Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Gair Labor government”

Conventional wisdom holds that in order to evade electoral punishment governments obfuscate welfare state retrenchment. However, governments do not uniformly lose votes in elections after they cut back on welfare benefits or services. Recent evidence indicates that some of these unpopular reforms are in fact vote-winners for the government. Our study of eight Danish labor marked related reforms uses insights from experimental framing studies to evaluate the impact of welfare state retrenchment on government popularity. We hypothesize that communicating retrenchment is a better strategy than obfuscating retrenchment measures. In addition, we hypothesize that the opposition’s choice between arguing against the retrenchment measure, or staying silent on the issue, affects the government’s popularity. Thus, the study presents a novel theoretical model of the popularity effects of welfare state retrenchment. In order to evaluate our propositions, we move beyond the standard measure in the literature and use monthly opinion polls to reduce the number of other factors that might affect government popularity. We demonstrate that governments can evade popular punishment by communication. They can even gain popularity if the opposition chooses not to attack. On the other hand, government popularity declines if the government obfuscates – and the decline is even larger if the opposition chooses to attack.

Abstract The continuous drain of young university graduates leaving the country poses the threat of considerable loss, both economic and social. On the other hand, temporary labour migration can bring positive effects (experience, foreign know how). The objective of the article was to identify the attitude of German and Czech university undergraduates to labour migration and to explore the motivation factors that play a role in their decision-making. The research sample consisted of students of economics who study at regional universities in North Bohemia and neighbouring German Saxony. It was established that German students declare a greater interest in working abroad, but they tend to prefer temporary labour migration, while Czech students think more about permanently moving abroad, provided they are considering leaving for another country. Logistic forward stepwise regression was selected to establish significant explaining variables. Surprisingly, “higher salary” did not figure in the created models as an explaining variable in a single case. The amount of salary is an important motivation factor (both for Czech and German students), however, it is not the main factor which influences their decision to go abroad. The explaining variables “I want to live in a different country” and “the opportunity to gain international work experience” were shown in both cases. Governments as well as regional authorities should pay attention to the reasons why qualified workers decide on labour migration and they should pay due care to establishing why qualified workers want to live in a different country. Temporary labour migration should be encouraged and, at the same time, such conditions should be created to motivate highly qualified workers to return home. Highlights for public administration, management and planning: • The departure of young people with a university degree abroad represents considerable not only economic but also social losses. • Temporary labour migration, however, can bring positive effects (experience, foreign know-how). German students declare interest in temporary labour migration, while Czech students prefer permanent migration. • The salary is an important motivational factor (for both Czech and German students), but it is not the main factor that influences the decision to move abroad. • Governments, as well as regional authorities, should pay attention to the reasons that lead qualified workers to decide for labour migration and to look closely at answers to why young people want to live in another country. • Temporary labour migration should be supported by both government and regional authorities. In contrast, conditions should be created to eliminate permanent labour migration.

It is commonly assumed that transnational activist networks have greater power to compel state and private sector actors to address rights-based grievances as networks grow and activists gain greater visibility in the mass media. However, evidence from case studies of transnational mobilization suggests that the opposite may hold true under given circumstances. This article examines the struggle for an independent union in the Tijuana-based Han Young welding facility, which in 1997 and 1998 became one of the most important tests to date of labor law and institutions across the U.S.-Mexico border. Drawing international press, the Han Young factory conflict eventually drew in national labor unions, a multinational corporation, state governments, the U.S. and Mexican congresses, powerful private-sector lobbies, Mexican district courts, labor secretariats, national and regional media in Mexico and the United States, and eventually then Mexican president Ernest Zedillo and then U.S. president Bill Clinton. Despite the prominence of the case, however, the Han Young struggle ended in almost total defeat for labor. Evidence from the Han Young case suggests that as conflicts become more complex and drawn out, transnational activists' real influence may decrease, as redress of particular demands requires increasingly complex and surgical interventions to resolve problems. When conflicts implicate internecine power struggles among government actors, solving problems requires confrontations not only over social demands, but also over implementation of agreements when they are reached.

The paper aims to study the impact of labor migration on the construction and other sectors of the Russian economy, where labor from Tajikistan and other CIS countries is widely used, considering the factor of the coronavirus pandemic. The methodological basis of the study was the analysis of statistical data. The authors apply general scientific and special research methods. The study highlights the strategic challenges and guidelines for the development of labor migration. The paper outlines differences and common features of attitudes towards labor migrants on the part of employers and government agencies, as well as some features of migrating human capital associated with the complexity and diversity of cultures, knowledge, skills, abilities, qualifications, experience and motivation. The authors conclude that the restoration of labor migration in conditions of mass vaccination and compliance with sanitary and epidemiological requirements would fully provide labor for the construction and other segments of the Russian economy, gain the necessary pace of development, and propose specific measures to optimize migration flows and rational use of labor migrants.

Combating child labour in Tanzania is a challenging endeavour especially in small-scale gold mining communities. Studies on child labour in Tanzania indicate that the government in partnership with international actors has undertaken several intervention actions to control and eliminate child labour in the country. Yet, child labour continues to be dominant in virtually all economic sectors including small-scale gold mining for reasons not sufficiently known. This research sets out to explore the challenges that face anti-child labour actors in their efforts to control and reduce child labour in Kahama district in Shinyanga region. The study uses a qualitative methodology in order to gain an in-depth insight of the context, cultural realities, community members’ views and experiences relating to child labour in small-scale gold mining communities. A sample size of 38 participants was drawn from among regional and district government officials, non-governmental organization (NGO) workers and community-based organization (CBO) activists responsible for combating child labour, small-scale gold miners, parents and children in Shinyanga region. Data was collected through in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and documents review. Findings revealed seven challenges facing anti-child labour actors in their efforts to combat child labour in small-scale gold mining communities all arising from within the household, local community and government contexts. The study recommends that the government, policy makers and other stakeholders should develop policy interventions that effectively address these challenges in order to eradicate child labour in small-scale gold mining communities in the country. Keywords: Child Labour, Small-Scale Gold Mining, Anti-Child Labour Actors, Challenges.

Abstract:This article seeks to understand why Kenyans have responded so enthusiastically to the recent push, by the government and NGOs, for voluntary labor within health and development projects and interventions. It argues that voluntary labor gains meaning and value in relation to broader economies of work and unemployment, to anxieties about identity, recognition, and belonging, and to aspirations for personal as well as national development. In the context of precarious economies and the contraction of formal employment opportunities, voluntary labor constitutes valued, if unpaid, work; it offers opportunities for those excluded from formal employment to gain a valued identity and a sense of social worth; and it makes volunteers visible to powerful institutions (state and nonstate) that hold the keys to personal growth, social recognition, and developmental futures. Voluntary labor is a site of struggles about identity, social value, and recognition, which the decline of twentieth-century trajectories of progress has made acute.

The history of the OSHA Hazard Communication Standard is presented, with the implications for the role of government in regulation of job health and safety. The gaining of the Right-to-Know about chemical exposure was a significant achievement for labor, although it took fifteen years to gain a national standard. Labor and community group coalitions, divisions between chemical producers and chemical users, economic forces, third-party law-suits, and the difficulties in NIOSH/OSHA obtaining chemical identities were all important factors in gaining a standard. Chemical producers shifted from an ideology of “everything is safe” to “everything is dangerous,” and finally had to mount a campaign to get the Reagan administration to issue a national standard as a way to pre-empt state and local laws. The case illustrates the relatively greater power of industry, but that workers were able to gain increased control over their work through organizing.

A refugee in Malaysia cannot work legally due to this nation has not acceded to the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol. This protracted circumstance has led the refugee community to work illegally. Analysis from literature found that the Rohingya refugees are not suitable to work in confined environment and less job mobility, which partly due to human capital constraints and some job mismatch issues. Future research is called to gain empirical data on understanding the readiness, challenges, and strategies to be implemented. The article is prominent in assisting the government in providing a clear stance on the role of Rohingya refugees in the Malaysian labor market. Keywords:Rohingya refugees; Employment; Labour Market; Readiness. eISSN: 2398-4287© 2020. The Authors. Published for AMER ABRA cE-Bs by e-International Publishing House, Ltd., UK. This is an open access article under the CC BYNC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer–review under responsibility of AMER (Association of Malaysian Environment-Behaviour Researchers), ABRA (Association of Behavioural Researchers on Asians) and cE-Bs (Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies), Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia. DOI: https://doi.org/10.21834/ebpj.v5i14.2099

Subject area Governance challenges in reverse value chain. Study level/applicability Women employment system in textile and clothing industry. Case overview The textile and clothing firms, often frustrated by frequent labor issues, used an innovative employment scheme – Sumangali scheme – to employ young female workers from poor families in rural areas, aged between 18 and 25 years, as apprentices for three years who would stay in dormitories located in the vicinity of the factories, draw low wages with minimum benefits. But the scheme was criticized by labor unions and Europe- and US-based non-governmental organization (NGOs) on the grounds of alleged violation of labor rights such as freedom of association, freedom of movement, exploitative working conditions, low wages with minimum or no benefits, long working hours and abusive supervisors. Their public campaign against the alleged employment practices has put tremendous pressure on the global buyers to take steps to ameliorate the situation. In the wake of campaign by NGOs, few buyers have even terminated the relationship with the manufacturers. Others have warned action against those erring manufacturers. The actions by global buyers, NGOs against some of the women employment practices raised several questions in the minds of manufacturers. They were wondering why US- and Europe-based NGOs were up in arms to dump an employment scheme unmindful of socio-economic realities in India? Is it a clever ploy that developed nations use some private, voluntary, corporate social responsibility norms to stop companies purchasing textile and clothing products from a developing country like India on the grounds of violation of labor rights? As per the International Labor Organization (ILO) Convention No. 81, it is the responsibility of central/state governments to inspect and monitor labor employment practices in an industry. Then why NGOs and other private groups volunteer to become watch dogs of labor practices and launch campaigns against mills? Would it not undermine the role of government in ensuring industrial harmony? Even if NGOs' actions are justified on the grounds of moral and ethical principles, what role should they play when it comes to management–worker relationship? In the Indian context, only the government can interfere if the relationship turns sour? Should NGOs need to use a different set of ethical standards which are more relevant and contextual to the socio-economic environment in India? Expected learning outcomes To understand evolution of apparel global value chain and workforce development challenges in India; to explore the link between consumer activism and corporate social responsibility; to explore the challenge of addressing issues such as alleged human rights violation and labor exploitation by independent suppliers located in India; to explore the challenges faced by global buyers in contextualizing, operationalizing and realizing certain human rights along the supply chain located in India; and to explore sustainability challenges of women employment in textile and clothing mills in India. Supplementary materials Teaching notes are available for educators only. Please contact your library to gain login details or email support@emeraldinsight.com to request teaching notes. Social implications Sustenance of women employment system in India's textile and clothing industry and its associated challenges.

The article investigates people's diplomacy of Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) from 1965 to1973, aiming to gain American and Western support and sympathy for the Vietnamese revolution. The resistance war against the US became more difficult and fiercer when the US government deployed more political and diplomatic activities to support its military campaigns in South Vietnam as well as negotiations at the Paris Conference. In addition, the Sino-Soviet split had been growing more tense, causing many difficulties for Vietnam’s anti-imperialist struggle. Therefore, the Labor Party of Vietnam and the Government of the DRV paid great attention to people’s diplomacy aiming to demonstrate Vietnam's position on American War, the legitimacy of the anti-American resistance war, thereby bringing popular pressure to bear on US government to sign the 1973 Paris Peace Accords and withdraw US military troops.

This thesis sets out to examine the capacity of new governments to influence partisan-based policy and legislation. It examines two newly elected Queensland governments - the Nicklin Country-Liberal government in 1957- 1961 and the Goss Labor government in 1989- 1990 and analyses the introduction by those governments of major industrial relations legislative reform. The Nicklin Coalition government was elected to the Queensland parliament in 1957 after the collapse of the Gair Labor government. The Coalition was committed to extensive industrial relations legislative reform but had not prepared for, or anticipated the constitutional, administrative and legal problems associated with such reform. Nor had it taken into account the concessions that would need to be made to the state's trade unions in order to effect its reforms. Consequently it was not until 1961 that it found the time was propitious for the introduction of its major legislative reforms and the restructuring of the state's principal industrial relations legislation. By contrast, in 1989 the Goss government elected as a consequence of the National Party's collapse in the face of the Fitzgerald Inquiry of 1987 had prepared itself for government. As a result it was able to take advantage of its newly elected status and the existence of the Hanger Report (1988) to introduce its legislative intentions quickly, in such a way that it did not alienate the business community. Preparation and circumstances therefore allowed Labor to repeal earlier legislation supported by business and introduce its own changes with little or no opposition. The thesis concludes that their political and economic inheritance and the existing policy environment will in varying degrees limit new governments. But their ability to introduce partisan-based legislative change quickly is also determined by the degree of preparation for the process of government, undertaken prior to their election. This thesis demonstrates that new governments can make a difference and effect changes to the industrial relations environment. However if this potential is to be realised and new governments are to take advantage of their newly elected status it will require a significant degree of administrative preparation or a considerable period of acclimatisation to the rigours of office.

This thesis sets out to examine the capacity of new governments to influence partisan-based policy and legislation. It examines two newly elected Queensland governments - the Nicklin Country-Liberal government in 1957- 1961 and the Goss Labor government in 1989- 1990 and analyses the introduction by those governments of major industrial relations legislative reform. The Nicklin Coalition government was elected to the Queensland parliament in 1957 after the collapse of the Gair Labor government. The Coalition was committed to extensive industrial relations legislative reform but had not prepared for, or anticipated the constitutional, administrative and legal problems associated with such reform. Nor had it taken into account the concessions that would need to be made to the state's trade unions in order to effect its reforms. Consequently it was not until 1961 that it found the time was propitious for the introduction of its major legislative reforms and the restructuring of the state's principal industrial relations legislation. By contrast, in 1989 the Goss government elected as a consequence of the National Party's collapse in the face of the Fitzgerald Inquiry of 1987 had prepared itself for government. As a result it was able to take advantage of its newly elected status and the existence of the Hanger Report (1988) to introduce its legislative intentions quickly, in such a way that it did not alienate the business community. Preparation and circumstances therefore allowed Labor to repeal earlier legislation supported by business and introduce its own changes with little or no opposition. The thesis concludes that their political and economic inheritance and the existing policy environment will in varying degrees limit new governments. But their ability to introduce partisan-based legislative change quickly is also determined by the degree of preparation for the process of government, undertaken prior to their election. This thesis demonstrates that new governments can make a difference and effect changes to the industrial relations environment. However if this potential is to be realised and new governments are to take advantage of their newly elected status it will require a significant degree of administrative preparation or a considerable period of acclimatisation to the rigours of office.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities
Arts, Education and Law
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This chapter examines how the Chicago Police Department figured in the native-born Protestant elite's attempt to control urban life in the city during the 1870s. In the 1870s, it became increasingly clear that the promise of “free labor” would not be met. Native-born Protestant urban elites across the country felt as if the cities were slipping into the grasp of immigrant workers and unemployed vagrants. This chapter describes the efforts of Chicago's traditional native-born, Protestant urban elite to enforce stricter temperance laws, regulate economic life, especially construction, and gain tighter control over the municipal government itself. It begins with a discussion of the responses of Chicago's business elite and politicians, the city government, and the police to the Great Chicago Fire of 1871 as well as to the fear of crime that gripped Chicago in the summer of 1872. It then considers the Committee of Seventy's attempts to control the police and their divided stance over temperance and concludes with an assessment of the power struggle in the Chicago Police Department that would continue through 1873.

Economy and mankind are inextricably interlinked. Just as the economy or the production of material wealth is unimaginable without a man, so human existence and development are impossible without the wealth created in the economy. Shortly, both the goal and the means of achieving and realization of the economy are still the human resources. People have long ago noticed that it was the economy that created livelihoods, and the delays in their production led to the catastrophic events such as hunger, poverty, civil wars, social upheavals, revolutions, moral degeneration, and more. Therefore, the special interest of people in understanding the regulatory framework of the functioning of the economy has existed and exists in all historical epochs [A. Sisvadze. Economic theory. Part One. 2006y. p. 22]. The system of economic disciplines studies economy or economic activities of a society. All of them are based on science, which is currently called economic theory in the post-socialist space (the science of economics, the principles of economics or modern economics), and in most countries of the world - predominantly in the Greek-Latin manner - economics. The title of the present book is also Modern Economics. Economics (economic theory) is the science that studies the efficient use of limited resources to produce and distribute goods and services in order to satisfy as much as possible the unlimited needs and demands of the society. More simply, economics is the science of choice and how society manages its limited resources. Moreover, it should be emphasized that economics (economic theory) studies only the distribution, exchange and consumption of the economic wealth (food, beverages, clothing, housing, machine tools, computers, services, etc.), the production of which is possible and limited. And the wealth that exists indefinitely: no economic relations are formed in the production and distribution of solar energy, air, and the like. This current book is the second complete updated edition of the challenges of the modern global economy in the context of the coronary crisis, taking into account some of the priority directions of the country's development. Its purpose is to help students and interested readers gain a thorough knowledge of economics and show them how this knowledge can be applied pragmatically (professionally) in professional activities or in everyday life. To achieve this goal, this textbook, which consists of two parts and tests, discusses in simple and clear language issues such as: the essence of economics as a science, reasons for origin, purpose, tasks, usefulness and functions; Basic principles, problems and peculiarities of economics in different economic systems; Needs and demand, the essence of economic resources, types and limitations; Interaction, mobility, interchangeability and efficient use of economic resources. The essence and types of wealth; The essence, types and models of the economic system; The interaction of households and firms in the market of resources and products; Market mechanism and its elements - demand, supply and price; Demand and supply elasticity; Production costs and the ways to reduce them; Forms of the market - perfect and incomplete competition markets and their peculiarities; Markets for Production Factors and factor incomes; The essence of macroeconomics, causes and importance of origin; The essence and calculation of key macroeconomic indicators (gross national product, gross domestic product, net national product, national income, etc.); Macroeconomic stability and instability, unemployment, inflation and anti-inflationary policies; State regulation of the economy and economic policy; Monetary and fiscal policy; Income and standard of living; Economic Growth; The Corona Pandemic as a Defect and Effect of Globalization; National Economic Problems and New Opportunities for Development in the conditions of the Coronary Crisis; The Socio-economic problems of moral obsolescence in digital technologies; Education and creativity are the main solution way to overcome the economic crisis caused by the coronavirus; Positive and negative effects of tourism in Georgia; Formation of the middle class as a contributing factor to the development of tourism in Georgia; Corporate culture in Georgian travel companies, etc. The axiomatic truth is that economics is the union of people in constant interaction. Given that the behavior of the economy reflects the behavior of the people who make up the economy, after clarifying the essence of the economy, we move on to the analysis of the four principles of individual decision-making. Furtermore, the book describes how people make independent decisions. The key to making an individual decision is that people have to choose from alternative options, that the value of any action is measured by the value of what must be given or what must be given up to get something, that the rational, smart people make decisions based on the comparison of the marginal costs and marginal returns (benefits), and that people behave accordingly to stimuli. Afterwards, the need for human interaction is then analyzed and substantiated. If a person is isolated, he will have to take care of his own food, clothes, shoes, his own house and so on. In the case of such a closed economy and universalization of labor, firstly, its productivity will be low and, secondly, it will be able to consume only what it produces. It is clear that human productivity will be higher and more profitable as a result of labor specialization and the opportunity to trade with others. Indeed, trade allows each person to specialize, to engage in the activities that are most successful, be it agriculture, sewing or construction, and to buy more diverse goods and services from others at a relatively lower price. The key to such human interactions is that trade is mutually beneficial; That markets are usually the good means of coordination between people and that the government can improve the results of market functioning if the market reveals weakness or the results of market functioning are not fair. Moroever, it also shows how the economy works as a whole. In particular, it is argued that productivity is a key determinant of living standards, that an increase in the money supply is a major source of inflation, and that one of the main impediments to avoiding inflation is the existence of an alternative between inflation and unemployment in the short term, that the inflation decrease causes the temporary decline in unemployement and vice versa. The Understanding creatively of all above mentioned issues, we think, will help the reader to develop market economy-appropriate thinking and rational economic-commercial-financial behaviors, to be more competitive in the domestic and international labor markets, and thus to ensure both their own prosperity and the functioning of the country's economy. How he/she copes with the tasks, it is up to the individual reader to decide. At the same time, we will receive all the smart useful advices with a sense of gratitude and will take it into account in the further work. We also would like to thank the editor and reviewers of the books. Finally, there are many things changing, so it is very important to realize that the XXI century has come: 1. The century of the new economy; 2. Age of Knowledge; 3. Age of Information and economic activities are changing in term of innovations. 1. Why is the 21st century the century of the new economy? Because for this period the economic resources, especially non-productive, non-recoverable ones (oil, natural gas, coal, etc.) are becoming increasingly limited. According to the World Energy Council, there are currently 43 years of gas and oil reserves left in the world (see “New Commersant 2007 # 2, p. 16). Under such conditions, sustainable growth of real gross domestic product (GDP) and maximum satisfaction of uncertain needs should be achieved not through the use of more land, labor and capital (extensification), but through more efficient use of available resources (intensification) or innovative economy. And economics, as it was said, is the science of finding the ways about the more effective usage of the limited resources. At the same time, with the sustainable growth and development of the economy, the present needs must be met in a way that does not deprive future generations of the opportunity to meet their needs; 2. Why is the 21st century the age of knowledge? Because in a modern economy, it is not land (natural resources), labor and capital that is crucial, but knowledge. Modern production, its factors and products are not time-consuming and capital-intensive, but science-intensive, knowledge-intensive. The good example of this is a Japanese enterprise (firm) where the production process is going on but people are almost invisible, also, the result of such production (Japanese product) is a miniature or a sample of how to get the maximum result at the lowest cost; 3. Why is the 21st century the age of information? Because the efficient functioning of the modern economy, the effective organization of the material and personal factors of production largely depend on the right governance decision. The right governance decision requires prompt and accurate information. Gone are the days when the main means of transport was a sailing ship, the main form of data processing was pencil and paper, and the main means of transmitting information was sending letters through a postman on horseback. By the modern transport infrastructure (highways, railways, ships, regular domestic and international flights, oil and gas pipelines, etc.), the movement of goods, services and labor resoucres has been significantly accelerated, while through the modern means of communication (mobile phone, internet, other) the information is spreading rapidly globally, which seems to have "shrunk" the world and made it a single large country. The Authors of the book: Ushangi Samadashvili, Doctor of Economic Sciences, Associate Professor of Ivane Javakhishvili Tbilisi State University - Introduction, Chapters - 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, 11,12, 15,16, 17.1,18 , Tests, Revaz Shengelia, Doctor of Economics, Professor of Georgian Technical University, Chapters_7, 8, 13. 14, 17.2, 17.4; Zhuzhuna Tsiklauri - Doctor of Economics, Professor of Georgian Technical University - Chapters 13.6, 13.7,17.2, 17.3, 18. We also thank the editor and reviewers of the book.

AbstractThrough the presentation and discussion of some data from the current legal–empirical research of our Collaborative Research Center (CRC) research project “Worlds of Labour”, it is shown that we are in the midst of a worldwide labour regulation development in transition from patriarchal to gender-egalitarian rules. Equal rights’ drivers in the gender field encompass actors representing states/international organisations (IOs) setting equalising rules and social actors raising voice for equal rights. To the latter belong, nationally and globally, workers and workers’ organisations and actors not directly involved as social partners, trying to intervene into employment affairs in order to trigger equality. Epistemic communities, transnational advocacy and norm-building networks, international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) and the like collaborate with norm-building states and IOs (“women caucuses”) propagating egalitarian rules. This multiplicity of example setters and emulators helped equality values gain momentum, worldwide.

A Corporatist Coalition characterizes Ecuador, as Labor and Industry are the dominant political actors, while Finance is marginalized. Interviews with representatives of these groups demonstrate that they have a strong preference against loans from multilateral organizations such as the World Bank and the IMF. Instead, both groups expect to gain material benefits with loans from the Chinese government. The qualitative evidence shows that Ecuadorian politicians know of these preferences among Labor and Industry. They are responsive to the demands of the Corporatist Coalition to increase the chances of their electoral success. Furthermore, interviews show that borrowing decisions are not a technocratic exercise, but rather the result of an explicitly political process that allows politicians to influence which creditor is used. As a result, the Ecuadorian government rejected loan offers by multilateral organizations and Western governments, and instead borrowed from China and Brazil.

This chapter examines the impact of Japan's precarious workers' movement on policymaking in Japan, highlighting three cases through which one can witness the effects of opposition mobilized by Japanese nonregular workers on policy outcomes. In each case, one witnesses political elites being forced to respond to successful mobilizations by precarious workers and organizations that have emerged to represent their interests. These mobilizations have served to attract public attention to the impact that neoliberal government policy has on precarious workers. When faced with criticism and opposition from the public, on each occasion governments were forced either to compromise on policy goals or proposals or to abolish or postpone policies to reduce criticism. While precarious workers were not always able to achieve all of their goals, collectively they have become an important actor that is able to gain concessions or raise significant obstacles to the implementation of neoliberal policy options so that their demands must be accommodated in some way.

Industrialization and urbanization during the nineteenth century brought workers physically together, where they could organize and petition through strikes and revolts for better wages, shorter working hours, limits to child labor, safer working conditions, education for their children, and most importantly, the franchise. Although inequality continued to increase, conditions for workers and their families began improving. Workers gained formal political power within government. Yet although workers acquired the vote and with it the potential for dramatically rewriting the rules of the game (because they held the overwhelming majority of votes), elites’ ideology was effective in convincing them to restrain their political muscle. Nevertheless, elites’ monopoly control over the political sphere had been broken. As a result, they could no longer as readily use violence to put down worker demands. Their retention of disproportionate shares of income, wealth, and privilege would depend more fully upon the persuasiveness of their ideology.

This chapter explores the question of who would control capital. Where was the UK's working class in all of this? Where was the new, and rising, Labour Party? Where were the old, but increasingly powerful, labor unions? With an eye to these consequences, social scientists might explain the Conservatives' reluctance to implement the Cunliffe Committee recommendations from a materialist standpoint. Perhaps the Conservatives and Liberals in government abandoned their principles and forsook their interests out of an ambition to gain the favor of working people. If it were so, it was mercurial. After all, the same man who authored these capital controls as a junior minister — Stanley Baldwin — did later remove them as prime minister. Moreover, such an explanation assumes that the working class deprecated the gold standard in 1920. But all of the available evidence shows precisely the opposite.

Chapter One examines Labour involvement in the wartime Coalition government and Ministerial access to and use of intelligence. It argues that the Second World War provided an important opportunity for future Ministers in the post-war government to gain knowledge and experience of handling and using intelligence. Within months of the coalition’s formation, Labour Ministers had access to the fruits of British codebreaking. Further, the chapter also suggests that this experience ended any lingering animosity that resulted from the Zinoviev Letter Affair. The chapter places particular emphasis on Attlee’s wartime experiences and provides examples of his use of intelligence and early views on it. It also looks at Labour involvement with the Special Operations Executive (SOE) and Party attempts to add an ideological facet to British special operations in Europe under Hugh Dalton, Minister of Economic Warfare until 1942. Beyond intelligence and special operations, Labour involvement with intelligence and security extended to the domestic front with Herbert Morrison, appointed Home Secretary in November 1940. Already a fierce opponent of British Communists, he received the product of MI5’s surveillance of the Communist Party of Great Britain and provided the Cabinet with information warning of Communist espionage.

Abstract This chapter reports research findings on the self-perceptions of senior staff from public service organizations with or without experience of national intervention provision as leaders who were government change agents, and any impacts of provision on their practice. Most informants implied that they had not been acculturated as government change agents, but they were acculturated towards compliance with performance expectations imposed by the Labour government’s accountability regime. They were formally co-opted as leaders who bounded their own scope for corporate agency to avoid incurring negative sanctions. A substantial minority of senior staff were motivated to participate in provision to gain credentials from the record of participation for their career advancement. An abductive explanation is advanced, centring on the mild subversion by senior staff of their acculturative co-optation as change agents for reforms and the acquisition of symbolic forms of capital as leaders through participation in provision, resulting in their restricted professionalization as leaders.

The Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) brought new players to an environment that subverts industrial logic of communication, visibility and representation. The issue of digital inclusion is still latent, especially in developing countries, such as Brazil. However, with initiatives that facilitate access to technological innovations and ever cheaper devices, possession, remixing and distribution of information are no longer exclusive to large companies or mass media vehicles. Anyone with network access and knowledge about certain topics can generate content for various parts of the world. In this context of constant change, the media professional is faced with new challenges and, in order to gain competitive advantage in the labor market or in the academic environment needs to more adequately understand the technological environment in which he/she is inserted, topics that are discussed under the prism of computational thinking and digital literacy concepts, possible foundations for new paths of his/her activities.

This chapter analyses Scotland and Wales, addressing developments in Scottish politics, the move to further reform of the devolution settlement in Wales in 2006 and the significance of the 2007 elections in both countries. It reconsiders the nature of the territorial strains in Scotland and Wales, the power politics of seeking to gain power and guide devolution in each country. It addresses the approaches of the devolved governments and the UK Labour government in each case to ensure they achieved what they wanted. The chapter explores the extent to which the neo-Bulpittian propositions hold in the practice of devolution. In Wales, there was an opportunity to ensure the constitutional process behind the 2006 Act was more successful in achieving support across the political class than had been the case with the Government of Wales Act 1998. In the second set of elections in 2007, the Scottish National Party (SNP) emerged to form a minority government in Scotland; in Wales, Labour's hold slipped and Plaid Cymru became a coalition partner. The chapter readdresses the sources of the 2007 emergence to power of those who Bulpitt would have called the genuine peripheral dissidents more in terms of an analysis of the effectiveness or not of political management after 1999. It also reassesses the significance of the 2007 election results in practice to local elite assimilation.

The dramatic nineteenth-century growth of the United States into a continental empire was justified by an ideology called “Manifest Destiny” which cast territorial expansionism as natural and preordained. In reality, America’s territorial growth from thirteen colonies in 1776, to an imperial power embracing colonies in the Pacific by 1900, was the result of ongoing violence against Indian people by both settlers and the US army and an aggressive war against the neighboring republic of Mexico. Speculation, population increase, and slave labor all encouraged the rapid settlement of western lands, and allowed the federal government to successfully gain hegemony over much of the continent in the face of competing claims.

Formation or implementation of high-quality labor is an actual problem of the world economy and always considered in the theory and practice. Labor quality is the realization of increased productivity and performance of the work and responsibilities, also it is known as the main factor of economic growth in economics. Since 1991, the importance of labor quality for development of national economy and macroeconomic stability in Kyrgyzstan is growing and becoming actual in globalization and integration process, financial, informational, scientific and technical cooperation, is requiring researching. This problem studied by academics O. Bogomolov, L. Kudryavtsev, G.Kolodko, T.Koychuev and others. In economics labor defines as a set of three groups of labor skills and abilities of individuals. This group of skills combines the biological, economic and social side of man. Development of labor quality is considered at three levels: low, medium and high quality. In all states, there are complex of integrated structures that seek efficiency in own activity. In the transition period for Kyrgyzstan it is necessary to solve social problems, improve living standards. It’s necessary to abide execution of laws by from the President to the citizen, establish the subordination of society to laws, improve moral of public servants, gain people's trust in government, form up the economic culture, to eliminate the shadow economy and corruption. Economic culture must become an integral part of national ideology.

In Australia, 6000 military personnel leave the military each year, of whom at least 30% become unemployed and 19% experience underemployment, figures five times higher than the national average (Australian Government 2020). Believed to be one of life's most intense transitions, veterans find it difficult to align their military skills and knowledge to the civilian labour market upon leaving military service (Cable, Cathcart and Almond 2021; AVEC 2020). // Providing authentic opportunities that allow veterans to gain meaningful employment upon (re)entering civilian life raises their capability to incorporate accrued military skills, knowledge, and expertise. Despite acknowledging that higher education is a valuable transition pathway, Australia has no permanently federally funded post-service higher education benefit supporting veterans to improve their civilian employment prospects. Since World War II, American GIs have accessed a higher education scholarship program (tuition fees, an annual book allowance, monthly housing stipend) (Defense 2019). A similar offering is available in Canada, the UK, and Israel. // We are proposing that the AVSP would be the first comprehensive, in-depth study investigating the ongoing academic success of Australia's modern veterans as they study higher and vocational education. It consists of four distinct components: // Scholarships: transitioning/separated veterans apply for one of four higher education scholarship options (under/postgraduate): 100% tuition fees waived // $750/fortnight living stipend for the degree duration // 50/50 tuition/living stipend // Industry-focused scholarships. // Research: LAS Consulting, Open Door, Flinders University, over seven years, will follow the scholarship recipients to identify which scholarship option is the most relevant/beneficial for Australian veterans. The analysis of the resultant quantitative and qualitative data will demonstrate that providing federal financial support to student veterans studying higher education options: Improves the psychosocial and economic outcomes for veterans // Reduces the need for financial and medical support of participants // Reduces the national unemployed and underemployed statistics for veterans // Provides a positive return of investment (ROI) to the funder // May increase Australian Defence Force (ADF) recruitment and retention rates // Career Construction: LAS Consulting will sit, listen, guide, and help build an emotional connection around purpose, identity, education and employment opportunities back into society. So, the veteran can move forward, crystalise a life worth living, and find their authentic self, which is led by their values in the civilian world. // Mentoring: Each participant receives a mentor throughout their academic journey.

In the mid-1980s, the impact of three decades of uranium processing near rural Fernald, Ohio, 18 miles northwest of Cincinnati, became the centre of national public controversy. When a series of incidents at the uranium foundry brought to light the years of contamination to the environment and surrounding farmland communities, local citizens’ groups united and demanded a role in determining the plans for cleaning up the site. One citizens’ group, Fernald Residents for Environmental Safety and Health (FRESH), formed in 1984 following reports that nearly 300 pounds of enriched uranium oxide had been released from a dust-collector system, and three off-property wells south of the site were contaminated with uranium. For 22 years, FRESH monitored activities at Fernald and participated in the decision-making process with management and regulators. The job of FRESH ended on 19 January this year when the U.S. Secretary of Energy Samuel Bodman and U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Stephen Johnson — flanked by local, state, and national elected officials, and citizen-led environmental watchdog groups including FRESH — officially declared the Fernald Site clean of all nuclear contamination and open to public access. It marked the end of a remarkable turnaround in public confidence and trust that had attracted critical reports from around the world: the Cincinnati Enquirer; U.S. national news programs 60 Minutes, 20/20, Nightline, and 48 Hours; worldwide media outlets from the British Broadcasting Company and Canadian Broadcasting Company; Japanese newspapers; and German reporters. When personnel from Fluor arrived in 1992, the management team thought it understood the issues and concerns of each stakeholder group, and was determined to implement the decommissioning scope of work aggressively, confident that stakeholders would agree with its plans. This approach resulted in strained relationships with opinion leaders during the early months of Fluor’s contract. To forge better relationships, the U.S. Department of Energy (DOE) who owns the site, and Fluor embarked on three new strategies based on engaging citizens and interested stakeholder groups in the decision-making process. The first strategy was opening communication channels with site leadership, technical staff, and regulators. This strategy combined a strong public-information program with two-way communications between management and the community, soliciting and encouraging stakeholder participation early in the decision-making process. Fluor’s public-participation strategy exceeded the “check-the-box” approach common within the nuclear-weapons complex, and set a national standard that stands alone today. The second stakeholder-engagement strategy sprang from mending fences with the regulators and the community. The approach for dispositioning low-level waste was a 25-year plan to ship it off the site. Working with stakeholders, DOE and Fluor were able to convince the community to accept a plan to safely store waste permanently on site, which would save 15 years of cleanup and millions of dollars in cost. The third strategy addressed the potentially long delays in finalizing remedial action plans due to formal public comment periods and State and Federal regulatory approvals. Working closely with the U.S. and Ohio Environmental Protection Agencies (EPA) and other stakeholders, DOE and Fluor were able to secure approvals of five Records of Decision on time – a first for the DOE complex. Developing open and honest relationships with union leaders, the workforce, regulators and community groups played a major role in DOE and Fluor cleaning up and closing the site. Using lessons learned at Fernald, DOE was able to resolve challenges at other sites, including worker transition, labour disputes, and damaged relationships with regulators and the community. It took significant time early in the project to convince the workforce that their future lay in cleanup, not in holding out hope for production to resume. It took more time to repair relationships with Ohio regulators and the local community. Developing these relationships over the years required constant, open communications between site decision makers and stakeholders to identify issues and to overcome potential barriers. Fluor’s open public-participation strategy resulted in stakeholder consensus of five remedial-action plans that directed Fernald cleanup. This strategy included establishing a public-participation program that emphasized a shared-decision making process and abandoned the government’s traditional, non-participatory “Decide, Announce, Defend” approach. Fernald’s program became a model within the DOE complex for effective public participation. Fluor led the formation of the first DOE site-specific advisory board dedicated to remediation and closure. The board was successful at building consensus on critical issues affecting long-term site remediation, such as cleanup levels, waste disposal and final land use. Fluor created innovative public outreach tools, such as “Cleanopoly,” based on the Monopoly game, to help illustrate complex concepts, including risk levels, remediation techniques, and associated costs. These innovative tools helped DOE and Fluor gain stakeholder consensus on all cleanup plans. To commemorate the outstanding commitment of Fernald stakeholders to this massive environmental-restoration project, Fluor donated $20,000 to build the Weapons to Wetlands Grove overlooking the former 136-acre production area. The grove contains 24 trees, each dedicated to “[a] leader(s) behind the Fernald cleanup.” Over the years, Fluor, through the Fluor Foundation, also invested in educational and humanitarian projects, contributing nearly $2 million to communities in southwestern Ohio, Kentucky and Indiana. Further, to help offset the economic impact of the site’s closing to the community, DOE and Fluor promoted economic development in the region by donating excess equipment and property to local schools and townships. This paper discusses the details of the public-involvement program — from inception through maturity — and presents some lessons learned that can be applied to other similar projects.

Despite the significant impact of the pandemic’s fourth wave, Vietnam’s overall strategy was seen as well planned with one of the lowest infection rates globally in 2020–2021. In June 2019, an estimated 540,000 Vietnamese migrant workers were recorded working legally in 40 countries and territories, making Vietnam a major labour exporter and one of the top ten countries to receive international remittances. Our research shows how Vietnam’s Covid-19 policy response has influenced Vietnamese migrant workers and counter-trafficking work, particularly in border areas. The research discussed four main findings. Firstly, border closures left many overseas migrant workers vulnerable and led them to rely on people smugglers. Secondly, the suspension of commercial international flights and a lack of transparency and favouritism in allocating seats on repatriation flights left many stranded. Thirdly, the national pandemic response plan suffered from limitations. Lastly, Covid-19 policies have led to new trafficking trends and challenges. Based on this evidence, the research suggests that digitalising and modernising social services could strengthen the inclusion of vulnerable groups, simplify the administrative and management process, save costs, and reduce corruption. Participation of vulnerable groups, especially ethnic minorities and overseas migrant workers, including fishers, should be ensured in national policy design and local implementation. Additionally, improving transparency and accountability of support systems could help gain citizens’ trust in the government, which would be beneficial for future crisis responses.

COVID-19 was declared a pandemic by the World Health Organization in March 2020. The speed with which the pandemic spread geographically, and the high rate of mortality of its victims prompted many countries around the world to institute ‘lockdowns’ of various sorts to contain it. While the global concern in the early months following the emergence of COVID-19 was with health impacts, the ‘lockdown’ measures put in place by governments triggered global socioeconomic shocks as economies entered recessions due to disruption of economic activity that the ‘lockdown’ measures entailed. Data suggests that the socioeconomic shocks arising from ‘lockdowns’ have been more severe in sub-Saharan Africa countries, generating dire livelihood consequences for most citizens who depend on the informal economy for survival. In Zambia, the effects of COVID-19 combined with a severe drought, and a decline in mining activity to contribute to a downward spiral in Zambia’s economy. This report aims to gain real-time insights into how the COVID-19 crisis was unfolding in Zambia and how rural people and food and livelihood systems were responding. The study focused on documenting and understanding the differential impacts of the pandemic at the household level in terms of changes in participation in farming activities, availability of services for agricultural production, labour and employment, marketing and transport services, food and nutrition security and poverty and wellbeing.