Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „French School Crisis”

PurposeIn March 2020, with only two working days’notice the French national education system went online due to the coronavirus pandemic. This study explores the relationship between the move to distance learning, the teaching practices employed and the socio-economic context of the learners in French schools during this period. We ask how far the changes in teaching practices during the coronavirus crisis were influenced by the social context of teaching. And to what extent this context influenced the focus of the pedagogical continuity those teachers set up.Design/methodology/approachA review of the literature situates the study within the field of mathematics teaching practices. The study was carried out through a multidimensional analysis using multiple correspondences of the responses of 368 French secondary school mathematics teachers to an online questionnaire.FindingsWe found that the unprepared move to distance learning impeded the employment of dialogic practices. The socio-economic situation of the teaching was identified as a determining factor in the teachers' different interpretations of the term pedagogical continuity. Whilst those working in more deprived areas tended towards practices which focused on maintaining pupils' links with school, consolidation of knowledge and providing social/affective support, those teaching a more privileged public favoured tools and practices which allowed them to focus on the disciplinary content of their teaching.Practical implicationsThe challenge of maintaining dialogic activities – teacher education to combat inequalities.Originality/valueA quantitative study of mathematics teachers providing pedagogical continuity through distance learning for the duration of the crisis.

The ongoing financial crisis has attracted economists’ attention to the problem of explaining its nature and offering ways of overcoming it. French regulationism is analyzed in the article as a school of economic thought developing its own approach to the institutional analysis of systemic qualities of the world economy. The article considers French regulationists’ views on the contemporary tendencies in the development of financial sector, on the changes in its role in the global institutional system of a modern society. It is shown how evolution of pension funds has led to prevalence of logic of the financial market in the global economic system, which resulted in the inevitability of the financial crisis.

The functioning of many education systems around the world was disrupted during the Covid-19 crisis. Even the idyllic atolls of French Polynesia – although far from the main centers of contagion – have not been spared, so the school and families were induced to adapt and to find new strategies of collaboration. This paper is based on the study of 19 families living in Tahiti, and it analyse the discourses of Polynesian parents charged with new responsibilities associated with school support during the crisis. The results obtained reveal that attitudes linked with such new tasks are closely correlated with the socio-economic status, and that the educational style of parents, during confinement, favoured directive and empowering traits. Finally, the study shows that Polynesian parents maintained a conflicting relationship with pedagogical continuity, confirming an overall trend, observed in other postcolonial contexts.

Abstract In Quebec, as elsewhere in Canada, the depression of the 1930s highlighted the inadequacies of existing welfare arrangements and ultimately compelled a shift towards greater state intervention and rationalization of philanthropy. Historians have so far devoted little attention to the situation of children and the evolution of child welfare services during this crucial period. This paper seeks to examine the effects of the depression on the origins, the nature and the impact of aid policies in a particular urban school system. The analysis centres on the Montreal Catholic School Commis- sion (MCSC), the largest of Quebec's local public school boards, during the period 1929 to 1940. In 1930, the Commission s primary and secondary schools boasted an enrolment of nearly one hundred thousand students. These mainly French-speaking children of working-class origin were particularly hard hit by the economic crisis. The author argues that the severe physical want experienced by schoolchildren in the depression years constituted a formidable obstacle to regular school attendance and to learning. Faced with this situation, MCSC officials were obliged to abandon a conception enshrining education, health and welfare as separate categories. The economic crisis thus compelled the commission to assume an enlarged, systematized and diversified role in student welfare. School authorities rationalized and expanded the long-standing policy of free schooling for indigents and, in 1934, created a social service agency to provide free milk and clothing to needy children. To this end, they allied a continuing reliance on private charity with the adoption of modern social work practices. However, lacking sufficient funding, MCSC assistance programmes proved hopelessly unequal to the enormous student need. The MCSC s depression-era ini- tiatives were, despite their inadequacies, developments of long-term significance, providing the springboard for social work's entry into the school system.

Since the reunification of the two Cameroons in 1961, successive modes of application of official bilingualism have been adopted geared toward empowering every child leaving school with communication competencies in English and French. Despite the noble intentions, the pedagogic implications of the implementation remain uncertain. With the current Anglophone crisis, the much talked about ‘living together’ is threatened by a linguistic divide which, undeniably, has a huge toll on the cultural heritage of the two linguistic communities in the country. One wonders why after more than half a century; official bilingualism is not yet a living reality among school leavers. In teacher training institutions responsible for laying the foundation for the achievement of the policy, language curriculum still leaves much to be desired. This research investigates teacher preparation as a crucial link in implementing the official bilingualism policy in Anglophone primary schools. It focuses on language curriculum as the basis for teacher training to establish its adequacy in the achievement of official bilingualism. The paper examines official bilingualism in the professional preparation of teachers in some public, confessional and lay private teacher training institutions in the Buea municipality of the South West Region of Cameroon. The findings reveal that, though most teachers have a good working experience of over 10 years, their deficient bilingualism levels do not reflect effectiveness in bilingualism teaching. They cannot plan, implement and evaluate French and bilingualism training lessons. They lack exposure in terms of content knowledge and pedagogic skills and have limited time allocation for bilingual training. Finally, teachers do not master the French language subject matter they are expected to teach.

Abstract During his address to the US Congress in 2015, Pope Francis lifted up the Trappist monk and famed spiritual writer Thomas Merton as one of four “great” Americans who “offer us a way of seeing and interpreting reality” that is life-giving and brings hope. Drawing from Merton and gesturing to Pope Francis’s 2015 encyclical Laudato Si’, the author explores the epistemological roots of the environmental crisis, arguing that while intellectual conversion to the crisis is crucial, Merton’s witness suggests a deeper kind of transformation is required. Reading Merton schools the imagination in the way of wisdom, or sapientia, a contemplative disposition that senses its kinship with Earth through the eyes of the heart, illuminating what Pope Francis has called “an integral ecology.” The author considers the impact of two major influences on Merton’s thought: the Russian Wisdom school of theology, or sophiology, and French theologian Jacques Ellul, whose 1964 book “The Technological Society” raises prescient questions about the role of technology in education and spiritual formation. Arguing that our present crisis is both technological and spiritual, epistemological and metaphysical, the author foregrounds Merton’s contributions to a sapiential theology and theopoetics while asking how the sciences and humanities might work together more intentionally toward the transformation of the personal and collective human heart.

This article explores the representations of French diplomats and military chiefs on the methods of ensuring security of Mediterranean communications against the background of unfolding Austrian crisis in the spring of 1938. Although national and foreign researchers discusses the existence of a threat to French communications in the Mediterranean, Paris’ position on this problem alongside the change of its approach, have not previously become the subject of separate research. The author attempts to elucidate why Paris resorted to the questions of military cooperation with London in the Mediterranean Region precisely in the spring of 1938. The author relied on the achievements of the realist school of the theory of international relations in defining the concept of security. The conclusion is formulated that consolidation of Italy and Germany in the strategically important areas of the region – Spanish Morocco and Balearic Islands, which took place during the Spanish War, posed a serious threat to French communications in the Mediterranean. French military officers believed that particular danger to Paris’ positions in the region came from Italy. In the course of escalation of the Austrian crisis, the stance of Paris on the defense of communications varied. If in February 1938, the French military chiefs were assumed that security of communications could be ensured by signing an agreement,  after the Anschluss they considered conducting military operations in the Mediterranean Region in the instance of the beginning of war. Paris was concerned about consolidation of “axis” powers in the region, and a year ahead of London raised the question on conducting combat operations in the Mediterranean. However, without the support of Great Britain, France was incapable of achieving full protection of its Mediterranean interests.

Murder in October 2020 of a French teacher Samuel Pati, who showed anti-Islamic caricatures to schoolchildren, was again forced to talk about the crisis of national and religious identity in France, and the focus was on secondary school teachers who were forced to defend the principle of secularism of education in conditions of regular contesting of school curricula by students, the absence of students in lessons during religious holidays, permanent requirements for the permission of a special menu in school canteens for religious schoolchildren, refusal of Muslim girls from physical education and so on. The article analyzes the trends characteristic of modern French secondary schools and associated with the aggravation of ethnic and confessional tensions in the Fifth Republic and the growth of religious radicalism among young people. Particular attention is paid to the results of the latest study on the situation of teachers conducted by the Jean Jaures Foundation, one of the most authoritative humanitarian organizations in France, which really influences the views of the intellectual and university community of the country. The results obtained during the research of the Jean Jaures Foundation show that the problem of the growth of religious radicalism among young people has not been local for a long time, is not concentrated in the so-called "difficult" suburbs of large cities and has spread throughout the country. Moreover, she no longer has an age accent. Not only high school teachers, but also those working in primary and even preschool education talk about manifestations of religious intolerance by students during classes. In general, 80% of teachers from different regions of France have faced similar problems in their careers. The results obtained by the Jean Jaures Foundation are compared in the article with previous studies of this kind, which allows us to draw conclusions about the degradation of the situation. Убийство в октябре 2020 г. французского учителя Самюэля Пати, демонстрировавшего школьникам карикатуры антиисламского характера, снова заставило говорить о кризисе национальной и религиозной идентичности во Франции, причем в центре внимания оказались учителя средней школы, вынужденные отстаивать принцип светскости образования в условиях регулярного оспаривания учащимися школьных программ, отсутствия учеников на уроках в период религиозных праздников, перманентных требований по разрешению специального меню в школьных столовых для верующих школьников, отказа девушек мусульманского вероисповедания от занятий физкультурой и так далее. В статье анализируются тенденции, характерные для современной французской средней школы и связанные с обострением этноконфессиональной напряженности в Пятой республике и ростом религиозного радикализма среди молодежи. Особое внимание уделяется результатам последнего исследования о положении учителей, проведенном Фондом Жана Жореса, одной из самых авторитетных гуманитарных организаций во Франции, действительно оказывающей влияние на взгляды интеллектуального и университетского сообщества страны. Полученные в ходе исследования Фонда Жана Жореса результаты показывают, что проблема роста религиозного радикализма среди молодежи уже давно не является локальной, не концентрируется в так называемых «трудных» пригородах крупных городов и получила свое распространение по всей территории страны. Более того, она уже не имеет и возрастного акцента. Учителя не только старших классов, но и работающие в начальном и даже дошкольном образовании рассказывают о проявлениях религиозной нетерпимости учащимися во время занятий. В целом же 80 % учителей из разных регионов Франции сталкивались в своей карьере с подобными проблемами. Полученные Фондом Жана Жореса результаты сравниваются в статье с предыдущими исследованиями подобного рода, что позволяет сделать выводы о деградации ситуации.

The article is dedicated to analysis of the activities and resolutions of the Second Vatican Council Vatican of the Roman Catholic Church in the historical context of the 1960s and its presentation in the studies of the French authors. The attention paid to the opinion of the French intellectual community representatives concerning issues from the Council agenda is justified: the Catholicism in France searched a lot for the resolution of an institutional crisis, originated in the changed role of religion in the citizens life, so the restart of the relations between Church and society declared at the Council became a base for further activities. Moreover, a significant impact on the Second Vatican Council concepts was made by the ideas of the «new theology» school where the core was formed by a group of French theologians.The article shows that the Second Vatican Council and its resolutions was highly appreciated by the French authors, and that their interest towards it touched a lot of different aspects of the discussions led at the Council: social, political, cultural and theological spheres. The authors of the articles and comments discovered the particularities of key idea of the Council: creation and development of the dialogue between Church and society in the actual political conditions. French authors during many decades studied more and more aspects of the Council documents and resolutions, and it is a proof of the importance of the realized meeting for the Catholic community.

AbstractThe terms ‘platform economy’ or ‘sharing economy’ have become widespread with the development of digital platforms like Uber. This economy is transforming capitalism and raising important questions about its nature. Is it a new process of embeddedness or is it the next step for deregulation following the crisis of the financialised regime of accumulation (RA)? Is it a possible new Growth Regime? Using the approach of the French Régulation school of thought, we describe the nature and transformations of the form of competition inherent in platforms. Although this may favour some forms of re-embeddedness, we show that it will accelerate some of the trends and characteristics of the institutional forms of the financialised RA and that it is an endogenous product of its crisis. This raises further questions and uncertainties related to the ability of platforms to generate stable long run growth due to the dysfunctionality of the mode of régulation and the conflicts it could generate.

Recruitment and Training of Judges : A Question of Legitimacy. The French model for recruiting judges to the judicial system, based on competition and professional education, is undeniably democratic in nature. It is currently going through a very deep crisis which affects the very identity of these magistrates as the judges see their roles becoming more vigorous, as greater emphasis is placed on law, and their way of implementing these laws is brought into line with new demands. From now on, training given in National School for Magistrates (École nationale de la magistrature) will endeavor to combine the quest for a high level technical qualification with a greater openness to the economic and social environment.

It is no secret, unhappily, that the study of theatre in the colleges and universities of this country is a discipline under siege, but the severity of the problems received strong confirmation in New York State this fall when two of the most distinguished and long-established (over a century in both cases) programs in the country were, with little warning, faced with draconian cuts or outright extinction. The fact that one, the state University of Albany, was the flagship school of the public system, and the other, Cornell University, was one of the state's most distinguished private institutions, suggests the scope and impact of these actions. At Albany, four other programs are being terminated along with theatre—Classics, Russian, Spanish, and French—while at Cornell the extent of the severe cuts imposed on the theatre program—almost a quarter of the total budget of the department (which also shelters dance and film)—are being suffered by no other program in the university. The prominence of these two schools in a state that has long claimed a central position in American theatre makes them particularly significant symbolically of a discipline in crisis, and this has impelled me to engage in serious and sometimes painful reflections on that discipline, the basis of the present essay.

In spite of apparent acceptance by the Imperial government of Durham's recommendation for accelerating the inevitable assimilation of the French culture into its Anglo-Saxon environment, French Canadians nevertheless enjoyed a fair amount of de facto self-government during the years which preceded Confederation. A proof of this is their ability to consolidate during that period the ecclesiastical establishment which was to constitute the core of their social structure for the next century and their success in putting the French language more or less on the same footing as the English language by the repeal of article XLI of the Union Act. Quebeckers were even successful in effecting the codification of their civil laws. All of this however required the active cooperation of the English members of the provincial legislature. A real measure of self-determination was attained by the French as a result of Confederation which gave each province including Quebec exclusive jurisdiction in certain matters. In theory, this new freedom was to be exercised within fairly narrow limits, in view of the federal power to disallow provincial statutes, of the extensive list of federal powers which had priority over a smaller list of provincial powers, and of the federal residual power, not to mention the « general » authority of the federal Parliament. As it turned out, the provinces and therefore Quebeckers enjoyed much more freedom than had been anticipated, as a result of the Privy Council's interpretation of the constitution, a development which to some extent was predictable. The increase in provincial freedom was also due to the political pressure exercised by the provinces themselves. Surprisingly enough, Quebec did not join the « provincial league » at an early hour, Ontario being at first the main defender of provincial autonomy. Quebec's espousal of the provincial cause had to await the removal from power of the Conservatives in the province. The Liberals who took over had voted against Confederation which they regarded as unduly centralized. This in itself would have made them an ally of Ontario. But there was more than that to it. The Quebec Liberals had opposed the 1867 federation from the start (and refused to participate in the 1864 coalition) because they considered that Quebec's freedom might become unduly restrained in a system where she would be faced with numerous partners or provinces, all Anglo-Saxon, instead of having to face an English majority limited to Ontario. It so happened that the Liberals came to power on a wave of profound and widespread dissatisfaction among the French, precisely because of a perceived restriction of their freedoms during the Riel crisis. Hence, the eager look of the people of Quebec towards their own capital as a source of protection against federal encroachment to what they regarded as their legitimate rights. This feeling was reinforced regularly for a period of fifty years as a result first of the Manitoba school question, then the Alberta and Saskatchewan school question, the Keewatin school problem and last but by no means least the Ontario school crisis which this time concerned French schools only. On top of that, came the 1917 conscription to which can be traced the origin of the « modern » separatist movement. During most of that time, the Liberals were in power (1897-1936) and it is no wonder that Quebec gradually became the ever present champion of provincial rights. When Duplessis defeated the Liberals, the trend was so well established that it transcended party lines. Later, the pressure exercised gradually by the separatist movement and the increasing desire of Quebeckers to have more freedom and be masters in their own house led to the Quiet Revolution whose leaders finally asked for a special status. If polls are any indication, it is towards this last approach that a majority of Quebeckers are looking to solve the constitutional question. On the other hand, the right of peoples to self-determination has acquired a wide measure of international recognition since Durham's report which is a far cry from Professor Brossard's recent « report » on the subject as it applies to Quebec, written under the aegis of the Centre de recherche en Droit public of the law faculty of the Université de Montréal. As things now stand, the next step in the determination of Quebec's right to self-government is in the hands of Quebeckers at the forthcoming referendum.

Background: Insufficient levels of physical activity and increasing sedentary time among children and youth are being observed internationally. The purpose of this paper is to summarize findings from France’s 2018 Report Card on physical activity for children and youth, and to make comparisons with its 2016 predecessor and with the Report Cards of other countries engaged in the Global Matrix 3.0. Methods: The France’s 2018 Report Card was developed following the standardized methodology established for the Global Matrix 3.0 by grading 10 common physical activity indicators using best available data. Grades were informed by national surveys, peer-reviewed literature, government and nongovernment reports, and online information. Results: The expert panel awarded the following grades: overall physical activity, D; organized sport participation and physical activity, C−; active play, INC; active transportation, C−; sedentary behaviors, D−; physical fitness, B–; family and peers, INC; school, B; community and the built environment, INC; and government, C. Conclusions: Very concerning levels of physical activity and sedentary behaviors among French children and youth were observed, highlighting the urgent need for well-designed national actions addressing the presented physical inactivity crisis. The top 3 strategies that should be implemented in priority to improve the lifestyle of French children and youth are provided.

Alcohol and tobacco use is a major health problem and one of the first causes of the burden of disease and mortality. School-based alcohol and tobacco use prevention programmes that have demonstrated efficacy are most often based on psychosocial skill development, individuals’ experiential learning strategies, and community resources. Furthermore, early and prolonged interventions have been recommended. Primavera is a pluri-annual, generic, multimodal, experiential-oriented prevention program. It runs over a three-year period from the last year of primary school to the second year of secondary school. This randomized controlled cluster study aimed at assessing the effects of the Primavera programme compared to a control prevention intervention among schoolchildren from 10 to 12 years in eight secondary schools in a particular French geographical area. The primary outcomes were lifetime tobacco use and past-month alcohol use. Data were collected at baseline and over three follow-up time points. In all, 287 and 266 questionnaires, respectively, were collected at baseline from the Primavera group and from the control group. Attrition was 45% and 41%, respectively. The SARS-COV2 pandemic crisis made it impossible for questionnaires to be collected during the final year. After adjustment, children from the Primavera group were less likely to report current alcohol use at the end of the first year (odds ratio = 0.39, 95% CI: 0.18–0.78) and past-month alcohol use at the end of the second year (odds ratio = 0.07, 95% CI: 0.01–0.66) compared to those from the control group. The results for psychosocial skills and alcohol and tobacco use denormalization were contrasted. Primavera is shown to be effective in reducing alcohol use among schoolchildren.

Abstract This essay examines the portrait work of the Austrian-American photographer Lisette Model, with a special focus on her representation of the American lumpenproletariat in the Reflections series, Model's first after coming to New York in 1938 as an Austrian-French Jewish émigré, and in her Bowery portrait series. Within the history of American postwar photography, Model stands as a salient figure, a pioneer who located and defined the issues, options, and contradictions of photography as an artistic practice in the “New York School of photography.” Model's rendering of her subjects as eccentric, fantastic, and spectacular in their expressions and emotions propelled the émigré photographer with meager experience into a central position in the making of mid-century American photography, both social-documentary and commercial. Moving beyond the localized context of postwar American photography in which Model's work has been largely investigated, this essay argues for an understanding of Model's New York portraits as being shaped and informed by the photographer's consideration of the crisis of history and the violence enacted by fascism in Europe, as well as the historical condition of exile. One of the essay's claims is that Model revitalized a kind of pleasurable violence, one that enacts a sense of excessive bodily dynamism, often to the point of self-destruction, on the bodies of the American lumpenproletariat at leisure, in order both to come to terms with the role of the lumpenproletariat as the central subject of fascist politics and aesthetics in the Old World and to put pressure on the conditions of the mass subject and mass politics in the New World.

In this paper we attempt to provide a conceptual framework which can help inform our analysis and understanding of current transformations taking place within the welfare state. We argue that the French school of regulationist literature, though able to provide a broad frame of reference for analysing contemporary shifts in economy and society, needs to be supplemented by an analysis which focuses on the racialised and gendered character of the welfare state. In the paper the ways in which the ‘universal’ welfare state has operated to exclude minorities and marginalised groups are charted, and we argue that in practice the Fordist mode of social regulation (MSR) operating in Britain generated a hierarchy of oppression. This hierarchy was constituted through the relations of class, race, and gender, and we show how these are currently being redefined as the British state seeks to mediate the crisis tendencies inherent in the Fordist MSR.

• Resumen: En este artículo se intenta presentar el pensamiento clásico de la teoría de la Escuela francesa de la Regulación. Se tratará de mostrar cómo las tesis originales de la CEPAL sobre el subdesarrollo latinoamericano nos remiten implícita, aunque parcialmente, a la ,problemática del desarrollo capitalista, analizado en términos de régimen de acumulación y modo de regulación y los cambios que se producen después de la crisis de 1929. Este acercamiento de ambas teorías heterodoxas permiten obtener algunos resultados sobre los alcances y límites del pensamiento estructuralista en relación con nuevos enfoques que intentan también dar cuenta de la problemática del desarrollo. • Abstract: This article tries to present the classical CEPAL economic thought, concerning development, in the light of the theoretical ideas of the French Regulation School. It attempts to show how the original CEPAL thesis about latin american undervelopment implicity (and partially) takes us back to the capitalist development problem, analyzed in terms of the accumulation regime and type of regulation and the changes that took place after the 1929 crisis. The approaching of the two heterodox theories will alIow us to obtain certain results about the scope and limits of structuralist thought in relationship with new lines of thought that also try lo take into account the development problem.

This study explores teachers’ discourses on Telegram during the strike launched by the movement “Enough is enough” or “On a Trop Supporté” in its French version. Secondary school teachers have been subject to the state’s manipulations and procrastinations since 2000. Some of the government announcements bearing expressions such as “On the high instructions from the Head of State”, “we will gradually solve the problems of teachers”, “ teachers are the best paid civil servants in Cameroon” just to postpone what they would have done before. Since then, the state kept feeding them with promises that are hardly fulfilled. As a matter of fact, the state continued to give them empty promises about their salary and special status. The issue resulted in the strike which began on February 21st, 2022 and is still going on. This study aims at investigating the linguistic power of some expressions used by the government in order to keep teachers in their poor working conditions. In addition, it investigates the teachers’ reactions towards the government dishonesty. Fairclough (1992, 1993, and 1995) CDA model helped in the process of data analysis. Data for this study is made up of 150 Telegram messages collected from secondary school teachers nationwide. Analysis unveiled that the government’s messages leaned on the slovenliness of English language to dodge the teachers’ requests.

Abstract As a Chinese-medium educational institution, Chung Ling High School (CLHS) in Penang enjoyed an illustrious reputation in the Malayan era. During the fall of Penang in World War II, the deaths of eight teachers and forty-six students from CLHS marked a painful episode in the history of Penang's intellectual community, manifested in their sense of trauma and reflections on the crisis of Chinese education. After CLHS was reopened during the postwar period, the school set up a committee to commemorate the sacrifices of its teachers and students through memorial services, erection of a monument, and publication of tribute books. Applying the theories of French historian Pierre Nora, this article discusses how the ensuing les lieux de mémoire (sites of memory) formed through the sacrifices of CLHS teachers and students, inscribing the plight of literary lineage and cultural severance, which in turn takes on the role of reviving and perpetuating the ethnic Chinese spirit. In this sense, the sacrifices of the CLHS teachers and students as “sites of memory” have become a part of the ethnic community's collective memory. When we examine how war memory texts are constructed, the CLHS tragedy embeds the connections between Chinese education and the ethnic sentiments of the Chinese community during the Japanese occupation.

In France, recent curriculum reforms have signalled the cull of Latin and Greek from the secondary school curriculum – a teacher who criticised the reforms was censured; his blog disappeared. Belgium – because of the strength of its Catholic education long a beacon for Classical education – is witnessing schools dropping ancient languages in favour of STEM subjects at an alarming rate, driven similarly by the government agenda. As I am writing this article, I notice an online piece on the deteriorating situation in Malta, too. Throughout Europe, the financial crisis is spurring on governments and schools to intensify their push for STEM subjects – hailed as an instant fix for the faltering global economy – while vilifying less immediately practical subjects. A conversation with a French colleague who was lamenting the oppressing regime made me realise how well the UK is doing in comparison with other countries in Europe. Numbers of (state) secondary schools offering Latin are increasing, and thanks to the Department for Education, primary schools can offer Latin and Greek at Key Stage 2. Of course we should not delude ourselves: the number of secondary schools offering Latin is still low, the teaching of Greek is particularly disheartening, and only about 2% of all primary schools so far have opted to teach Latin and none (to my knowledge) have chosen Greek. Nevertheless, in comparison to the rest of Europe, a government which (whatever else one may think of it) supports the teaching of Classical languages, a growing number of hubs which see all levels of education collaborating creatively, and flourishing outreach organisations which offer financial and logistical support, give the UK at least some cause for optimism.

In recent years the Regulation School has shown its merits in the analysis of the regional and urban geography of economic restructuring under contemporary capitalism. This restructuring has left many industrial regions in the midst of a profound socioeconomic crisis. At the same time, new territorial production complexes accomplish or promise economic prosperity in certain regions or subregions. In this way, new spatial networks of economic and social agency are shaped, and movements toward spatial concentration or deconcentration of economic activities, accompanied by particular forms of industrial relations, are promoted. The intention in this paper is to focus on the determinants of the socioeconomic and spatial processes at work in the construction and dissolution of regimes of accumulation and their corresponding modes of regulation as they characterize historical epochs in long-term economic development. More precisely, the intention is to explore the sociospatial dynamics of technological change and innovation during the transition from Fordist to flexible (or post-Fordist) accumulation and regulation. In the first part of the paper, the ‘regulation approach’ (the approach used by the French Regulation School) is proposed as a theoretical–methodological scheme for the analysis of concrete changes in spatial organization during a given historical epoch. In the second part, this approach is illustrated in terms of the current global (rc)organization of capitalist production in social space. In the third part new directions are proposed in which the regulation approach might be further explored.

The situation induced by the Covid-19 health crisis has urged the pedagogical actors in education and training into an emergency mode of distance education. Previous research conducted during this period of health crisis, showed a major focus on the experience of distance teaching and assessment in both school and university contexts. Nevertheless, research in the context of pre-service as well as in-service teacher training is very scarce. In this regard, it seems appropriate to focus more on distance teacher training and distance assessment within the Regional Centers for Education and Training Professions, in French “Centres Régionaux des Métiers de l’Education et de la Formation (CRMEF)”. To achieve this purpose, a survey was conducted at the end of the pandemic containment period. The survey consisted of two questionnaires. The first one was administered to 20 teacher trainers of different specialties. The second one was addressed to 46 teacher trainees of the 2020 cohort. Analysis of results revealed that all the participant teacher trainers interviewed offered teacher training and conducted assessment from distance, using different instruments and modalities. However, the evaluations carried out at a distance were, in the majority of cases, formative evaluations with a rate of 93%. The respondents also reported that the main objective of these evaluations was to support and regulate the learning of future teachers. The study also recommends the promotion of distance teacher training and distance assessment procedures, as well as, the construction of valid and reliable digital equipments and adaptive e-learning platforms.

The emancipatory potential of the 1960s had a particular resonance in Swiss education in the French-speaking part of the country. Teachers, parents and unionists, all advocating Freinet pedagogy, demanded that the demonised public education be reformed. Retracing the main steps of their successes and setbacks in the sector of Geneva public education, this article enquires into the rhetorical strategies and tactical alliances the reformists mobilised in order to promote «schools open to life», respectful of the natural longing to learn thanks to educational streams in primary schools dedicated to their cause (the «Freinet chimneys» implemented for a while at the turn of the 1980s). Inputs address the way the leaders of the reform historicised their initiatives so as to establish rightful filiation, calling upon some major figures whilst neglecting others. The scientific approval of Jean Piaget and Élise Freinet, as well as part of the left-wing party in power, might have endorsed the project; nonetheless, the leading figures of Geneva New Education were rarely invoked. How should we interpret these twists and turns? How were the narratives being scripted, and by whom? How were the innovations tested by others and integrated elsewhere so as to support the public education reform? Analysis of the underlying dynamics of this experiment reveal how «everyday» people rose up in a crisis and seized the opportunity to open up a world of possibilities; this can be highlighted through the lenses of the notion of «protagonism», which brings together «ordinary» people and their «extraordinary» politicisation (Bantigny, 2018; Deluermoz & Gobille, 2015).

AbstractIn this polemical intervention within the field of French and European social theory, Franck Fischbach proposes to revive and radicalise the tradition of social philosophy. The latter is understood, following Axel Honneth, in terms of the normatively-driven analysis of socio-economic processes that may be characterised as pathologies of the social. Fischbach contrasts the lessons of social philosophy from Rousseau to the Frankfurt School with the recent ascendance to intellectual hegemony of a formalistic, procedural liberalism which is oblivious to social negativity. The review questions the capacity of social philosophy to synthesise stances as politically and methodologically different as those of de Maistre, Nietzsche and Marx, as well as the very pertinence of the appellation ‘philosophy’. Fischbach’s more historically determinate definition of social philosophy as arising out of the critique of Jacobin revolutionary political thought, with its supposed abstraction and voluntarism, fails to contend with the claims of ruptural politics, as well as with those positions that would regard crisis and pathology not just as a menace, but also as an opportunity for liberation. In the end, in spite of its able historical and conceptual mapping, and its commendable demand for totalising critique, Fischbach fails to persuade in his claim that social philosophy is the name for emancipatory thought in the present.

The article considers the second edition of Volodymyr Vynnychenko’s novel “The New Commandment” (1947), written for the first time in 1932. The author of the book translated it into French together with his wife after the end of World War II. The purpose of the work and the tasks dictated by it are to analyse the “French” novel “The New Commandment” by Volodymyr Vynnychenko in the paradigm of modernist aesthetics, to reveal the main philosophical ideas and aesthetic functions of the novel, to identify elements of intertextual memory, and to understand the influence of the book by Ukrainian dissident Viktor Kravchenko “I Chose Freedom” (1946). The set of goals determines the need to use hermeneutical (analysis of artistic text), comparative-typological (comparison of philosophical novel various functions), historical-literary (solution of a number of literary problems in the context of various national literatures) research methods. Vynnychenko’s work is analysed in the paradigm of the “Transcendent Homelessness” philosophical concept, introduced into scientific discourse by the Hungarian philosopher and literary theorist D. Lukach in his Hegelian-Weber essay “The Theory of the Novel” (1916), where he quotes the German romantic, a representative of the Jena school, Novalis: “Philosophy is homesickness – the desire to be at home everywhere”. In the study of Volodymyr Vynnychenko’s contribution to European modernism in the interwar era, the author pays attention to the key thesis of the trans-cultural theory, which touches such disciplines as anthropology, sociology and political science. Particular attention is paid to the genesis and specificity of the philosophical and figurative system of one of the key “French” texts by Volodymyr Vynnychenko. The leading aesthetic components and means of forming philosophical and ideologicalpolitical paradigms of the work are also determined. The French aristocracy had a great debate on “The New Commandment”. In April 1949, the translation was published in one of the Paris publishing houses (Nouveau Commandemant. Paris: Editions des Presses du Temps Present). The French literary critics of the time responded favourably to the publication of the Ukrainian author’s book, and the literary and artistic society “Club de Faubourg” already on 10th May 1949, arranged a massive discussion of “The New Commandment”, which testified to the approving attitude towards the author. At the same time, another well-known French artist club “Arts-Sciences-Lettres”, awarded Volodymyr Vynnychenko with an honorary diploma and a silver medal. On 21st July 1949, the prestigious Parisian weekly bulletin “Le Nuvelle Litterere” responded to this fact where noticed that after Shevchenko and Marko Vovchok, Volodymyr Vynnychenko is the first Ukrainian writer whose novels have been responded to by French audience. In this regard, it is noted that the philosophical foundations of Vynnychenko’s novel organically fit into the “spiritual crisis” European discussions of those times. We have studied philosophical character manifestation peculiarities in the genre of novel-dialogue, novel-polemic, which are widely represented in the “French” prose of the Ukrainian artist and are closely connected with the French literary tradition. It is proved that, having spent almost the last thirty years of his life in France, the Ukrainian writer seems to aim at identifying common thematic, aesthetic, philosophical and ideological paradigms that go beyond mononational boundaries, and demonstrates that Ukrainian emigrant artists were participants in pan-European literary modernism, although for the most part it concerns Volodymyr Vynnychenko himself, as well as Yu. Kosach, I. Kostetskyi, A. Arkhipenko, A. Ekster, A. Manevich, I. Pune, A. Boguslavskaya, M. Glushchenko. Particular attention is paid to the genre experiment of Vynnychenko, in particular, the philosophical and political novel with such poetic features as the presentation and discussion of concordist theory, the use of such a modernist technique as “a novel within a novel”, the constant inclusion of various discursive forms of concordism discussion. The critical optics of the study combines the historical and philosophical specificity of the era of the interwar twenties, on which the novels of Volodymyr Vynnychenko are based, as well as the national identity of the Ukrainian writer and his biographical individuality.

В статье исследуется финансовая поддержка стран в период пандемии. Большинство пакетов стимулов, реализуемых крупными странами для преодоления последствий кризиса, включают поддержку инфраструктурных работ. Например, в США Избранный президент Джо Байден, среди прочего, выступал за необходимость обновления инфраструктуры страны. Что правительству США удастся достичь в этом вопросе, еще предстоит увидеть в контексте, когда этот вопрос уже обсуждался во время правления его предшественника, президента Трампа. В Европе, например, Соединенное Королевство объявило в прошлом году о пакете стимулов для инфраструктурных проектов, включая 6,4 миллиарда долларов США на инфраструктуру школ и здравоохранения в стране. Французский пакет стимулов включает 4 миллиарда евро на строительство и тепловую реконструкцию. The article examines the financial support of countries during a pandemic. Most of the stimulus packages being implemented by major countries to deal with the aftermath of the crisis include support for infrastructure work. For example, in the United States, President-elect Joe Biden, among other things, advocated theneed to update the country's infrastructure. What the US government can achieve on this issue remains to beseen in context when the issue was already discussed during the rule of his predecessor, President Trump. In Europe, for example, the United Kingdom announced last year a stimulus package for infrastructure projects, including $ 6.4 billion for school and health infrastructure in the country. French stimulus package includes € 4 billion.

Background Sickle cell disease (SCD) induces chronic haemolytic anaemia and intermittent vaso-occlusion that results in tissue ischaemia causing acute, severe pain episodes that can lead to frequent hospitalizations. These consequences can have repercussions on family, social, school and/or professional life. Here, we present some of the results of the PHEDRE study (Pharmacodépendance Et DREpanocytose—drug dependence and sickle-cell disease), which is the largest study of patients with SCD in France. This paper intends to describe characteristics of the French SCD population. We also aimed to assess the impact of the disease on the lives of patients using objective and subjective variables. Methods The PHEDRE study was a national multicentric observational study. Adults, adolescents and children with a confirmed SCD diagnosis were included in the study by their referring doctor. Then, they were interviewed by phone about their socioeconomic status, about the impact of the disease on their lives and about their analgesic and psychoactive drug use. Results The study population consisted of 872 patients (28% were minors). Seventy-two percent of adults were active, and all minors were in school. Many patients presented criteria of severe SCD. Seventy-five percent were homozygous SS, 15% were double heterozygotes SC and 8% were heterozygotes Sβthal, 87% received specific treatment, 58% were hospitalized at least once for vaso-occlusive crisis in the past 12 months, and the number of analgesic drugs taken averaged 3.8. Seventy-five percent of patients reported academic or professional consequences related to their SCD, and 52% reported social consequences. Conclusions The impact of SCD on patients’ lives can be significant, nevertheless their social integration seems to be maintained. We highlighted respect of recommendations regarding analgesic treatments and only a few patients used tobacco, alcohol or cannabis. Trial registration Clinical Trials, NCT02580565; https://clinicaltrials.gov/ Registered 16 October 2015.

Partiendo de la obra de Vicent Martínez en la que explicita qué entiende por “racionalidad práctica” en el marco de sus estudios fi-losóficos para la paz —también para la paz entre los géneros—, repensamos aquí nuestras propias contribuciones a la interacción entre la fenomenología y el feminismo, particularmente la vinculación de la crítica fenomenológica del objetivismo con el desenmascaramiento de la razón patriarcal, para demostrar que el reconocimiento no indiferente de la pluralidad no está reñido con la autonomía y la universalidad de la razón, sino exclusivamente con la razón instrumental dominante hasta el siglo XXI. Consideramos esta última desde el diagnóstico husserliano de la crisis de las ciencias, y desde la crítica a la Modernidad emprendida por la Escuela de Frankfurt. Con la mirada puesta en la tercera generación de la misma y en el fenomenólogo francés Maurice Merleau-Ponty, reivindicamos una razón ampliada (élargie), que no solo tiene implicaciones epistemológicas, sino existenciales, y que puede ayudar a superar incluso los dualismos surgidos en el feminismo, una tradición de pensamiento que, en diálogo con la fenomenología, gana radicalización filosófica a la vez que la fenomenología arraiga en el movimiento feminista y, con él, en la autoresponsabilidad de la humanidad.Starting from the work of Vicent Martínez in which he explains what he understands by "practical rationality" in the framework of his philosophical studies for peace–also for peace between genders–, I rethink my own contributions to the interaction between phenomenology and feminism, particularly the link of the phenomenological critique of objectivism and the unmasking of patriarchal reason in order to demonstrate that the non-indifferent recognition of plurality is not at odds with the autonomy and universality of reason, but exclusively with the instrumental reason which dominates until the 21st century. I consider this dominating reason from Husserl's diagnosis of the crisis of the sciences as well as from the criticism to Modernity undertaken by the Frankfurt School. I will pay attention on the third generation of this School as well as on the French phenomenologist Maurice Merleau-Ponty in order to reclaim an enlarged reason which not only has epistemological implications, but existential. This reason can even help overcome the dualisms that have arisen within feminism. Feminism is a tradition of thought that, in dialogue with phenomenology, can attain a philosophical radicalization while phenomenology can take root in the feminist movement and with it, in the self-responsibility of humanity.

Rond 1910 werd in de BWP de Vlaamse kwestie een vrije kwestie. De ‘versmelting’ van twee volken in een ‘âme belge’, via tweetaligheid, werd afgewezen. Onder impuls van Huysmans beriep het Vlaamse socialisme zich op de idee van culturele autonomie: het recht op onderwijs in de moedertaal van de lagere school tot de universiteit en dus de vernederlandsing van de Gentse Rijksuniversiteit. Daarmee behoorde het Vlaamse socialisme tot de voorhoede van de Vlaamse beweging. Het Waalse socialisme daarentegen verdedigde nog de superioriteit van het Frans en de mythe van een tweetalig Vlaanderen, en kantte zich tegen die Vlaamse hoofdeis.Tijdens de tweede fase (1919-1935) was de Vlaamse beweging verzwakt en het Vlaamse socialisme verdeeld. Huysmans slaagde er slechts met moeite in om een ongunstig partijstandpunt ter zake te verhinderen en de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie te behouden. Het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’ van november 1929 was gebaseerd op regionale eentaligheid en een minimale tweetaligheid in het leger en de centrale besturen. Het legde mee de fundamenten van de evolutie naar het beginsel van de territorialiteit inzake bestuur en onderwijs (1930 en 1932).Tijdens de derde fase (1935-1940) hield die pacificatie geen stand. Conflicten versterkten elkaar. De partijleiding kwam in handen van de Brusselaar Spaak en de Vlaming De Man, die met zijn Plan van de Arbeid in 1933 de BWP even uit de impasse had gehaald. Het ging om een nieuwe generatie die het socialisme een andere inhoud wilde geven: streven naar een volkspartij in plaats van klassenstrijd, een ‘socialisme national’, een autoritaire democratie als antwoord op een aanhoudende politieke crisis. Vooral aan Waalse kant werd daartegen gereageerd. Tevens werd de evolutie in het buitenlandse beleid, de zelfstandigheid los van Frankrijk, bekritiseerd. De Spaanse burgeroorlog en de eventuele erkenning van generaal Franco dreef de tegenstellingen op de spits. Voor het eerst had de partij met Spaak een socia-listische eerste minister (mei 1938-januari 1939). Hoewel alle socialisten tegen Franco waren, verschilden de Waalse socialisten van mening met de meeste Vlaamse socialisten over de vraag of de regering daarover moest vallen. Er was ook de tegenstelling over een al dan niet toenadering tot de christelijke arbeidersbeweging vanwege een dan noodzakelijke schoolvrede en een subsidiëring van de katholieke ‘strijdscholen’. Daarop entte zich de taalkwestie. In de Kamer viel de fractiecohesie terug tot 53%.De Vlaamse socialisten waren niet alleen veel sterker vertegenwoordigd in de fractie (40% in 1936), hun zelfbewustzijn nam ook sterk toe. Ze ergerden zich steeds meer aan het bijna exclusieve gebruik van het Frans in de fractie, in het partijbestuur en vooral tijdens congressen. Wie geen of weinig Frans kende, wilde niet langer als minderwaardig worden behandeld. Zeker als dat samenviel met een andere visie. Het eerste aparte Vlaams Socialistisch Congres ging door in maart 1937. Het wilde de culturele autonomie zo veel mogelijk doortrekken, maar keerde zich tegen elke vorm van federalisme, waardoor de Vlaamse socialisten in een klerikaal Vlaanderen een machteloze minderheid zouden worden. Bij de Waalse socialisten groeide de frustratie. Ze organiseerden aparte Waalse Congressen in 1938 en 1939. Ze benadrukten drie vormen van Vlaams imperialisme. De ongunstige demografische evolutie maakte een Vlaamse meerderheid in het parlement en politieke minorisering mogelijk. De financieel-economische transfers van Wallonië naar Vlaanderen verarmden Wallonië. Het verlies aan jobs voor ééntalige Walen in Wallonië en in Brussel was discriminerend. Dat laatste zorgde voor een francofone toenadering en een gezamenlijke framing. Het flamingantisme had zich al meester gemaakt van Vlaanderen, bedreigde via tweetaligheid nu de Brusselse agglomeratie, waarna Wallonië aan de beurt zou komen. Op 2 februari 1939 stonden Vlaamse en Waalse socialisten tegenover elkaar. De unitaire partij dreigde, naar katholiek voorbeeld, in twee taalgroepen uiteen te vallen. Zover kwam het niet. De wallinganten, die een politiek federalisme nastreefden, hadden terrein gewonnen, maar de meeste Waalse socialisten bleven voorstander van een nationale solidariteit. Mits een nieuw ‘Compromis’ dat met de Waalse grieven rekening hield. De mythe van het Vlaamse socialisme als Vlaams vijandig of onverschillig is moeilijk vol te houden. Wel ontstond na de Tweede Wereldoorlog een andere situatie. Tijdens de jaren 1960 behoorde de Vlaamse kwestie tot de ‘trein der gemiste kansen’ . Na de Eerste Wereldoorlog en de invoering van het enkelvoudig stemrecht voor mannen werd de socialistische partij bijna even groot als de katholieke. De verkiezingen verscherpten de regionale en ideologische asymmetrie. De katholieke partij behield de absolute meerderheid in Vlaanderen, de socialistische verwierf een gelijkaardige positie in Wallonië. Nationaal werden coalitieregeringen noodzakelijk. In de Kamer veroverden zowel de socialisten als de christendemocratische vleugel een machtsbasis, maar tot de regering doordringen bleek veel moeilijker. Die bleven gedomineerd door de conservatieve katholieke vleugel en de liberale partij, met steun van de koning en van de haute finance. Eenmaal het socialistische minimumprogramma uit angst voor een sociale revolutie aanvaard (1918-1921), werden de socialisten nog slechts getolereerd tijdens crisissituaties of als het niet anders kon (1925-1927, 1935-1940). Het verklaart een toenemende frustratie bij Waalse socialisten. Tevens bemoeilijkte hun antiklerikalisme de samenwerking van Vlaamse socialisten met christendemocraten en Vlaamsgezinden, zoals in Antwerpen, en dat gold ook voor de vorming van regeringen. In de BWP waren de verhoudingen veranderd. De macht lag nu gespreid over vier actoren: de federaties, het partijbestuur, de parlementsfractie en eventueel de ministers. De eenheid was bij momenten ver zoek. In 1919 was het Vlaamse socialisme veel sterker geworden. In Vlaanderen behaalde het 24 zetels (18 meer dan in 1914) en werd het met 25,5% de tweede grootste partij. Bovendien was de dominantie van Gent verschoven naar Antwerpen, dat met zes zetels de vierde grootste federatie van de BWP werd. Het aantrekken van Camille Huysmans als boegbeeld versterkte haar Vlaamsgezind profiel. In een eerste fase moest Huysmans nog de Vlaamse kwestie als een vrije kwestie verdedigen. Zelfs tegen de Gentse en de Kortrijkse federatie in, die de vooroorlogse Vlaamsgezinde hoofdeis – de vernederland-sing van de Gentse universiteit – hadden losgelaten. Naar 1930 toe, de viering van honderd jaar België, was de Vlaamse beweging opnieuw sterker geworden en werd gevreesd voor de electorale doorbraak van een Vlaams-nationalistische partij. Een globale oplossing voor het Vlaamse probleem begon zich op te dringen. Dat gold ook voor de BWP. Interne tegenstellingen moesten overbrugd worden zodat, gezien de financiële crisis, de sociaaleconomische thema’s alle aandacht konden krijgen. Daarbij stonden de eenheid van België en van de partij voorop. In maart 1929 leidde dit tot het ‘Compromis des Belges’ en een paar maanden later tot het minder bekende en radicalere partijstandpunt, het ‘Compromis des socialistes belges’. Voortbouwend op de vooroorlogse visie van het bestaan van twee volken binnen België, werd dit doorgetrokken tot het recht op culturele autonomie van elk volk, gebaseerd op het principe van regionale eentaligheid, ten koste van de taalminderheden. Voor de Vlaamse socialisten kwam dit neer op een volledige vernederlandsing van Vlaanderen, te beginnen met het onderwijs en de Gentse universiteit. Niet zonder enige tegenzin ging een meerderheid van Waalse socialisten daarmee akkoord. In ruil eisten zij dat in België werd afgezien van elke vorm van verplichte tweetaligheid, gezien als een vorm van Vlaams kolonialisme. Eentalige Walen hadden in Wallonië en in nationale instellingen (leger, centrale besturen) recht op aanwerving en carrière zonder kennis van het Nederlands, zoals ook de kennis ervan als tweede landstaal in Wallonië niet mocht worden opgelegd. De betekenis van dit interne compromis kreeg in de historiografie onvoldoende aandacht. Dat geldt ook voor de vaststelling dat beide nationale arbeidersbewegingen, de BWP vanuit de oppositie, in 1930-1932 mee de invoering van het territorialiteitsbeginsel hebben geforceerd. Een tussentijdse fase C uit het model van Miroslav Hroch.___________ ‘Frenemies’? 2Communitarian tensions in the Socialist Party 1919-1940. Division, Compromise. Crisis. Part Two: 1935-1940 Around 1910, the Flemish question became a free question in the BWP. The ‘merging’ of two peoples in a Belgian soul (âme belge) through bilingualism was rejected. According to Huysmans, Flemish socialism appealed to the idea of cultural autonomy: the right to education in one’s native language from primary school to university, and therefore, the transformation of the state University of Ghent into a Dutch-speaking institution. Hence, Flemish socialism became part of the vanguard of the Flemish Movement. Walloon socialism, on the contrary, continued to support the superiority of French in Belgium and the myth of a bilingual Flanders. It turned against this key Flemish demand.The next stages were dominated by the introduction of simple universal male suffrage in 1919. The Catholic Party maintained an absolute majority in Flanders, the Socialist Party acquired a similar position in Wallonia. During the second phase (1919-1935) initially the Flemish Movement was weakened and Flemish socialism divided. Huysmans hardly managed to keep the Flemish question a free question. The ‘Compromise of the Belgian Socialists’ (Compromis des socialistes belges) of November 1929 was based on regional monolingualism and a minimal bilingualism in the army and the central administration. The territorial principle in administration and education (1930 and 1932) was accepted. Dutch became the official language in Flanders.During the third phase (1935-1940) pacification did not hold. Conflicts strengthened one another. The party leadership fell into the hands of the Brussels politician Spaak and the Fleming De Man. The latter had just offered the BWP an answer to the socio-economic depression with his ‘Labour Plan’ (Plan van de Arbeid). This new generation wanted a different socialism: rather a people’s party than stressing class conflict, a ‘national socialism’, an authoritarian democracy as a response to a persistent political crisis. In particular Walloons reacted against these developments. At the same time, they critisized the foreign policy of diplomatic independence from France (‘los van Frankrijk’). The Spanish Civil War and the possible recognition of General Franco stressed the divisions. With Spaak, the party had a Socialist Prime Minister for the first time (May 1938-January 1939). While all socialists were opposed to Franco, Walloon socialists had a conflicting view with most Flemish socialists on whether the govern-ment should be brought down on this subject. There was also a conflict over the question of rapprochement with the Christian labour movement concerning a truce over the school question and subsidies for the Catholic ‘propaganda’ schools. The language question worsened the situation. In the Chamber, party cohesion dropped down to 53%.Not only were the Flemish socialists much more strongly represented in the socialist parliamentary group (40% in 1936), their assertiveness also increased. They became more and more annoyed with the quasi-exclusive use of French in their parliamentary group, in the party administration, and mostly during party congresses. Those who knew little or no French no longer wanted to be treated as inferior. Especially, when they had different opinions. The first separate Flemish Socialist Congress was held in March 1937. The Congress wanted to pursue cultural autonomy as far as possible, but opposed any form of federalism, as Flemish socialists would become a powerless minority in a clerical Flanders.Frustration grew among Walloon socialists. They organised separate Walloon Congresses in 1938 and 1939. They emphasized three forms of Flemish imperialism. Unfavourable demographic developments made a Flemish majority in Parliament and political minoritisation likely. Financial-economic transfers impoverished Wallonia to the benefit of Flanders. The loss of jobs for monolingual Walloons in Wallonia and Brussels was discriminatory. This contributed to common framing among Francophones: “Flemish radicalism” was accepted in Flanders, presently threatening the Brussels agglomeration via bilingualism, and Wallonia would be next.On 2 February 1939 Flemish and Walloon socialists opposed one another. The unitary party was in danger of splitting into two language groups, following the Catholic example. It did not come to that. The Walloon radicals, who pursued political federalism, had won some ground, but most Walloon socialists remained supporters of national solidarity, provided the adoption of a new ‘Compromise’ that took account of Walloon grievances.The myth of Flemish socialism as hostile or indifferent to Flemish issues is hard to maintain. After the Second World War, however, the situation became different.

The article is devoted to the cultural analysis of the influence of the theory of postfordism, which considers post-Fordist production with post-industrial technology as the basis of industrial reproduction at the global level and the reproduction of capitalist social relations after the crisis of the Fordist mode of production and consumption. The abstract social space of the city is studied, which is formed by abstraction of labor and fetishization of things at the level of practice and the formation of a visually geometric representation of space with sign power re- pressive in relation to reality. The basis of the concept of sociality as the basis of a unified theory of space was developed by the French philosopher and sociologist A. Lefebvre and further developed by American social geography and urban studies, in particular in the works of D. Harvey, E. Soggy, D. Gottdiener and others. The followers of Lefebvre (apart from those important are F. Jameson's influence) refer in particular to the interdisciplinary trend of post-Fordism, within which postmodernism is considered in connection with the post-Fordist regime of accumulation (a concept developed by the Marxist regulatory school). S. Lesch focuses on the cultural mode of signaling. Likewise, D. Hartmann considers the influence of postmodernism on the post-Fordist regime of capitalism. Paolo True and Pascal Gillen consider within the limits of post-Fordism the existence in modern conditions of the plural. V. Martyanov examines the links between post-Fordism and the post-industrial / information society conceptualized by D. Bell, E. Toffler, M. Castels and others. The article deals with the reconstruction of the theory of social space and post-Fordism and outlines the social transformations of the twentieth century. In essence, it was a search for confirmation that the accumulation mode produces and reproduces social space. Architecture and urban space have become an important structural link through which to consider this connection and justify the invariance of the basic mode of accumu- lation through the reproduction of abstract social space and vice versa. The analysis of the discourse around the urban abstract space associated with the identity of the bourgeois class and the need for the for- mation of a hierarchized homogeneous spatial texture of production is carried out. As well as post-Fordist globalization and post-industrialization, which led to a change in the function and structure of the city with the main role of the post-modernist regime of signification as the logic of late capitalism in the context of programmed consumption.

As time goes by, technological advances affect character crises, especially among students. This study is aimed at developing a student character assessment questionnaire for the French subject in state high schools of Yogyakarta Special Region. The study employed the 4D development formula comprising of Define, Design, Develop, and Disseminate. The study involved 269 students of X, XI, and XII grades as the samples. The reliability test was performed using the Cronbach’s Alpha formula, 0.689, with strong reliability. The validity of the study was tested using EFA (Exploratory Factor Analysis). The questionnaire used the Likert scale. The result of the study shows that 15 items are valid and can show the character of students in the French subject.

In the late 1870s, a small group of Italian psychiatrists became interested in hypnotism in the wake of the studies conducted by the French neurologist Jean-Martin Charcot. Eager to engage in hypnotic research, these physicians referred to the scientific authority of French and German scientists in order to overcome the scepticism of the Italian medical community and establish hypnotism as a research subject based on Charcot's neuropathological model. In the following years, French studies on hypnotism continued to exert a strong influence in Italy. In the mid 1880s, studies on hypnotic suggestion by the Salpêtrière and Nancy Schools of hypnotism gave further impetus to research and therapeutic experimentation and inspired the emergence of an interpretative framework that combined theories by both hypnotic schools. By the end of the decade, however, uncertainties had arisen around both hypnotic theory and the therapeutic use of hypnotism. These uncertainties, which were linked to the crisis of the neuropathological paradigm that had to a large extent framed the understanding of hypnotism in Italy and the theoretical disagreements among the psychiatrists engaged in hypnotic research, ultimately led to a decline in interest in hypnotism in Italy.

Léon Adolphe Girod (1872-1933 ), creator of aircraft schools ; General Girod is undoubtedly a major figure in the history of French military aviation, the organiser of the flying schools during the Great War and a person whose half-overlooked image deserves to be remembered. Born in 1872, Girod grew up in the Doubs before entering Saint-Cyr in 1892. A talented officer, he nevertheless resigned his commission just four years later. Becoming a journalist, he acquired a leading posiiton as a reporter on military affairs. In 1906 he stood for parliament, being elected deputy for the Doubs, a seat he held until 1928. He sponsored numerous bills to do with military matters, and most particularly with the fledgling French air forces. When war broke out in 1914 he served for a while in the infantry of the French Army and then asked to be transferred into aviation. As commanding officer of the first French bomber squadron from 19 September 1914, he was then given charge of the aeronautical service of the Paris defensive sector as the German armies approached the capital, making some effective improvements to the aerodrome at Le Bourget. His talent for getting things done and his organisational abilities, allied to his deep knowledge of how things worked in the worlds of both politics and milita¬ ry affairs, led to his nomination on 19 September 1915 as the Director of Aviation Schools and depots. Subsequently he was appointed Inspector-General of Aviation in May 1916. Taking eneregtic action, he pulled the flying schools out of a deep crisis into which they had sunk at that point in the war, opening new establishments and conducting a comprehensive reorganisation of pilot training. Demobilised in July 1919, he resumed his public and parliamentary life, continuing to devote himself to the cause of French civil and military aviation down to the end of his life in 1933.

Under the yoke of the covid-19 pandemic and following the example of other countries that have experienced the brutal suspension of face-to-face education, France has decreed a series of decisions in the hope of curbing the epidemic. These resolutions affected several sectors, including education. Under the ministerial order of 15 March 2020, strict restrictions and measures were implemented. In this regard, schools, universities and training institutions have opted for distance learning to keep educational activity alive in this crisis. In this contribution, we will present our experience of distance learning which lasted from 01/02/2020 to 30/05/2020. We provided a French language course focusing on the four skills (written comprehension, oral comprehension, oral production, written production) to an audience of adults of various nationalities. The objective of this course is to prepare this public for the DELF A1 and A2 exams with a view to their integration into social and professional life in France. In this article we will try to answer the following question: how the distance learning been able to compensate the face-to-face learning?

The French religious wars were marked by intolerance and fanaticism. At the same time the ability of the established church and state to enforce religious and intellectual conformity was seriously undermined. In this atmosphere of crisis and relative intellectual freedom the old Aristotelian and scholastic certainties were shaken. As a result Copernicus' heliocentric theory became a subject of debate between different schools of thought. Conservatives regarded the notion of heliocentricity as a token of religious, moral and intellectual subversion. Neo-Platonists, sceptics and Ramists used the heliocentric idea as a means of attacking philosophical orthodoxy. The intellectual openness of the period prepared the ground for the reception of Galileo's version of Copernicanism at the beginning of the next century.

In times of various types of crises that modern France is struggling with, the attention of those shaping the state's ideological policy focused primarily on the border between education and religion. The secular nature of education, inherent in the concept of the Republic as a space for the implementation of freedom, equality and fraternity, has become an arena for the clash of opposing discourses. The question about the place of the values of the Fifth Republic in the recruitment process of current and future early childhood education teachers in state schools touches on French educational policy, showing its philosophy and the praxeological dimension of its conceptualization.

(1) Background. The increase in international conflicts and humanitarian crises has led to an increase in the movement of people to Europe. The legal and moral commitments of the European Union require the incorporation and integration of such refugees. In this sense, the school and its teaching staff are a key agent in the challenge of integrating newly arrived students. This research analyses attitudes towards inclusive European citizenship, the recognition of rights, and feelings of threat and affective reactions, experienced by future teachers towards refugees in France and Spain. (2) Methods. The investigation was carried out through a cross-sectional survey. There were 851 participants of Spanish and French nationality. (3) Results. The French future teachers showed a lower perception of any threat, and a better predisposition towards the reception of refugees than their Spanish counterparts. Women are those who show a greater recognition of the rights of refugees, and a better predisposition to their integration in Europe. French women feel less of a threat than Spanish women, and are more affective towards refugees. The main predictor of inclusive European citizenship is a low perception of threat related to refugees. (4) Conclusions. Future teachers showed sensitivity towards the accommodation of refugees, but programs that prevent growing xenophobia and discredit towards the European Union are still necessary.

Envisaged at the beginning of the twentieth century as a reaction to the perception of an “apprenticeship crisis,” the development of technical education in France was regulated after the First World War by the Astier Law passed in 1919. However, this development, particularly in the form of schools and courses, required resources that the law did not provide. The creation of the apprenticeshiptax in 1925 was a response to this problem and was based on various projects and debates that had arisen before the war concerning the respective roles of employers’ representatives and the State. In this article, this tax is placed in the international context of choices in the management of technical education in order to examine the British precedent. It reflects the power issues at stake in the control of this form of education and introduces an original French approach to its financing and governance.

The COVID-19 pandemic has led to widespread social isolation. This study aimed to determine anxiety levels among parents of school-aged children and investigate the associated factors. Data on sociodemographic characteristics, living and working conditions, family relationships, social support (MSPSS) and health status (SF-12) were collected from French parents through an online survey. The Generalized Anxiety Disorder Scale (GAD-7) was used to assess anxiety. Logistic regression analysis was performed to identify the factors associated with moderate to severe anxiety. Among 698 parents, 19.2% experienced moderate to severe anxiety. A low level of resilience (OR = 4.3, 95% CI: 2.7–6.7) and confirmed COVID-19 cases involving hospitalization (OR = 3.8, 95% CI: 2.0–7.3) among individuals in one’s household or in the family circle were found to be the main risk factors for moderate to severe anxiety. Other factors were also identified: a level of education less than high school (OR = 2.1, 95% CI: 1.3–3.2), conflicts at home (OR = 2.3, 95% CI: 1.4–3.7), noises outside the home (OR = 2.0, 95% CI: 1.0–3.9), confirmed cases not involving hospitalization (OR = 1.8, 95% CI: 1.0–3.1) and suspected cases (OR = 1.9, 95% CI: 1.0–3.8). Family support was a protective factor. These findings suggest some need for support programs to help parents cope with public health crises and work-family challenges.

Both the promoters of Olympism and the organisers of the Olympic Games regularly employ the term legacy. In this context, the use of education as a tool constitutes an important stake. We have analysed the position of French actors in education with regard to Olympism and the measures implemented. In this respect, we have studied, on the one hand, the texts of the IOC and OCOGs from the 1960s to those concerning Paris 2024, in order to identify the concepts of education. On the other hand, we have focused on the professional texts of Physical Education and Sport (PES) teachers. Finally, in order to complete this analysis, we have examined the contents of projects labelled as part of the “Olympic Class” scheme, designed as one of the main channels for rolling out Olympic education in schools. This study has made it possible to identify the ways in which PES teachers engage in and take ownership of the concept of Olympic education, sometimes to the point of validating its ideological foundations or transforming them. Our study thus ponders the means used to make Olympism a universal subject and demonstrates that, far from offering real pedagogical treatment of Olympic facts, current practices aim rather to form generations of spectators attached to Olympism and guarantee the success of future Olympiads.

The COVID-19 pandemic resulted in the closure of schools and universities, disrupting the education of nearly 1.6 billion students globally. The sudden transition from traditional face-to-face classes to online instruction was particularly challenging for developing countries like Libya, where educational institutions lacked the necessary digital tools and students had limited access to devices and reliable internet. In response, the higher education system in Libya scrambled to meet the technology needs to facilitate distance education. This case study, focusing on the University of Benghazi, examines the shift to entirely online teaching and learning, highlighting the experiences gained by faculty members during the crisis and evaluating ways to improve distance learning and remote training for professors and students. The study also provides recommendations for academic institutions to quickly shift to an online learning modality, if needed, and evolve their curriculum to offer appropriate online courses.

Abstract Abstract 4852 Sickle Cell Disease (SCD) is a complex disease with various complications such as stroke, vaso-occlusive crisis (VOC), acute chest syndrome and leg ulcers. Sickle cell anemia (SCA; homozygous hemoglobin SS) is the most common form of SCD. Genetic variations and/or environmental modifiers may modulate clinical presentation of SCD. Few studies have examined hemoglobinopathies in Tunisia, North Africa. However, recently, frequencies of beta-thalassemia and sickle cell trait were estimated at 2.21% and 1.89%, respectively (Fattoum, 2006). In order to identify genetic factors that may predispose patients to SCD complications in this population, a pilot case control study was designed to assess polymorphisms in Human Platelet Antigen (HPA) Genes. HPA polymorphisms were recently associated with severe coronary artery disease in the general population in Tunisia (Abboud et al, 2010) and VOC presentation in SCA patients from Bahrain (Al-Subaie et al, 2009). We present here a study conducted in collaboration with the Department of Clinical Hematology at the Aziza Othmana Hospital in Tunis (Tunisia). The National Medical Ethics committee of Tunisia as well as the Institutional Review Board (IRB) of Morehouse School of Medicine (MSM) approved the study. Blood samples, clinical history and DNA samples were collected from SCD adult patients and healthy controls after informed consent. Previously validated questionnaires for genetic risks in patients with SCD (courtesy of Dr Telen, Duke University) were adapted to French. The Helena test kit was used to generate hemoglobin variant data in conjunction with cellulose acetate electrophoresis. Blood samples were collected in EDTA vacutainer tubes and genomic DNA was isolated,stored at −80°C and then shipped to MSM. Single nucleotide polymorphisms, SNPs (Table 1) were genotyped using PCR-RFLPs and compared with different clinical sub-phenotypes such as, onset age, strokes, cardiac problems, splenectomies, etc. as defined in the questionnaire. Pearson Chi-Square was used for comparison and a P<0.05 value was considered significant. A total of 98 DNA samples were collected and 54 questionnaires were filled (Table 2). Age of patients at time of sample collection ranged from 19 to 61 (n = 49) with a mean ± sd (standard deviation) of 29 ± 7. The reported age at onset ranged from 1 to 30 (n = 44) with a mean ± sd of 12 ± 9. No significant differences were found in the HPA alleles and genotype frequencies in SCD versus healthy controls. There was significant association between HPA1 polymorphism with patient defined cardiac problems in all SCD patients (P = 0.002) as well as in the SS sub-group separately (P = 0.01). There was significant association between HPA1 and reported age of onset in SCD patients (P = 0.05) as well as in the non-SS sub-group alone (P = 0.04). The HPA1 variant was linked to self-reported age of disease onset and heart complications in adult SCD patients in Tunisia. This present study is one of the first genetic studies in a seldom-studied group of Tunisian adult SCD patients. These results show that identification of biomarkers of SCD disease severity may be possible using a validated self-reporting instrument. This kind of approach could help to improve early diagnosis of at risk patients and enable development of early interventions.Table 1:SNPs screened.SymbolRs#Ch.Gene (GeneID)MutationPeptide changeRestriction Enz.HPA1rs591817ITGB3 (3690)196 T>CLeu33ProMspIHPA2rs606517GP1BA (2811)524 C>TMet145ThrSfaNIHPA3rs591117ITGA2B (3674)2622 T>GIle843SerFokITable 2:Tunisian cohort collection took place from January to December 2009. This table summarizes the number and genotypes of patients enrolled and questionnaires collectedSexMaleFemaleTotal (%)TOTAL455196 (100)SCD Patients403575 (78)Healthy Controls51621 (22)Hemoglobin Genotype of SCD patientsSS141529 (38.6)Sβ010919 (25.3)Sβ+112 (2.6)SC112 (2.6)SO101 (1.3)unknown13922 (29.3)Total (%)403575 (100)Questionnaires filled282654No questionnaires111021 Disclosures: No relevant conflicts of interest to declare.

The article is devoted to the study of the role of historical tradition and national memory in the formation of modern types of ethno-national identity and mechanisms of consolidation of citizens at the stage of formation of the French state of the modern type. In this regard, various versions of French history were analyzed by representatives of historical and historiographical schools, which still compete with each other for the status of creators of a generally accepted interpretation of important historical events. It was found that consistently patriotic motivation, which ensures the formation and realization of the innovative potential of the people and social activity of this creative core of the nation, aimed at overcoming any crisis challenges, is formed only on the basis of maximum meaningful synthesis of existing interpretations of French history. In particular, the effectiveness of memory policy is ensured by the fact that symbols, traditions and historical monuments that positively influence the dynamics of national-patriotic motivations and feelings are inevitably (and often, quite consciously) filled with qualitatively new meanings and values. The complete failure of neoliberal and left-wing radical critiques of Holism’s theory and practice has been proved, the conservative elements of which, in particular the appeal to the heroic past, are not at all identical with medieval archaism and almost neo-Nazi political preferences. On the contrary, the typological similarity of Bonapartism and Hollism is due precisely to their ability to effectively oppose reactionary and revolutionary extremism, which is equally destructive to the nation-state. In this regard, the exceptional relevance of the use of historical memory to form their own traditionalist and authoritarian charisma (in their relationship) by the creator and first president of the Fifth Republic Charles de Gaulle in the process of his opposition to anti-national provocations of far-right and far-left.

The article is devoted to the study of the role of historical tradition and national memory in the formation of modern types of ethno-national identity and mechanisms of consolidation of citizens at the stage of formation of the French state of the modern type. In this regard, various versions of French history were analyzed by representatives of historical and historiographical schools, which still compete with each other for the status of creators of a generally accepted interpretation of important historical events. It was found that consistently patriotic motivation, which ensures the formation and realization of the innovative potential of the people and social activity of this creative core of the nation, aimed at overcoming any crisis challenges, is formed only on the basis of maximum meaningful synthesis of existing interpretations of French history. In particular, the effectiveness of memory policy is ensured by the fact that symbols, traditions and historical monuments that positively influence the dynamics of national-patriotic motivations and feelings are inevitably (and often, quite consciously) filled with qualitatively new meanings and values. The complete failure of neoliberal and left-wing radical critiques of Holism's theory and practice has been proved, the conservative elements of which, in particular the appeal to the heroic past, are not at all identical with medieval archaism and almost neo-Nazi political preferences. On the contrary, the typological similarity of Bonapartism and Hollism is due precisely to their ability to effectively oppose reactionary and revolutionary extremism, which is equally destructive to the nation-state. In this regard, the exceptional relevance of the use of historical memory to form their own traditionalist and authoritarian charisma (in their relationship) by the creator and first president of the Fifth Republic Charles de Gaulle in the process of his opposition to anti-national provocations of far-right and far-left.

IntroductionIndian Literature with its multiplicity of languages and the plurality of cultures dates back to 3000 years ago, comprising Vedas, Upanishads, Puranas and Epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata. India has a strong literary tradition in various Indian regional languages like Sanskrit, Prakrit, Pali, Hindi, Marathi, Bengali, Oriya, Tamil, Kannada, Telugu, Malayalam and so on. Indian writers share oral tradition, indigenous experiences and reflect on the history, culture and society in regional languages as well as in English. The first Indian novel in English is Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s Rajmohan’s Wife (1864). Indian Writing in English can be viewed in three phases - Imitative, First and Second poets’ phases. The 20th century marks the matrix of indigenous novels. The novels such as Mulk Raj Anand’s Untouchable (1935), Anita Nair’s Ladies Coupé (2001), and Khuswant Singh’s Memories of Madness: Stories of 1947 (2002) depict social issues, vices and crises (discrimination, injustice, violence against women) in India. Indian writers, and their contribution to world literature, are popular in India and abroad.Researchers are keen on analysing the works of Indian writers from historical, cultural, social perspectives and on literary theories (Post-Colonialism, Postmodernity, Cultural Studies). The enormity of the cultural diversity in India is reflected in Indian novels, plays, dramas, short stories and poems. This collection of articles attempts to capture the diversity of the Indian land/culture/landscape. It focuses on the history of India, partition, women’s voices, culture and society, and science and technology in Indian narratives, documentaries and movies.Special Issue: An Overview“Whatever has happened, has happened for goodWhatever is happening, is also for goodWhatever will happen, shall also be good.”- The Bhagavad-Gita.In the Mahabharata’s Kurukshetra battlefield, Lord Krishna counsels Arjuna on how everything that happens, regardless of whether it is good or bad, happens for a reason.Indian Literature: Past, Present and Future portrays the glorious/not-so-glorious times in history, the ever-changing crisis/peace of contemporary and hope for an unpredictable future through India’s literary and visual narratives. It focuses on comparison across cultures, technological advancements and diverse perspectives or approaches through the work of art produced in/on India. It projects India’s flora, fauna, historical monuments and rich cultural heritage. It illustrates how certain beliefs and practices come into existence – origin, evolution and present structure from a historical perspective. Indian Literature: Past, Present and Future gives a moment to recall, rectify and raise to make a promising future. This collection attempts to interpret various literary and visual narratives which are relevant at present.The Epics Reinterpreted: Highlighting Feminist Issues While Sustaining Deep Motif, examines the Women characters in the Epics – Ramayana and Mahabharata. It links the present setting to the violence against women described in the Epics Carl Jung’s archetypes are highlighted in a few chosen characters (Sita, Amba, Draupati). On one note, it emphasises the need for women to rise and fight for their rights.Fictive Testimony and Genre Tension: A Study of ‘Functionality’ of Genre in Manto’s Toba Tek Singh, analyses the story as a testimony and Manto as a witness. It discusses the ‘Testimony and Fictive Testimony’ in Literature. It explains how the works are segregated into a particular genre. The authors conclude that the testimony is to be used to understand or identify with the terror.Tangible Heritage and Intangible Memory: (Coping) Precarity in the select Partition writings by Muslim Women, explores the predicament of women during the Partition of India through Mumtaz Shah Nawaz’s The Heart Divided (1990) and Attia Hosain’s Sunlight on a Broken Column (2009). It addresses ‘Feminist Geography’ to escape precarity. It depicts a woman who is cut off from her own ethnic or religious group and tries to conjure up her memories as a means of coping with loneliness and insecurity.Nation Building Media Narratives and its Anti-Ecological Roots: An Eco-Aesthetic Analysis of Khushwant Singh’s Train to Pakistan, analyses the post-Partition trauma in the fictional village, Mano Majra. It illustrates the cultural and spiritual bond between Mano Majrans — the inhabitants of Mano Majra — and nature (the land and river). It demonstrates how the media constructs broad myths about culture, religion, and nation. According to the authors, Mano Majrans place a high value on the environment, whilst the other boundaries are more concerned with nationalism and religion.Pain and Hopelessness among Indian Farmers: An Analysis of Deepa Bhatia’s Nero’s Guests documents the farmers’ suicides in India as a result of debt and decreased crop yield. The travels of Sainath and his encounters with the relatives of missing farmers have been chronicled in the documentary Nero’s Guests. It uses the Three Step Theory developed by David Klonsky and Alexis May and discusses suicide as a significant social issue. The authors conclude that farmers are the foundation of the Indian economy and that without them, India’s economy would collapse. It is therefore everyone’s responsibility—the people and the government—to give farmers hope so that they can overcome suicidal thoughts.The link between animals and children in various cultures is discussed in The New Sociology of Childhood: Animal Representations in Leslie Marmon Silko’s Garden in the Dunes, Amazon’s Oh My Dog, and Netflix’s Mughizh: A Cross-Cultural Analysis. It examines the chosen works from the perspectives of cross-cultural psychology and the New Sociology of Childhood. It emphasises kids as self-sufficient, engaged, and future members of society. It emphasises universal traits that apply to all people, regardless of culture. It acknowledges anthropomorphized cartoons create a bond between kids and animals.Life in Hiding: Censorship Challenges faced by Salman Rushdie and Perumal Murugan, explores the issues sparked by their writings. It draws attention to the aggression and concerns that were forced on them by the particular sect of society. It explains the writers’ experiences with the fatwa, court case, exile, and trauma.Female Body as the ‘Other’: Rituals and Biotechnical Approach using Perumal Murugan’s One Part Woman and Matrubhoomi: A Nation Without Women, questions the society that limits female bodies for procreation and objectification. It talks about how men and women are regarded differently, as well as the cultural ideals that apply to women. It explains infertility, which is attributed to women, as well as people’s ignorance and refusal to seek medical help in favour of adhering to traditional customs and engaging in numerous rituals for procreation.Life and (non) Living: Technological and Human Conglomeration in Android Kunjappan Version 5.25, explores how cyborgs and people will inevitably interact in the Malayalam film Android Kunjappan Version 5.25. It demonstrates the advantages, adaptability, and drawbacks of cyborgs in daily life. It emphasises how the cyborg absorbs cultural and religious notions. The authors argue that cyborgs are an inevitable development in the world and that until the flaws are fixed, humans must approach cyborgs with caution. The Challenges of Using Machine Translation While Translating Polysemous Words, discusses the difficulty of using machine translation to translate polysemous words from French to English (Google Translate). It serves as an example of how the machine chooses the formal or often-used meaning rather than the pragmatic meaning and applies it in every situation. It demonstrates how Machine Translation is unable to understand the pragmatic meaning of Polysemous terms because it is ignorant of the cultures of the source and target languages. It implies that Machine Translation will become extremely beneficial and user-friendly if the flaws are fixed.This collection of articles progresses through the literary and visual narratives of India that range from historical events to contemporary situations. It aims to record the stories that are silenced and untold through writing, film, and other forms of art. India’s artistic output was influenced by factors such as independence, partition, the Kashmir crisis, the Northeast Insurgency, marginalisation, religious disputes, environmental awareness, technical breakthroughs, Bollywood, and the Indian film industry. India now reflects a multitude of cultures and customs as a result of these occurrences. As we examine the Indian narratives produced to date, we can draw the conclusion that India has a vast array of tales to share with the rest of the world.Guest Editorial BoardGuest Editor-in-ChiefDr. Bhuvaneswari R, Associate Professor, School of Social Sciences and Languages, Vellore Institute of Technology, Chennai. She has pursued her master’s at the University of Madras, Chennai and doctoral research at HNB Central University, Srinagar. Her research areas of interest are ELT, Children/Young Adult Literature, Canadian writings, Indian literature, and Contemporary Fiction. She is passionate about environmental humanities. She has authored and co-authored articles in National and International Journals.Guest EditorsCynthiya Rose J S, Assistant Professor (Jr.), School of Social Sciences and Languages, Vellore Institute of Technology, Chennai. Her research interests are Children’s Literature, Indian Literature and Graphic Novels.Maria Baptist S, Assistant Professor (Jr.), School of Social Sciences and Languages, Vellore Institute of Technology, Chennai. His research interests include Crime/Detective fiction and Indian Literature.MembersDr. Sufina K, School of Science and Humanities, Sathyabama Institute of Science and Technology, Chennai, IndiaDr. Narendiran S, Department of Science and Humanities, St. Joseph’s Institute of Technology, Chennai, India

Abstract. The study of the receptions, uses and transformations of the figure of Friedrich Ratzel in the French geography of the inter-war period considers here the double heritage of Ratzel and Vidal de la Blache, the consequences of the Great War on international relations and the emergence of new schools of thought, in particular of Geopolitik. Between admiration, criticism and attempts to go beyond his ideas, even to use them against his German heirs, some geographers persist in thinking with (sometimes against) him, throughout the crises and world wars that give him a persistent image of relevance. On the one hand a precursor and eminent scholar, on the other hand a «bad teacher» of geopolitics for the Wilhelmian and then Nazi regime making him responsible for its excesses and territorial ambitions, his theories were then used to understand the troubled evolution of the world until 1945.

Teachers’ health is a key factor of any successful education system, but available data are conflicting. To evaluate to what extent teachers’ health could be at risk, we used pre-pandemic data from the CONSTANCES population-based French cohort (inclusion phase: 2012–2019) and compared teachers (n = 12,839) included in the cohort with a random subsample selected among all other employees (n = 32,837) on four self-reported health indicators: perceived general health, depressive symptoms (CES-D scale), functional limitations in the last six months, and persistent neck/back troubles (Nordic questionnaire). We further restricted our comparison group to the State employees (n = 3583), who share more occupational similarities with teachers. Lastly, we focused on teachers and evaluated how their health status might differ across teaching levels (primary, secondary, and higher education). As compared to non-teacher employees, and even after adjusting for important demographic, socioeconomic, lifestyle, and occupational confounders, teachers were less likely to report bad perceived health and depressive symptoms but were more likely to present functional limitations. Trends were similar in the analyses restricted to State employees. Within the teaching population, secondary school teachers were more likely to report depressive symptoms but less frequently declared persistent neck/back troubles than primary school teachers. Our descriptive cross-sectional study based on a probability sampling procedure (secondary use of CONSTANCES inclusion data) did not support the idea that teachers’ health in France was particularly at risk in the pre-pandemic period. Both cross-cultural and longitudinal studies are needed to further gain information on the topic of teachers’ health around the world and to monitor its evolution over time, particularly during crises impacting the education system such as the COVID-19 pandemic.