the other hand, concluded this process positively, which resulted in the Association Agreement, and succeeded in taking its relations with the EU to the next level. This rapid reform process, which brought Georgia closer to the EU acquis, has also made the European Union the most important and influential external actor in the country. In this context, as opposed to Moldova and Ukraine, the EU's unwillingness to grant a candidate status to Georgia has created a great disappointment in Georgia. The primary goal of this article is to assess the effects of the EU Commission's decision to link Georgia's EU candidacy status to the reform conditions, following Georgia’s application in 2022. Using qualitative research methods and utilizing a variety of primary and secondary sources, this study examines the problems encountered in the implementation of reforms on political polarization, oligarchization, and the protection of vulnerable minorities, which we consider will be the most difficult to resolve. The conclusions of the study are important in terms of the steps that Georgia should take to fulfill the EU candidacy status requirements, the technical assistance that the EU can provide to Georgia in this regard, and the possible implications of this process on Georgia’s politics.
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Zhiltsov, S. S., i E. M. Savicheva. "Regional Security in the South Caucasus: The Energy Factor". Post-Soviet Issues 8, nr 3 (30.11.2021): 331–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-3-331-340.
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A key factor that influenced regional security in the South Caucasus was the hostilities between Azerbaijan and Armenia in the fall of 2020. Those events have changed the balance of power in the region. The efforts of Azerbaijan, which relied on political and military support from Turkey, led to Baku’s control over part of the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. The hostilities of the fall of 2020 aggravated the internal political situation in Armenia. Turkey strengthened its position in the region. In addition to solving geopolitical problems and promoting its economic interests in the countries of the South Caucasus, Ankara’s policy was aimed at expanding its presence in the energy sector, including through increased influence on Azerbaijan. The implementation of the “Southern Gas Corridor” project has made Turkey a key “player” in the South Caucasus in the energy sphere. Ankara has gained an opportunity to influence gas supplies to Europe. It also has access to Azerbaijan’s gas streams. In the long run, Turkey hopes to reach hydrocarbon resources on the eastern coast of the Caspian Sea, particularly Turkmen gas. With information and political support from the United States, Turkey has promoted the idea of the Trans-Caspian Gas Pipeline. Thus, Turkey’s policy promoted the development of the East-West Energy Corridor. The Turkish-Azerbaijani-Georgian trilateral format contributed to this. It allowed Ankara to greatly expand its presence in the South Caucasus and to impact the political and economic development of Azerbaijan and Georgia. Overall, however, Ankara’s policy has had a negative impact on regional security and has intensified the competition for influence in the South Caucasus among extra-regional actors.
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Naumov, Alexander Olegovich, i Anastasiya Yur'evna Naumova. "The Role of Rustavi-2 TV Channel in the Preparation and Implementation of the "Rose Revolution" in Georgia". Genesis: исторические исследования, nr 12 (grudzień 2023): 84–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2023.12.39515.
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The object of the proposed study is the "rose revolution" in Georgia – the first coup d'etat in the former USSR, carried out with the help of "soft power" technologies. The object of the study is the activity of the opposition TV channel "Rustavi-2" during the preparation and implementation of this "color revolution". The authors consider in detail such aspects of the topic as the emergence of the Rustavi-2 TV channel, its connection with foreign non-governmental organizations, the specifics of the information policy of this media. Special attention is paid to the tactics and strategy of the Rustavi-2 TV channel during the struggle against the regime of Eduard Shevardnadze at various stages of its operation, from the initial stage and up to the active phase of the "rose revolution". The study of the place and role of Rustavi-2 in the implementation of the first "color revolution" in the post-Soviet space in Russian historiography is carried out for the first time. Based on the analysis of the rich empirical material, the authors of the study conclude that the Rustavi-2 TV channel was a consistent opponent of the ruling regime and was one of the key actors of the "rose revolution". This was especially true of his activities in the framework of mobilizing the protest electorate, bringing to the Georgian audience information about falsifications of the results of parliamentary elections, which became the trigger for the beginning of the active phase of the "color revolution", as well as active information support for the political opposition and the youth movement "Kmara".
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Räkköläinen, Mikko. "Kaupallisten sotilaspalveluyritysten synty Venäjällä". Idäntutkimus 27, nr 3-4 (31.12.2020): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.33345/idantutkimus.101984.
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Wagner-ryhmänä tunnettu organisaatio on 2010-luvulla osallistunut Venäjän ja sen liittolaisten tukena konflikteihin muun muassa Itä-Ukrainassa, Libyassa ja Syyriassa. Siihen viitataan vaihtelevasti venäläisenä yksityisenä sotilasyrityksenä tai Venäjän asevoimien epävirallisena osana. Tässä artikkelissa tarkastelen kehityskulkua, joka on saanut Venäjän hyödyntämään kaupallisia sotilaspalveluyrityksiä ulko- ja turvallisuuspolitiikassaan. Sovellan analyysissa Deborah Avantin (2000) esittämää teoreettista mallia sotilaallisen toiminnan muutoksista. Keskeinen argumenttini on, että sotilaspalveluyritysten synty Venäjällä on reaktio ulkoisen toimintaympäristön muutoksen aiheuttamiin ongelmiin. Georgian sota vuonna 2008 ja siitä seurannut asevoimien uudistusohjelma loivat tilanteen, joissa länsimaiden sotilaallisen ulkoistamisen mallin kopiointia kannattaneet toimijat pystyivät edistämään tavoitteitaan. Venäjän patrimoniaalinen hallintomalli vaikutti kuitenkin vahvasti siihen, että lopputuloksena syntyneet organisaatiot ovat luonteeltaan erilaisia kuin länsimaiset vastineensa.
Abstract in English
The birth of commercial military service companies in Russia
During the 2010’s the organization known as Wagner Group has supported the Russian Federation and its allies in East Ukraine, Libya and Syria, among other conflicts. Wagner is referred to as either a Russian private military company or as an unofficial part of the Russian armed forces. In this article I examine the process which has led Russia to utilize commercial military service providers as foreign and security policy tools. I employ a model of military reform proposed by Deborah Avant (2000). My central argument is that military service providers were created in Russia as a reaction to challenges posed by changes in the external security environment. The Russo-Georgian war of 2008 and the following military reform created circumstances, in which actors wishing to emulate the Western model of military outsourcing could advance their agenda. However, the patrimonial governance system of Russia had a significant impact in the resulting organizations differing substantially from their Western counterparts.
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Blakkisrud, Helge, i Nino Kemoklidze. "Strategic Triangles, Actors and Agency: Georgia and Abkhazia in a Changing Regional Context". Caucasus Survey 11, nr 2-3 (15.09.2023): 111–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/23761202-20230003.
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Abstract In scholarly debates as well as in public discourse, Georgia is often reduced to being one of the states “in-between” Russia and the European Union (EU), and part of a “contested neighbourhood”. The breakaway region of Abkhazia is usually not even credited with that, being treated as a mere appendage to Russia. In this special issue we challenge such approaches by analyzing the forging of Georgia’s and Abkhazia’s strategic paths as much more complex processes than are often assumed. In a context defined by the crisis in Russia–West relations, we explore actorness and agency – in the case of Georgia, within the strategic triangle of Georgia, the EU and Russia; in the case of Abkhazia, within the Abkhazia–Georgia–Russia triangle. Our aim is to expand the scope of analysis in two directions: first, by exploring what actors are shaping Georgia’s and Abkhazia’s strategic orientation, and second, by examining how these actors operate and interact in forging these entities’ strategic paths.
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Jangulashvili, Tamar, Ioana Mihaela Balan, Tiberiu Iancu, Levan Jangulashvili i Luminita Pirvulescu. "Research Regarding Food Security in Georgia – Dynamics of Livestock, Animal Productions and Self-Sufficiency". Advanced Research in Life Sciences 1, nr 1 (26.07.2017): 53–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arls-2017-0009.
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Abstract Georgia, the country at the intersection of Europe and Asia, is an important actor on agricultural market, both from Europe and from Asia. The climate of Georgia makes it ideal for growing cereals for animal productions. This climate and the high quality of soil have made the agriculture one of the most important Georgian sectors. The mixed team of researchers from Georgia and Romania has analysed the dynamics of livestock and animal productions in Georgia in order to highlight their future trends and the level of food security in that country.
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Khomeriky, Temur. "Priorities of Small Business Management". Caucasus Journal of Social Sciences 1, nr 1 (10.11.2023): 94–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.62343/cjss.2008.6.
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The economic stabilization of a country in a market economytransition period significantly depends on the society's stability.Small businesses are the basis of today's Georgian economics,but because of unsuitable management, advantagesof this form of business organization are not completely realized.Mostly small entrepreneur structures are handled bytheir owners, but it is not always advisable. Mainly nonhierarchicalsmall business management structures do not giverise to formal relations, what not existence of suitable managingstyle stipulates inadequate organization behavior, butunorganized management becomes primitive. It is often thereason small business entrepreneurs fail. So, suitable managementfor small business is as necessary as initial capital,tangible assets and other factors of development. Because ofsmall business managements, un-development increased followingnegative events: diversification policy directingbecomes harder because of little opportunities to overcomethe difficulties of entering and leaving from one sector toanother, effective inventions attraction opportunities arereduced while groundless business-strategy conditions;bankrupt risk is large because of uncompetitive managerialdecisions; the quality of using business consulting is low andit is often used not to make optimal decisions but to documentingalready made decisions; business educations systemin Georgia can't satisfy the requirements of small business,because neither entrepreneurs have exact formulateddemand on managerial education, nor is the active staffersre-training system market adequate. It's clear that solving theaforesaid problems is impossible without concerning consensusachievement of stakeholders and strong will. Most managersand entrepreneurs pay less attention to strategicapproaches while managing small business structures.Managers of small structures are required to be flexiblethinkers and dynamic actors in the marketplace, while estimatingstrategic alternatives for elaborating the most preferablestrategy by observation of the environment without complexresearch. They provide SWOT analyze, estimate competitiveness,foresee opportunities of outsourcing, analyze valuechains, plan business operations and project organizationprocess and etc. All of this requires a special style of management,one which must provide small business advantagessuch as: high maneuvering, flexibility, effective informational-communicative connection, entrepreneur - innovativepotential and other. Time budgeting by a manager mustinclude equal expenses for work planning-organizing andcontrol, also motivation and support for employees.
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Maisaia, Vakhtang, i Miranda Mikadze. "The EU Defense Policy and Caucasus-Caspian Regional Security - Tracing from Crisis Management till Stability: Georgia’s Case". Ante Portas - Studia nad bezpieczeństwem 1(14)/2020, nr 1(14)/2020 (2020): 133–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33674/320199.
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A geopolitical situation in the region, labelled ‘the Caucasus-Caspian Region’ remains unstable since the period of the ‘New Cold War’ entered into force. The region is predisposed toward bloody conflicts and regional war scenarios that still persist. A vivid example of the situation is the brief Russo-Georgia war of 2008, when Russian Armed Forces occupied Georgian territories and Georgia was catapulted into the centre of the international arena as a postSoviet country struggling against the ‘Giant Actor’. These consequences outlined the urgent need of European support and security for Georgians. Backing the ceasefire agreement, between the EU, Georgia and the Russian Federation known as the ‘Sarkozy-Saakashvili-Medvedev Peace Accord’, the EU Military Monitoring Mission in aegis of the EU Defence Policy provision has supervised and overseen how the Accord has been implemented by the involved parties. After having considered the Kremlin decision an imposition of the A2/AD system over the whole Black Sea Basin, including the CaucasusCaspian region, the stalemate between the USA and Russia is being detonated. The confrontation between Great Powers over the regional hegemony determination tailored with security perils – military power and energy security instruments directly hit the European security environment where the EU defence policy could be infrangibly and non-attainable. This might be particularly important as it will cause the key risks and outline the urgent need for emergency of threats. Therefore, the Caucasus-Caspian region generates those threat perceptions that can easily endanger the EU security and defence policy implications or swart the community efforts to deal with crises management outside the area of responsibility.
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Burkadze, Zarina. "Georgia's Illiberal Forces: Political Polarization against Democracy". Journal of Illiberalism Studies 2, nr 1 (2022): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.53483/wcju3536.
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This article explores how illiberal forces are structuring in Georgia and what this evolution reveals about the weakness of Georgia’s democratic institutions and liberal values. The analysis starts with a discussion of how political polarization creates the context for illiberal groups to undermine democracy. Drawing on theoretical and empirical inquiry, I suggest the causal mechanism of how weak democratic institutions enable the emergence of illiberal groups through a personalized party system. Then, I address the lack of genuine democratic commitment on the part of Georgia’s main political actors. Further, I probe for the movements that are gradually changing the grassroots dynamics by promoting conservative values, and their ties to Russia. The concluding section discusses the politicization of gender issues and the polarization of political space as two concomitant trends that frustrate the search for democratic consensus in Georgia.
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Marabyan, K. P. "Features of Turkey’s Modern Policy on the Southern Caucasus". EURASIAN INTEGRATION: economics, law, politics, nr 4 (23.12.2022): 130–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2073-2929-2022-04-130-138.
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The article examines the current policy of Turkey in the South Caucasus – Transcaucasia. Bilateral relations between Turkey, on the one hand, and the states of the South Caucasus region, on the other, are considered. The main directions of Turkey’s policy in the region are considered. An overview of Turkish-Azerbaijani, Turkish-Armenian and Turkish-Georgian relations is given.The war in Nagorno-Karabakh in 2020 showed the potential for conflict in the region and threats to Russia’s security. Now other processes are taking place in the region. Turkey’s role in the region has increased. The region has conflict territories, among which the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, the Republic of Abkhazia and the Republic of South Ossetia stand out.Aim. To analyze the current situation in the South Caucasus region from the point of view of regional security. To analyze and describe the role and policy of Turkey in security issues in the South Caucasus. Tasks. Identification of Turkey’s new role in the South Caucasus region and analysis of the current situation in the region.Methods. Analytical and descriptive methods were used when writing the work. Methods of comparative analysis and text analysis, as well as content analysis were also used.Results. At the present stage in the South Caucasus region, Turkey plays a key role in regional security issues, along with Russia.Conclusions. The strengthening of Turkey’s role in the South Caucasus region has led to a decrease in the role of Russia and Iran. However, the current situation is not stable yet and there is a high probability of new conflicts of interests of external actors in the South Caucasus region.
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Rezvani, Babak. "Russia and the Georgian and Ukrainian Conflicts: Some Remarks". Iran and the Caucasus 22, nr 4 (4.12.2018): 408–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20180407.
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This paper critically discusses the current mainstream views on Russia’s involvement in Georgia and Ukraine and implements geopolitical reasoning and analyses. Russian Foreign policy is guided both by (neo-)realist and constructivist theoretical perspectives. However, reviewing Russia’s policy in its near abroad, it appears that it is formed on reactive decisions the results of which may not always be understood as advantageous from a rational actor perspective. In the Post-Soviet Space, Russia behaves in accordance with its imperial experience, which bestows upon its geopolitical interests a layer of moral obligation, combining with either altruism or expansionism, or with both at the same time. The Russian alliance with Iran, and their interventions in Syria, are explained mainly by security concerns. Russia’s support of separatism in South Ossetia, Abkhazia and Eastern Ukraine, and incorporating Crimea, do not yield advantageous results for the Russian interests from a rational actor’s perspective.
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Mooney, Erin D. "Internal displacement and the conflict in Abkhazia". International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 3, nr 3 (1995): 197–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181196x00065.
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AbstractIn the internal displacement crisis arising from the secessionist armed conflict in Abkhazia, Georgia, ethnic Georgians are the principal victims. They have been displaced from Abkhazia by a policy of ethnic cleansing which, though perhaps not fully developed at the time of the actual displacement, has rendered the area ethnically homogeneous and certainly succeeded in ensuring that it so remains. This paper focuses on the nature and effectiveness of the international community's response to the ethnically-motivated displacement and resulting demographic manipulation. The mandate and operations of each of the relevant international actors involved, namely the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the United Nations Military Observers (UNOMIG), Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) peacekeepers, and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), are examined to determine their protection function both separately and collectively. The constraints under which each organization must operate in this situation and concerns regarding Russia's dominance of the CIS operation for the pursuit of its own strategic interests are considered as contributing factors to the lack of effective protection for the internally displaced Georgians and those still at risk of so becoming.
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Machitidze, Ivanna, i Yuriy Temirov. "Hybrid Regimes’ Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic: “The First Wave” Evidence from Ukraine and Georgia". Mezinárodní vztahy 55, nr 4 (1.12.2020): 72–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv-cjir.1738.
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Hybrid regimes have been largely overlooked in the scholarly discussion on the effectiveness of halting the new COVID-19 virus, not least due to the lack of conceptual clarity, as such regimes are considered as the halfway or “grey area” on the authoritarianism-to-democracy path. Hence, the present paper aims to contribute to the pool of research on the internal dynamics of hybridity through exploring the responses towards the pandemic by two stable post-Soviet hybrid regimes, namely Georgia and Ukraine. The “most similar systems” comparative research design allows us to demonstrate that the two countries’ different crisis management and communication strategies explain Georgia’s relative success in halting the virus spread in comparison to Ukraine throughout the first wave. The application of Henry Hale’s “single-pyramid” and “competitive pyramid” models of patronal politics highlights the lack of competitiveness in the formal and informal governance processes in Georgia’s case, as opposed to the chaotic mode of decision-making as well as plurality of informal actors in Ukraine’s case.
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Dolidze, Nino, Giorgi Bobghiashvili i Eka Akobia. "EU Integration Coordination in Georgia: Evolution of the Coordination Model and Contingent Factors". NISPAcee Journal of Public Administration and Policy 16, nr 2 (1.12.2023): 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/nispa-2023-0013.
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Abstract The paper compiles a single case study on the national EU integration coordination in Georgia since 1991 to date. The paper aims to ground Georgia’s case in the existing academic literature with a detailed case description and testing of the EU integration coordination mechanisms in Georgia based on theories and models in the PA literature. Georgia’s coordination mechanisms are assessed against external incentives, such as ‘socialisation’ v. ‘conditionality’ (Schimmelfennig, 2009), and classified in terms of Kassim’s (2003) system of national coordination. The paper describes five distinct periods in the evolution of EU integration coordination formats: the first encounter (1991-1999); the silhouettes of coordination (1999-2004); the deliberate coordination (2004-2014); the pragmatic coordination (2014-2022) and the coordination limbo (2022 to date). EU integration coordination structures from 2004 to 2014 are likened to a comprehensive centraliser - with the centre being the driving force of the entire coordination process, with all the issues or thematic areas being depicted in respective planning documents. Since 2014, the country’s approach has been compared to that of a selective centraliser, since Georgia shows signs of selectiveness in its ambitions to deliver on a nationally agreed EU policy outcome. The paper finds that, unlike prevalent patterns in EU integration coordination, the relative stagnation of the EU coordination process happens after the accession; in Georgia, this has occurred during the onset of the conditionality stage, which makes this an outlier case. In assessing the reasons for the weakening of the process of coordination, this case supports findings that the actor-centric approach is vital to explaining the coordination efforts (Dimitrova & Toshkov, 2007; Fink-Hafner, 2013). The paper concludes that a significant improvement of existing EU integration coordination structures is needed to build a comprehensive approach, reinforced with horizontal coordination and networking, to construct an agreed and inclusive EU integration coordination.
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Rosenfeld, Sam, i Nancy Schwartz. "A Mix of Motives". American Review of Politics 37, nr 2 (22.12.2020): 48–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-779x.2020.37.2.48-70.
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Scholarly debates over the nature of political parties and the identity of their principal actors have been hampered by relative inattention to the historical processes of internal party change. This study, drawing on archival sources, interviews, and one of the co-author’s personal experiences, analyzes the Georgia delegate challenge to the 1968 Democratic Convention as a case of internal party conflict generating lasting institutional reform, with implications for existing theories of party development, nominating politics, and democratic representation. In a convention marked by an unusually large number of challenges to state party delegations, the Georgia delegate challenge was unique. There, a conflict between the segregationist regulars and the moderate and liberal Democrats was complicated by an internal division in the latter camp between Hubert Humphrey and Eugene McCarthy supporters. The McCarthy forces’ success in garnering a dominant position within the challenge delegation alienated many of the Georgia movement’s organizers and leaders. The McCarthy campaign's takeover also linked this southern challenge both to the antiwar politics coloring the national nomination fight and to a particular conception of representation that would influence subsequent party reform efforts. In tracing the origins, dynamics, and aftermath of Georgia’s delegate challenge, we show both that group- and candidate-driven efforts together shape party development over time, and that normative ideas concerning representation can play causal roles in party development.
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Yumatov, K. V. "European Union Policy in the South Caucasus after the Karabakh War of 2020". Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 24, nr 1 (11.04.2022): 26–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2022-24-1-26-34.
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The article focuses on the transformation of the European Union’s policy in the South Caucasus after the NagornoKarabakh war of 2020. Before the war, the foreign and security policy in the region had depended on the OSCE Minsk Group, Georgia’s role in the Russian-Georgian confrontation, and the Eastern Partnership program for the South Caucasus. After Azerbaijan won the Nagorno-Karabakh war with Turkey’s support, the previous line of policy stopped being effective. It failed to unite the countries of the South Caucasus, to remove the Russian Federation from the region, and to make the European Union a real mediator in the conflict zone. The democratization of the local political regimes also failed, despite the proEuropean position of Georgia and the velvet revolution in Armenia. As a result of the Armenian-Azerbaijani war of 2020, Russian and Turkish troops entered the South Caucasus, and Russia, Turkey, and Iran started acting as peace mediators. The European Union failed to strengthen the role of the OSCE Minsk Group and the mechanisms of the Eastern Partnership in the region. Ever since 2020, it has been trying to develop a common policy for all ethnic and inter-confessional conflicts in the postSoviet space. The European Union keeps failing in its competition and partnership with Russia, while Turkey is getting more active and independent in the region. Thus, the European Union will have to develop a new model of influence in the South Caucasus and the whole post-Soviet space. In the current global confrontation, it is very important to find an international actor able and willing to interact with all parties. The European Union seems to be the one, and its actions in resolving regional conflicts require a detailed research.
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Mamaiashvili, Jemal. "OUTSOURCING AS AN ACTOR IN HUMAN RESOURCES MANAGEMENT". Economic Profile 18, nr 2(26) (19.12.2023): 63–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.52244/ep.2023.26.06.
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Among all other resources, Human Resources are the most relevant in increasing the efficiency of companies' operations. Currently, the attitude towards the role and importance of Human Resources has changed significantly. As the issue of using modern information technologies and thinking in global categories becomes more active, special emphasis is placed on relationships with that personnel who can offer innovations to company leaders. In fact, they constitute the main core of the intellectual capital of production. The purpose of the article is to analyze the role and place of information technologies in the management (including strategy) of Human Resources. The subject of the research is outsourcing in personnel management. When does a company turn to outsourcing? This is the main issue around which many discussions and scientific disputes have been and are being conducted today in the scientific space. Research on Human Resources outsourcing in Georgia is still scarce. This article is a modest attempt to fill this gap. As a result of the study, both general and case-specific factors of Human Resources management that are currently relevant for Georgia were identified.
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Pochkhua, Gela. "A Game Theory Application of the Rational Actor Model to the Russo-Georgian War of August 2008". Connections: The Quarterly Journal 10, nr 1 (2010): 82–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.11610/connections.10.1.05.
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van Peski, Caecilia J. "Diplomacy and life on Georgia's boundary line". Security and Human Rights 22, nr 4 (2011): 357–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502311798859574.
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AbstractOn the third anniversary of the war over South Ossetia, resumed talks between Georgia and Russia are needed to create positive momentum in a still unstable environment. The article examines the continuing strains and recommends that the two sides engage in direct dialogue in order to de-escalate allegations about the other's involvement in the conflict. While formal diplomatic relations remain more or less suspended, many mutual interests remain. Paramount in this is the fact that Georgia and Russia share interests in improving mutual security, trade and transport. The impact of the ongoing conflict on Georgia's very diverse communities differs substantially, as do their priorities. Concerns over the future amongst these communities are widespread. The consequences of the violence and subsequent failure to progress resolution of the conflict still affect communities, especially those living along the Administrative Boundary Line between South Ossetia and Georgia proper. Although no major incidents of violence have occurred since 2008 and the level of humanitarian assistance provided to communities around the ABL has been impressive during the first two years following the war, the contact and movement across the ABL has become increasingly difficult, badly affecting those dependent on cross-border interaction for their personal wellbeing and that of their communities. As a result, a range of vulnerabilities is more likely to come to the surface and undermine the future sustainability of communities living along the ABL. As such, it is essential that local and international actors, including OSCE and EUMM are better able to distinguish between the varied needs of communities living along the ABL , in order to develop appropriate strategies for responding to them.
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Serrano, Silvia. "Orthodox Mobilizations and Political Identities in Post-Soviet Georgia". Journal of Religion in Europe 14, nr 3-4 (20.12.2021): 225–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-bja10064.
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Abstract Based on field research carried out over the last two decades, this article analyzes the labile nature of the relationship between religion and politics in Georgia. It aims to understand not only the rational and deliberate processes in which elites engage for political ends but also to grasp the diversity of actors and patterns of religion mobilization. It argues that three main types of articulations have developed since the 1990s: the mobilization of Orthodoxy (1) in the service of nation-building; (2) in the construction of an anti-elite popular identity; and (3) as a moral crusade. Each type of articulation involves specific social actors, organizational forms, and relations with political institutions.
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Machitadze, Elisabed, i Guranda Chelidze. "Issues on Teaching Area Studies in Georgia". INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MULTILINGUAL EDUCATION VII, nr 2 (29.12.2019): 19–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.22333/ijme.2019.14003.
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Today, influence of globalization can be apparently seen in the spheres of politics, economics, culture and education. The countries are not able to isolate from one another anymore. Globalization influences social systems, institutes, communication sphere and this clearly shows that this process impacts the higher education as well. Changes in teaching of different discipline were put on agenda. Collapse of the Soviet Union, gaining of independence by Georgia, geopolitical position of Georgia, diplomatic contacts made, all these have increased the role of Georgia as an independent actor on international arena. Since that time, Georgia gradually became part of the global processes. Thus, in the 21st century, against the background of globalization and dialogue of civilizations, Georgia faced new challenges. The country has to take its position in the contemporary world. Today, implementation of the proper policies would determine our prospects, both, in short and long run. Goal of the research is to investigate the issue of education of the proper professionals against the background of such challenges. Today, regarding its political, economic and cultural relationships, Georgia increasingly needs highly qualified professionals in the spheres of regional studies and area studies. Mostly we imply gaining of wide knowledge about the European and oriental countries and generalization of this knowledge in the process of inter-country relationships development. Today we regard that due consideration of the experience of foreign countries is of great significance to adjust modernization and globalization to the historical and cultural traditions of our country. In this respect, it is important to study history and current situation of the Europe and Near East, Georgia has great traditions of this. As for the Europe, together with teaching Western European languages, it is desirable to develop teaching of European studies in interdisciplinary context, as this responds to the globalization challenges. Georgia’s active participation in Bologna Process, internationalization of education processes provide good opportunities, with respect of improvement of teaching of cross-cultural studies, though together with education, expansion of scientific researches, conducting of interdisciplinary studies is of significance as this would allow introduction of the new approaches, provide opportunity of training of the highly qualified and competitive professionals. In addition, teaching of cross-cultural studies should become more pragmatic to ensure its contribution to the state building.
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Paget-Seekins, Laurel. "Competing mobility needs: The users, actors, and discourses in Atlanta, Georgia". Transport Policy 27 (maj 2013): 142–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.tranpol.2013.01.001.
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BEŞİKÇİ, Seçil ÖRAZ. "TÜRK DIŞ POLİTİKASINDA DAVUTOĞLU DÖNEMİ VE STRATEJİK DERİNLİK DOKTRİNİ: GÜNEY KAFKASYA ÜLKELERI ÖRNEĞİ". “Küresel siyaset: Türkiye’den bakış”, Spring,2021 (30.04.2021): 160–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.30546/2616-4418.bitd.2021.160.
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The Justice and Development Party (JDP) and its new cadre have entered into Turkish political life by the general elections held in 2002. Prof. Dr. Ahmet Davutoğlu, one of the members of the new cadre, has been considered as the architect of foreign policy discourse and practices pursued under JDP rule between 2002-2016. Davutoğlu has become both the theoretician and the practitioner of foreign policy strategies, which has been built on his “Strategic Depth Doctrine”. Davutoğlu has aimed to reach a new foreign policy strategy by the new principles such as “multidimensional foreign policy”, “rhythmic diplomacy”, “zero problems with neighbors”, “maximum international cooperation”, “proactive foreign policy” and “order instituting actor”. In these contexts, the aim of the paper is twofold. The irst one is to ind out whether Davutoğlu’s new foreign policy principles have been implemented in the foreign policy-making processes of the South Caucasus states of Azerbaijan, Armenia, and Georgia and, if yes, the second one is to deine the policy relections over Turkey’s foreign relations with these states. For this aim, three speciic cases, which are critical to these states, have been selected: the Russian-Georgian War (2008), the Armenian Opening, and the Nagorno-Karabakh Conlict. The method of discourse analysis has been utilized and Davutoğlu’s books, articles, interviews, and speeches have been reviewed.
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Sherouse, Perry Maxfield Waldman. "Where the Sidewalk Ends: Automobility and Shame in Tbilisi, Georgia". Cultural Anthropology 33, nr 3 (21.08.2018): 444–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.14506/ca33.3.07.
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In recent years, cars have steadily colonized the sidewalks in downtown Tbilisi. By driving and parking on sidewalks, vehicles have reshaped public space and placed pedestrian life at risk. A variety of social actors coordinate sidewalk affairs in the city, including the local government, a private company called CT Park, and a fleet of self-appointed st’aianshik’ebi (parking attendants) who direct drivers into parking spots for spare change. Pedestrian activists have challenged the automotive conquest of footpaths in innovative ways, including art installations, social media protests, and the fashioning of ad hoc physical barriers. By safeguarding sidewalks against cars, activists assert ideals for public space that are predicated on sharp boundaries between sidewalk and street, pedestrian and machine, citizen and commodity. Politicians and activists alike connect the sharpness of such boundaries to an imagined Europe. Georgia’s parking culture thus reflects not only local configurations of power among the many interests clamoring for the space of the sidewalk, but also global hierarchies of value that form meaningful distinctions and aspirational horizons in debates over urban public space. Against the dismal frictions of an expanding car system, social actors mobilize the idioms of freedom and shame to reinterpret and repartition the public/private distinction.
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Mariam Galdava, Mariam Galdava. "Influence of Basic Actors in Globalization in Developing and Post-Soviet Countries on the Example of Georgia". New Economist 16, nr 02 (20.08.2021): 66–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.36962/nec6102202166.
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In the 21st century, globalization is becoming more and more extensive as a phenomenon. The article discusses the popularization of globalization and its transformation as a world dilemma caused by new world rules. The aim of our research is to determine what kind of impact globalization has had, because judging by the example of our country, the country has undergone a transformation as well as political, economic, cultural, and social factors. One of the main integration processes is the goal of bringing individual groups into a single social and cultural framework of self-identification, which has become irreversible and poses a major problem for the identity of countries, as well as economic, social, political stability and security of the population. In this article, we use the following research methods: Qualitative research methods, which include a qualitative study of written documents, focus groups, monographic research, etc. A specific case study, on the example of Georgia, the same Case study method that helped us to better study and analyze the facts. The processes of globalization have somewhat reduced the sovereignty of states. Modern states are powerless to control or deal with globalization, to reduce or limit its scope. However, this did not lead to the destruction of the states. By the way, some states have become more powerful. This is especially noticeable in the example of post-Soviet countries, one of the highlights of which is Georgia. Globalization, like all events, has its pros and cons, but the most worthy positive side of globalization is that it has created and established independent and sovereign states that are becoming stronger day by day in the scientific, social, cultural, political, and economic spheres. Keywords: Independence, Georgia, Globalization, Post-Soviet Country, State.