Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Gender politics

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Gender politics”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 4 czerwca 2021

Data aktualizacji: 20 lutego 2023

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Gender politics"

Mukurunge, Mukurunge, i Takura Bhila. "Gender Inequality in Politics Lesotho". International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development Volume-3, Issue-2 (28.02.2019): 429–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31142/ijtsrd21401.

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Fleischmann, Ellen. "Gender Politics". Journal of Palestine Studies 23, nr 4 (1994): 83–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538214.

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Mueller, Carol, i Ethel Klein. "Gender Politics". Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 4, nr 3 (1985): 477. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3324263.

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Carr, Deborah. "Gender Politics". Contexts 7, nr 4 (listopad 2008): 58–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ctx.2008.7.4.58.

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Kulick, Don. "Gender Politics". Men and Masculinities 11, nr 2 (29.02.2008): 186–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184x08315098.

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Moita, Sulsalman, i Andi Agustang. "The reconstruction of gender in politics". International Journal of Academic Research 6, nr 3 (30.05.2014): 157–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7813/2075-4124.2014/6-3/b.23.

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Hossain, M. "Review: Gender, Politics, and Islam: Gender, Politics, and Islam". Journal of Islamic Studies 15, nr 2 (1.05.2004): 262–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/15.2.262.

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Gladstein. "Rand's Gender Politics". Journal of Ayn Rand Studies 14, nr 2 (2014): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jaynrandstud.14.2.0163.

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Wilcox, Clyde. "Prehistoric Gender Politics". Extrapolation 40, nr 4 (styczeń 1999): 325–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/extr.1999.40.4.325.

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Lee, Janet. "Teaching Gender Politics". Teaching Sociology 21, nr 1 (styczeń 1993): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1318848.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Gender politics"

Lippmann, Quentin. "Gender, Institutions and Politics". Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PSLEH002.

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Cette thèse vise à étudier le lien entre institutions, genre et politique. Elle cherche à répondre à trois questions: les institutions peuvent-elles défaire les normes de genre ? Les institutions seraient-elles plus égalitaires si elles étaient dirigées par des femmes ? Pourquoi les femmes sont-elles absentes des positions de pouvoir ? Le premier chapitre de cette thèse vise à étudier le rôle des institutions dans la création des normes de genre. La norme étudiée est celle selon laquelle une femme doit gagner moins que son mari. En utilisant, la division de l'Allemagne comme une expérience naturelle, nous montrons que les institutions égalitaires est-allemandes ont défait le genre. Après la réunification, une femme est-allemande peut gagner plus que son mari sans augmenter son nombre d'heures de travail domestique, risquer de divorcer ou de se retirer du marché du travail. A l'opposé, en Allemagne de l'Ouest, ces comportements sont toujours observables.Le deuxième chapitre étudie si les institutions seraient plus égalitaires avec des femmes à leur tête. En particulier, nous cherchons à déterminer si les femmes politiciennes ont les mêmes priorités que leurs collègues masculins. Le contexte étudié est celui du Parlement Français durant la période 2001-2017. En combinant des méthodes d'analyse de texte avec des variations exogènes dans le sexe des politiciens, ce chapitre montre que, relativement à leurs collègues masculins, les femmes politiciennes à l'Assemblée Nationale défendent plus les intérêts des femmes dans la population. Le thème où les différences sexuées d'activité parlementaire sont les plus marquées est précisément celui de l'égalité femmes-hommes, suivi des thématiques liées à l'enfance et à la santé. Les hommes sont plus actifs sur les thématiques militaires. Nous montrons que ces différences proviennent de l'intérêt individuel des législateurs. Enfin, nous répliquons ces résultats au Sénat en exploitant l'introduction d'une réforme qui a imposé la parité.Le troisième chapitre s'intéresse aux raisons derrière la sous-représentation des femmes dans les positions de pouvoir. Il cherche à déterminer si dans un contexte où les politiciens sont majoritairement des hommes, la "prime aux sortants" lors d'élections réduit le nombre de femmes élues. Le contexte étudié est celui des municipalités de moins de 1000 habitants en France. Nous montrons que contrairement à ce qu'on peut s'attendre, lorsque les politiciens ne sont pas éligibles à leur réélection, la part de femmes élus n'augmente pas. C'est parce qu'il est plus difficile pour une femme de remplacer une femme que de remplacer un homme
This thesis studies the link between institutions, gender and politics. Three questions are studied: can institutions undo gender norms? Would institutions be more gender-egalitarian if they were headed by women? Why are women absent from positions of power?The first chapter of this thesis tests whether institutions can undo gender. In particular, we study the consequences of institutions on the perpetuation of gender norms. We study the norm according to which a woman should earn less than her husband. Using the German division as a natural experiment, we show that East German institutions have undone gender. East German women can earn more than their husband without increasing their number of housework hours, put their marriage at risk, or withdraw from the labor market. By contrast, the norm of higher male income and its consequences are still prevalent in the West.The second chapter studies whether institutions would be more gender-egalitarian if more women were heading them. In particular, I test whether female politicians have the same priorities than their male counterparts. The context studied is the French Parliament from 2001 to 2017. Using text analysis and quasi-experimental variations to randomize legislators' gender, this chapter shows that women are twice more likely to initiate women-related amendments in the Lower House. Women's issues constitute the key topic on which women are more active, followed by health and childhood issues whereas men are more active on military issues. I provide supporting evidence that these results are driven by the individual interest of legislators. Finally, I replicate these results in the Upper House by exploiting the introduction of a gender quota.The third chapter studies the reasons behind the underrepresentation of women in positions of power. I investigate whether the persistence of incumbents hinders female access to political positions when incumbents are predominantly men. I exploit regression discontinuity from close electoral races in French municipalities to randomize the eligibility of incumbent mayors for reelection. Despite a context increasingly favorable to the election of women, I find that the persistence of incumbents does not block female access to the position of mayor. I investigate the mechanisms and show that it is more difficult for a woman to replace a female incumbent than a male one

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McLeod, Laura Jane. "Gender politics and security discourse". Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/14993/.

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Since the United Nations Security Council adopted UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in October 2000, there have been debates about how to achieve "gender security". This thesis explores competing modes of constructions about "gender security" within feminist and women's NGOs in Serbia, highlighting the ways that personal-political imaginations of Serbia's conflict and post-conflict pasts, presents and futures affect the logics of "gender security". Part one explores the configurations of "gender security" amongst feminist and women's NGOs in Serbia. Post-structural discourse analysis strategies are deployed to investigate the personal-political imaginations of conflict and post-conflict constituting how feminism and security is thought about. Utilising field research conducted in Serbia during 2008 and 2009, the discursive construction of competing modes of thought about gender and/or security amongst activists is revealed, highlighting that the way that conflict and post-conflict is thought about profoundly affects these modes of thought. Part two is an in-depth examination of the performance of UNseR 1325 within two case studies. UNSCR 1325 is taken to be the site of discursive contact between gender and security, and is productive of the articulation and representation of gender security policies and agendas. The first case study centres upon the feminist-pacifist debate, focussing upon Women in Black. UNSCR 1325 is utilised as a political tool to support the advocacy work of Women in Black. In contrast, the second case study explores ways specific discourses of gender security has stimulated political action. An investigation of the broader domestic violence debate in Serbia makes clear how international gender security discourses triggered an increasing concern about small arms and light weapons (SALW) abuse within domestic violence. Subsequently, activists have pushed SALW concerns higher up the domestic violence agenda in Serbia. The variations in how UNSCR 1325 is utilised is a consequence of the particular configuration of gender security, arising from personal-political imaginations of conflict and post-conflict amongst activists.

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Lilliefeldt, Emelie. "European Party Politics and Gender : Configuring Gender-Balanced Parliamentary Presence". Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-63628.

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In the late 20th century, the proportions of women and men elected into European national parliaments became increasingly equal. Political parties shape these outcomes by selecting and fielding candidates in elections. Scholars recognise that parties' actions do not occur in isolation; yet there is little systematically comparative research about the configurations of conditions in which these actions occur. Previous research also often relies on studies of West European parties. This doctoral thesis investigates how conditions inside and outside parties combine to create gender-equal parliamentary presence. The thesis examines the extent to which Western European experiences apply to Central and East European parties, and explores the conditions that stand in the way of progress towards gender balance. It presents three empirical studies. The first is a qualitative comparative analysis of 57 West European parties during the late 1980s, a period in which the trend towards equality accelerated. The second study applies the knowledge produced in the first analysis to cases in Central and Eastern Europe. It uses an original dataset covering six parties in four EU member states in a structured focused comparison. Finally, the thesis presents an in-depth case study of an unexpectedly gender-balanced Latvian party. The analyses show that gender-equal parliamentary presence is achieved when conditions inside and outside parties combine, and that no condition is necessary or singularly sufficient. The absence of gender-equal parliaments is sustained by combinations other than the absence of those that lead to gender-balance. Operationalisations from Western Europe turn out to be largely applicable to cases in Central and Eastern Europe. These latter cases also demonstrate that organisational instability need not impede women’s presence in elected office.
Under sent 1900-tal har andelen kvinnor och män i nationella demokratiska parlament i Europa blivit alltmer jämstora. Politiska partier formar politisk representation genom att välja egna kandidater till val. Forskare har visat att partiers beteende på den punkten inte sker i isolering, men det finns ändå en brist på systematiskt jämförande studier om vilka kombinationer av villkor som leder till jämn könsrepresentation i nationella parlament. Dessutom vilar tidigare studier ofta på kunskap om situationen i Västeuropa. Den här doktorsavhandlingen undersöker hur villkor i och utanför politiska partier kombineras för att uppnå jämställd parlamentarisk representation. Den utforskar i vilken grad de västeuropeiska erfarenheterna är användbara i Öst- och Centraleuropa, och studerar villkoren som upprätthåller manlig dominans i parlamentariska partier. Den presenterar tre empiriska studier. Den första är en kvalitativt jämförande studie (fsQCA) av 57 Västeuropeiska partier under sent 1980-tal, en period då andelen kvinnor i nationella parlament ökade. Den andra studien tillämpar kunskapen från den första studien på fall i Öst- och Centraleuropa. Studien bygger på ett unikt dataset med sex partier från fyra EU-stater, i en strukturerad fokuserad jämförelse. Slutligen presenteras en fallstudie av ett ovanligt jämställt parti i Lettland. Analyserna visar att lika andelar kvinnor och män i nationella parlament åstadkoms när villkor i och utanför partier kombineras, och att inget villkor är nödvändigt eller ensamt tillräckligt. Frånvaro av jämn representation upprätthålls av andra kombinationer än de som leder till jämn representation. Operationaliseringarna som utvecklades för Västeuropa är applicerbara i Öst- och Centraleuropa. De senare fallen visar också att organisatorisk instabilitet inte behöver hindra en jämställd parlamentarisk närvaro.

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Monforte, Enric. "Gender, Politics, Subjectivity: Reading Caryl Churchill". Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/1659.

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This doctoral dissertation approaches three plays written by British playwright Caryl Churchill (1938- ): Cloud Nine (1979), Top Girls (1982), and Blue Heart (1997). Her plays deal mainly with systems of oppression and their effects on the individual or on groups of people. These systems of oppression, reminiscent of the Foucauldian power structures, exert their restrictive power over the dispossessed -the working class, women, or gays and lesbians.

The main objective of this dissertation is to demonostrate how a gender and politics-oriented approach to theatre can help to subvert some of the patriarchal and conservative assumptions implicit in traditional theatre. In this respect, the three plays analysed share the presence of recurrent themes: patriarchal society, the nuclear family, colonisation at several levels (race, gender, sexuality), and the capitalist system.

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Morton, Bevely. "Gender politics in the lion's den /". Title page, abstract and contents only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ARM/09armm8891.pdf.

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Thomas, Melanee. "Gender and psychological orientations to politics". Thesis, McGill University, 2012. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=106458.

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Since the 1950s, women's lives have changed dramatically in established democracies, but the gender gaps in political interest and subjective political competence have not. This is problematic, as psychological orientations to politics – political interest and subjective political competence – play a key role in democratic functioning. The conventional explanations found in the political science literature suggest that women's enhanced levels of socioeconomic resources, as well as changing gender roles and feminist socialization, should have narrowed and closed these gaps over time. And yet, throughout the post-industrial world, these gaps persist. Why is this the case? This dissertation tests two conventional explanations. The first is predicated on socioeconomic resources, the second on gender role change. Results demonstrate that these conventional explanations garner little to no empirical support. Levels of education, income, and occupational status cannot explain why women are less interested in politics, and less confident in their political abilities than are men. Similarly, gender role change and feminist socialization did not eliminate these gaps as predicted. Several alternative explanations for these gaps are also tested. Results show that in some cases, gender and time condition the effects of socioeconomic resources on political interest and subjective political competence. Thus, women derive fewer political benefits from some socioeconomic resources than do men, and the importance of these resources for women's psychological engagement with politics has diminished over time. These conditional effects offset the socioeconomic gains women have made over time. Surprisingly, the dual demands of motherhood and labour force participation rarely impair women's political interest and subjective political competence. Instead, religiosity consistently boosts political interest, suggesting that increasing secularization actually helps perpetuate this gap. Finally, results show that increasing the number of women in elected office helps significantly narrow the gender gap in political interest. However, comparable effects are not found for subjective political competence, nor are other effects found for social policies such as maternity and parental leave, childcare, or taxation. These findings carry important implications for future attempts to secure gender equality in the political sphere. Exciting, innovative avenues for future research also stem from these results. Both are discussed in the conclusion.
Depuis les années 1950, la vie des femmes a dramatiquement changé dans les démocraties établies mais l'écart avec les hommes en matière d'intérêt politique et de compétence politique subjective est resté le même. Ceci est problématique puisque les orientations psychologiques envers la politique – intérêt politique et compétence politique subjective – jouent un rôle clé dans le fonctionnement des démocraties. La littérature en science politique a longtemps suggéré que l'amélioration du statut socioéconomique des femmes, en plus du bouleversement du rôle traditionnel des femmes et de la socialisation dans un contexte féministe auraient dû rétrécir sinon éliminer avec le temps l'écart observé entre les hommes et les femmes. Pourtant, à travers le monde postindustriel, cet écart persiste. Pourquoi? Cette thèse de doctorat met à l'épreuve deux explications fréquemment citées dans la littérature, de même que plusieurs explications alternatives qui toutes tentent d'expliquer pourquoi l'écart existe et s'est maintenu jusqu'à aujourd'hui. Les résultats tendent à démontrer que les femmes ne sont pas moins intéressées par la politique que les hommes ni moins confiantes en leurs aptitudes politiques pour des raisons liées à leur plus faible éducation, leur statut économique plus précaire, leur statut professionnel moins valorisé ou encore leurs fréquentes absences du milieu du travail. On assiste plutôt, dans certains cas, à des situations où les femmes retirent moins de bénéfices de leurs ressources socioéconomiques. De plus, l'importance de ces ressources pour l'engagement psychologique des femmes envers la politique a diminué dans le temps. Résultat surprenant, les demandes doubles de la maternité et du travail limitent rarement l'intérêt politique et la compétence politique subjective des femmes. C'est plutôt la religiosité de celles-ci qui semble jouer un rôle positif important. On peut donc penser que la sécularisation accélérée des sociétés postindustrielles pourrait contribuer à maintenir l'écart avec les hommes. Alors que les changements dans les rôles traditionnels et la socialisation féministe n'ont pas éliminé les écarts entre les femmes et les hommes tels que prédit par la littérature en science politique, augmenter le nombre de femmes dans les postes élus aide à diminuer de façon significative cet écart en matière d'intérêt politique. Par contre, on ne trouve pas d'effets comparables du côté de la compétence politique subjective, ni d'effets en matière de politiques sociales telles que les congés de maternité et parentaux, les services de garde, ou la taxation.Cette thèse de doctorat se termine par une discussion sur les implications de ces conclusions sur les recherches futures ainsi que sur les tentatives à venir pour obtenir une égalité entre hommes et femmes dans la sphère politique.

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Chapman, Kiera Ann. "Scandal : gender, publicity, politics 1789-1850". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2005. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1444606/.

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This thesis, an exercise in cultural history, puts forwards two main lines of argument. Firstly, I explore the way in which scandal was used by early nineteenth century reformers to argue for the inclusion of a wider range of individuals in political debate. I contrast the approaches of Rousseau and Bentham to publicity, exploring the manner in which the latter became especially useful to radicals after the 1790s, as the former became associated with dangerous Jacobinism. Chapters three and four discuss the interplay between these two ways of thinking about scandal in the Mary Ann Clarke affair (1809) and the Queen Caroline affair (1820-1). I show that while scandal allowed the case for reform to be dramatized in an especially vivid way, encouraging ordinary people to get involved in politics, its attention to particular details could also damage the radical cause by distracting attention away from abstract arguments for reform. The second strand of argument deals with the relationship between publicity and feminism. Scandal did not just entrench the sexual double standard rather, debates about publicity provided a way for early feminists to demand recognition of woman's legal and political identity. However, attitudes amongst women towards the balance to be struck between individual self-determination and social convention varied widely. Germaine de Stael and Geraldine Jewsbury reworked the ideas of Rousseau to argue that a woman's ability to follow her feelings rather than moral conventions signalled her suitability for citizenship, and in the Caroline affair, many ordinary women claimed a right to engage in political debate on the grounds of their feelings of sympathy for the Queen. On the other hand, Maria Edgeworth argued for a rapprochement between reason and social duty, while Rosina Bulwer-Lytton used scandal against her husband in order to press for recognition of woman's separate legal identity.

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Taylor, Erin N. Bickford Susan. "Specious poisons? reputation, gender, and democratic politics /". Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,426.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2006.
Title from electronic title page (viewed Oct. 10, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Political Science." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.

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Gibb, Camilla C. T. "Religion, politics and gender in Harar, Ethiopia". Thesis, University of Oxford, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.321548.

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Kershaw, Angela. "Gender, politics and fiction in 1930s France". Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1998. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/14337/.

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This study examines French political fiction of the 1930s, taking gender as its primary category of analysis. It considers texts by female novelists whose work has been largely excluded from critical attention, in order to bring their particular contribution to inter-war French literature to light. It integrates this analysis into a consideration of relevant and representative texts of the exclusively male canon of French political fiction dating from the 1930s, exploring points of contact and divergences to show how the work of the female authors relates to the wider context of French inter-war literary activity. Texts by eight writers are considered in detail, namely Madeleine Pelletier, Edith Thomas, Henriette Valet, Louise Weiss, Louis Aragon, Pierre Drieu la Rochelle, André Malraux and Paul Nizan. The analysis of the female-authored novels informs the study of their male counterparts, whose texts also offer fertile ground for an analysis in terms of gender. The corpus is approached, in broad terms, through the themes of commitment, sexuality and the body. These themes permit an investigation of the gendering of politicization as it is manifested in 1930s literature.

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Książki na temat "Gender politics"

Chopra, J. K. Gender politics. Jaipur, India: Book Enclave, 1999.

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Gender politics. London: Pluto Press, 2005.

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Ross, Karen. Gender, Politics, News. Hoboken, NJ, USA: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118561652.

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Bauhardt, Christine, i Angelika von Wahl, red. Gender and Politics. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-663-10133-8.

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Runyan, Anne Sisson. Global Gender Politics. Fifth Edition. | New York: Routledge, 2019. | Revised edition of the author’s Global gender issues in the new millennium, [2014] | Fourth edition published by Westview Press, 2013.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429453458.

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Amy, Mazur, red. Politics, gender and concepts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

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Gender consciousness and politics. New York: Routledge, 1992.

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Annabelle, Sreberny, i Zoonen Liesbet van 1959-, red. Gender, politics and communication. Cresskill, N.J: Hampton Press, 2000.

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Beach, Cecilia. Staging Politics and Gender. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978745.

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Ahrens, Petra, Katja Chmilewski, Sabine Lang i Birgit Sauer. Gender Equality in Politics. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-34895-3.

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Części książek na temat "Gender politics"

Sayers, Janet. "Gender politics". W Sigmund Freud, 180–85. New York : Routledge, 2020. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429323447-35.

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Johnson, Martha C., i Melanie L. Phillips. "Gender politics". W Routledge Handbook of Democratization in Africa, 302–16. New York : Routledge, 2019.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315112978-22.

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Randall, Vicky. "Gender politics". W The Struggle for Labour's Soul, 115–28. Second edition. | Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315170848-9.

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Åhäll, Linda. "Gender". W Visual Global Politics, 150–56. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Interventions: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315856506-22.

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Lindsey, Linda L. "Power, Politics, and the Law". W Gender, 542–98. 7th Edition. | New York City : Routledge Books, 2020. | Revised edition of the author’s Gender roles, [2015]: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315102023-17.

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Kantola, Johanna, i Emanuela Lombardo. "Politics". W Gender and Political Analysis, 137–59. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-60880-2_7.

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Funk, Kendall D. "Politics and Gender". W Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 4749–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-20928-9_2447.

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Funk, Kendall D. "Politics and Gender". W Global Encyclopedia of Public Administration, Public Policy, and Governance, 1–8. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-31816-5_2447-1.

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Richardson, Sarah. "Politics and Gender". W A Companion to Nineteenth-Century Britain, 174–88. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470997147.ch11.

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Durac, Vincent, i Francesco Cavatorta. "Gender and Politics". W Politics and Governance in the Middle East, 188–210. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-52127-9_9.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Gender politics"

Maria, Kalfa. "Gender, politics, and body". W 5th International Conference on New Findings On Humanities and Social Sciences. Acavent, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/5th.hsconf.2020.11.104.

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Charles, Drupa Dinnie, Azhagu Meena, Simiran Lalvani, Syeda Zainab Akbar, Divya Siddharth i Joyojeet Pal. "Performing Gender, Doing Politics". W ICTD2020: Information and Communication Technologies and Development. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3392561.3394648.

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Sihidi, Iradhad, Laeli Khanifah i Achmad Romadhan. "The Politics of Gender in Indonesia’s Political Parties". W Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Sustainable Innovation 2019 – Humanity, Education and Social Sciences (IcoSIHESS 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icosihess-19.2019.62.

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Maria, Kalfa. "Gender, Administration, Politics, and Management". W 3rd International Conference on Research in Humanities and Social Sciences. Acavent, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/3rd.icrhs.2020.09.189.

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Moita, Sulsalman, i Lilik Rita Handayani. "The Reconstruction of Gender In Politics". W 1st UPI International Conference on Sociology Education. Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icse-15.2016.106.

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"Diversity and Gender Quotas in Politics: International Trends and the Canadian Case". W 3rd International Conference on Gender Research. ACPI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/igr.20.069.

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"Economic Values and Gender Variance". W rd Joint International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Tishk International University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2021p24.

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Suryanef, Suryanef, Al Rafni, Syafri Anwar i Hariyanti. "Political Education for Female Cadres as an Effort to Gender Equality in Politics". W Proceedings of the 1st International Conference on Social Sciences and Interdisciplinary Studies (ICSSIS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icssis-18.2019.38.

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"THE PROBLEMS OF GENDER EQUALITY IN CONTEMPORARY UKRAINIAN POLITICS". W Global Business and Law Development Imperatives. Київський національний торговельно-економічний університет, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.31617/k.knute.2019-10-10.86.

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Garcia, Andrea Gutierrez. "GENDER AND POLITICS AS INDICATORS OF THE ATTITUDE TOWARDS PROSTITUTION". W SGEM 2014 Scientific Conference on PSYCHOLOGY AND PSYCHIATRY, SOCIOLOGY AND HEALTHCARE, EDUCATION. Stef92 Technology, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2014/b11/s1.025.

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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Gender politics"

Cohen, Alma, Moshe Hazan i David Weiss. Politics and Gender in the Executive Suite. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, czerwiec 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w28893.

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Unterhalter, Elaine. Education policy in hard times : the politics of gender, justice and hope. Unknown, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35648/20.500.12413/11781/ii060.

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Richardson, Bradley. The Forgotten Front: Gender, Labor, and Politics in Camas, Washington, and the Northwest Paper Industry, 1913-1918. Portland State University Library, styczeń 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.2531.

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Khan, Mahreen. The Role of Clans in Moldova in Politics and Economics. Institute of Development Studies, maj 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.116.

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Moldova’s politics, economy, justice system and media are increasingly dominated by a powerful group of elites, led by oligarchs - a new breed of businessmen-politicians who have emerged in the past decade - controlling strategic sectors of the economy and finance, hijacking the political system, taming the judiciary and acquiring monopolistic control of mass media, to promote and protect their vast business empires. Alongside traditional clan, kinship and patronage networks these elites exert influence through informal politics , shaping Moldova’s politics and economy, often hindering reforms for democratisation, rule of law, meritocracy and transparency. This helpdesk report looks at the nature and role of clans in Moldova in the country’s politics and economy. This literature review utilises academic as well as grey sources, research papers, media and blogs published mainly in the past ten years. The sources reveal a paucity of Moldova centric material, especially on the sub-issue of clans, but much more literature is available on the role of informal politics and state capture by elites, especially oligarchs, in Moldova. The evidence found did not address gender and disability issues.

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Avis, William. Incorporating Gender Perspective in Peace Operations since 2018. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), listopad 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.143.

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This rapid literature review collates evidence from academic, policy focussed and grey literature on progress on incorporating gender perspectives in peace operations since 2018, including the deployment of female peacekeepers, and the emerging issues in this field. Key messages that emerge from this review include: The focus on women’s participation in peace processes has led to several initiatives and efforts to promote increased representation, the multidimensional nature of the UN’s women, peace, and security (WPS) agenda is illustrative of the complexity of contemporary peace operations. The new and emergent issues in National Action Plans (NAP) on Women, Peace and Security. Critiques of Resolution 1325 suggest that while the resolution provides some examples of what a gender perspective means in the context of a peace agreement, it does not define what it means to apply a gender perspective to peace processes. Gender perspectives are largely absent from peace negotiations. Despite the evolution of this agenda, most contemporary peace processes are still top-down, elite-driven exercises that contribute to marginalisation and exclusion. Whilst there is high-level commitment towards the strategy and what it aims to achieve, institutional barriers, assumptions, and politics undermine its implementation. Key challenges identified in the literature, related to incorporating Gender Perspectives in Peace Operations include. Buy-in from leadership, Mandate and context, Gender and expertise, Terminology, Under-representation of women in peacekeeping. Meaningful participation, Gap between norms and provisions, and Practical/logistical/training issues in implementing the WPS agenda.

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Tadros, Mariz, Sofya Shabab i Amy Quinn-Graham. Violence and Discrimination Against Women of Religious Minority Backgrounds in Iraq. Institute of Development Studies, grudzień 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2022.025.

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This volume is part of the Intersections series which explores how the intertwining of gender, religious marginality, socioeconomic exclusion and other factors shape the realities of women and men in contexts where religious inequalities are acute, and freedom of religion or belief is compromised. This volume looks at these intersections in the context of Iraq. Its aim is to amplify the voices of women (and men) whose experiences of religious otherisation have accentuated the impact of the intersections of gender, class, geography and ethnicity. At time of publication, in December 2022, the country is going through a particularly turbulent phase, prompting some to wonder why now? Isn’t it bad timing to focus on the experiences of minorities, let alone inter- and intra-gender dynamics? Iraq is caught in the middle of geo-strategic struggles of tectonic proportions but this is all the more reason to understand the dynamics of micro-politics through a gender-sensitive lens. Doing so sheds light on the interface between global, regional and local power struggles in tangible and concrete ways.

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Thomas, Jakana. Duty and Defiance: Women in Community-based Armed Groups in West Africa. RESOLVE Network, marzec 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37805/cbags2021.1.

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This desk report explores how West African community-based armed groups (CBAGs) facilitate women’s engagement with politics, create avenues for female expressions of anger, commitment to community values and national identity, and enable women to push for change in their communities by opening spaces for female participation. Assessing the formal and informal contributions women make to armed community mobilization and hybrid security reveals opportunities for gender-specific engagement and cautions that unidimensional considerations of where and how women intersect with conflict and security have the potential to undermine violence reduction and post-conflict peacebuilding efforts.

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Gordon, Eleanor, i Briony Jones. Building Success in Development and Peacebuilding by Caring for Carers: A Guide to Research, Policy and Practice to Ensure Effective, Inclusive and Responsive Interventions. University of Warwick Press, kwiecień 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31273/978-1-911675-00-6.

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The experiences and marginalisation of international organisation employees with caring responsibilities has a direct negative impact on the type of security and justice being built in conflict-affected environments. This is in large part because international organisations fail to respond to the needs of those with caring responsibilities, which leads to their early departure from the field, and negatively affects their work while in post. In this toolkit we describe this problem, the exacerbating factors, and challenges to overcoming it. We offer a theory of change demonstrating how caring for carers can both improve the working conditions of employees of international organisations as well as the effectiveness, inclusivity and responsiveness of peace and justice interventions. This is important because it raises awareness among employers in the sector of the severity of the problem and its consequences. We also offer a guide for employers for how to take the caring responsibilities of their employees into account when developing human resource policies and practices, designing working conditions and planning interventions. Finally, we underscore the importance of conducting research on the gendered impacts of the marginalisation of employees with caring responsibilities, not least because of the breadth and depth of resultant individual, organisational and sectoral harms. In this regard, we also draw attention to the way in which gender stereotypes and gender biases not only inform and undermine peacebuilding efforts, but also permeate research in this field. Our toolkit is aimed at international organisation employees, employers and human resources personnel, as well as students and scholars of peacebuilding and international development. We see these communities of knowledge and action as overlapping, with insights to be brought to bear as well as challenges to be overcome in this area. The content of the toolkit is equally relevant across these knowledge communities as well as between different specialisms and disciplines. Peacebuilding and development draw in experts from economics, politics, anthropology, sociology and law, to name but a few. The authors of this toolkit have come together from gender studies, political science, and development studies to develop a theory of change informed by interdisciplinary insights. We hope, therefore, that this toolkit will be useful to an inclusive and interdisciplinary set of knowledge communities. Our core argument - that caring for carers benefits the individual, the sectors, and the intended beneficiaries of interventions - is relevant for students, researchers, policy makers and practitioners alike.

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Newell, Peter, i Mohamed Adow. Cutting the Supply of Climate Injustice. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), październik 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/1968-2021.129.

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This article considers the role of activism and politics to restrict the supply of fossil fuels as a key means to prevent further climate injustices. We firstly explore the historical production of climate injustice through extractive economies of colonial control, the accumulation of climate debts, and ongoing patterns of uneven exchange. We develop an account which highlights the relationship between the production, exchange, and consumption of fossil fuels and historical and contemporary inequalities around race, class, and gender which need to be addressed if a meaningful account of climate justice is to take root. We then explore the role of resistance to the expansion of fossil-fuel frontiers and campaigns to leave fossil fuels in the ground with which we are involved. We reflect on their potential role in enabling the power shifts necessary to rebalance energy economies and disrupt incumbent actors as a prerequisite to the achievement of climate justice

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Gagliarducci, Stefano, i M. Daniele Paserman. Gender Interactions within Hierarchies: Evidence from the Political Arena. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, kwiecień 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w14893.

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