Artykuły w czasopismach: „Freedom of debate”

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Carleo, Robert A. "Confucian freedom: assessing the debate". Asian Philosophy 31, nr 3 (4.05.2021): 211–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09552367.2021.1899439.

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Fischli, Roberta, i Thomas Beschorner. "Digital Freedom –Opening up the Debate". Morals & Machines 2, nr 1 (2022): 10–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2747-5174-2022-1-11.

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This paper contributes to the normative analysis of digital technologies and data-driven practices by broadening the analytical perspective on freedom. Many contemporary discussions of the digital context tend to operate with a relatively narrow conception of freedom, which centers on the absence of interference. While this approach is in line with liberalism’s on-going paradigmatic standing in much of the Western world, we argue that digital theorists have much to gain from opening their discussions to social and positive conceptions of freedom. Drawing on the work of Axel Honneth and John Christman, we show how such a change in perspective gives rise to new considerations for freedom in the digital context, such as collective self-determination, capabilities, and mutual recogni- tion. Building on these ideas, we sketch three demands that follow from such an inclusive conception of freedom: empowering people via new forms of political participation, increasing diversity and collective awareness in the digital industry, as well as using progressive political regulation to unleash digital technology’s social potential.

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Vural, Hasan Sayim. "Two Generations of Debate on Freedom of Religion in Turkey". Religion and Human Rights 8, nr 3 (2013): 243–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18710328-12341258.

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Abstract Within the debate on freedom of religion in Turkey, we can identify two distinct generations, both of which are alive with an oscillating degree of vibrancy. The first generation of debate has evolved around the question on the proper place of Islam in the secular nation-state; while the second one has encompassed the plural concerns of protecting the rights and freedoms, pertaining to religion or belief, of a diverse multitude, under the rule of law. The first generation of debate resulted in a dual deadlock: Freedom to religion versus freedom from religion. The second generation is informed by a pluralisation of parties and concerns. The first generation has produced well-established results in jurisprudence, where the effect of the second generation is far from being significant. Yet, as this paper will explain in conclusion, we have good reasons to expect the second generation to prevail over the first one.

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Shnayderman, Ronen. "Liberal vs. Republican Notions of Freedom". Political Studies 60, nr 1 (8.08.2011): 44–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00900.x.

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One of the most interesting current debates about the ideal of freedom is the debate between the adherents of the recently revived republican notion of negative freedom, most notably Quentin Skinner and Philip Pettit, and the adherents of the prevailing liberal notion of negative freedom, most notably Ian Carter and Matthew Kramer. The debate between these two parties concerns the question of what negative freedom is. While Carter and Kramer argue that negative freedom is simply the absence of interference, Skinner and Pettit argue that negative freedom is first and foremost the absence of arbitrary power to interfere (or, in short, domination) and only in a secondary sense also the absence of interference. In this article I argue that the republican notion of negative freedom is implausible, since it entails that situations involving only domination are as inimical to negative freedom as situations involving both domination and dominating interference; and, moreover, that Pettit and Skinner themselves find the idea that these two situations are equally inimical to negative freedom implausible.

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Chadwick, Ruth. "Freedom and responsibility in the COVID debate". Bioethics 35, nr 7 (wrzesień 2021): 607. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/bioe.12937.

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CARTER, IAN. "Debate: The Myth of ‘Merely Formal Freedom’". Journal of Political Philosophy 19, nr 4 (28.10.2010): 486–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9760.2010.00371.x.

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Gómez-Rodríguez, Víctor-Gustavo, i Roberto Tolozano-Benites. "LA AUTONOMÍA UNIVERSITARIA A DEBATE". Identidad Bolivariana 6, nr 1 (31.01.2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.37611/ib6ol11-6.

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Academic freedom and institutional autonomy, from all its edges, are not a privilege. Responsible university autonomy is a condition for the development of each institution of higher education and of the country itself. Today there is a debate about what should be the University of the 21st century in Ecuador and what role or roles should be adopted, depending on the autonomy, to each of the actors of the Higher Education System (SES).

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Harcourt, Mark, i Helen Lam. "Freedom of Association, Freedom of Contract, and the Right-to-Work Debate". Employee Responsibilities and Rights Journal 18, nr 4 (15.11.2006): 249–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10672-006-9022-y.

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RAKIĆ, VOJIN. "Moral Bioenhancement and Free Will: Continuing the Debate". Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 26, nr 3 (25.05.2017): 384–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963180116001043.

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Abstract:This article continues and expands differences I have with Ingmar Persson and Julian Savulescu concerning issues of moral bioenhancement and free will. They have criticized my conception of voluntary moral bioenhancement, claiming that it ignores the extent to which freedom is a matter of degree. Here, I argue that freedom as a political concept (or as one that is analogous to a political concept) is indeed scalar in nature, but that freedom of the will is to be understood as a threshold concept and therefore not as subject to degree. Consequently, I contend, by asserting that freedom is a matter of degree, that Persson and Savulescu have not undermined my arguments favoring voluntary moral enhancement. In addition, I add three further arguments against compulsory moral bioenhancement.

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Carter, Ian, i Ronen Shnayderman. "The Impossibility of “Freedom as Independence”". Political Studies Review 17, nr 2 (23.05.2018): 136–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929918771452.

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Most of the recent work on freedom is concerned with the liberal-republican debate. The latest move in this debate has been made by List and Valentini who argue in favor of a conception of freedom (called “freedom as independence”) that is located midway between the liberal and republican conceptions. In this article, we review some key aspects of the debate that led to List and Valentini’s move and then argue that their midway position is untenable. We first show how the debate has given rise to List and Valentini’s (republican-inspired) view that unfreedom is created not merely by more or less probable constraints (as liberals have claimed) but by the sheer possibility of constraints. We then argue that this position on possible-but-improbable constraints makes unfreedom ubiquitous and that “freedom as independence” is therefore an impossible ideal. In the course of our argument, we rebut some possible rejoinders that appeal to the difference between positive normative and non-normative constraints and to the ways in which “freedom as independence” is an open and versatile concept.

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Kubas, Ewa. "Constitutional freedom of assembly and its limitations". Polityka i Społeczeństwo 20, nr 4 (2022): 160–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/polispol.2022.4.11.

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In this publication, the author analyzes the article 57 of the Polish Constitution, which concerns the freedom of assembly and the provisions limiting this freedom. Considerations on the presented topic allow for the conclusion that the freedom of assembly plays an extremely important role in the functioning of a democratic state of law and allows the society to participate in the public debate on many important issues. The analysis shows that this freedom is not, however, absolute and the existing restrictions are necessary for the state and its individual institutions to function efficiently and for the possibility of using other rights and freedoms guaranteed in Poland.

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Levy, Jacob T. "LIBERALISM'S DIVIDE, AFTER SOCIALISM AND BEFORE". Social Philosophy and Policy 20, nr 1 (18.12.2002): 278–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052503201126.

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For most of the century and a half that began roughly with the later works of John Stuart Mill, the most important divide within liberal political thought was that between classical (or market, or libertarian) liberalism and welfare (or new, or redistributionist) liberalism. The questions that were important to the socialist/liberal debate also became important for debates within liberalism: What is the relationship between property and freedom? Between free trade and freedom? Is freedom of commercial activity on a moral par with other sorts of freedom? Is the alleviation of poverty or material need a more important political goal than freedom? How do freedom and equality fit together in a liberal understanding of justice? What degree of state economic planning, or state taxation and expenditure, is compatible with liberal freedom?

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Dabney, Dan, John Swan i Noel Peattie. "The Freedom to Lie: A Debate about Democracy". Journal of Education for Library and Information Science 31, nr 4 (1991): 377. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40323375.

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Lee, Taehee. "Alternative Possibilities and a Dogma on Freedom Debate". Kagaku tetsugaku 51, nr 1 (31.07.2018): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4216/jpssj.51.1-19.

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Lawson, Robert, i Ryan Murphy. "Economic freedom and growth specification debate: a retrospective". Applied Economics Letters 25, nr 15 (31.10.2017): 1038–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504851.2017.1391997.

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Siavoshi, S. "Ayatollah Khomeini and the Contemporary Debate on Freedom". Journal of Islamic Studies 18, nr 1 (1.01.2007): 14–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etl042.

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Sorabji, Richard. "Tagore in Debate with Gandhi: Freedom as Creativity". Sophia 55, nr 4 (19.09.2016): 553–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11841-016-0553-x.

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Simmons, Thomas. "The freedom to lie: A debate about democracy". Information Processing & Management 26, nr 4 (styczeń 1990): 567–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0306-4573(90)90089-k.

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Hapsin, Abu. "Religious Freedom and the Idea of Establishing Islamic State". Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan 25, nr 1 (20.12.2017): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/ws.25.1.1329.

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The idea of Gamwell on“religion as rational” was based on the concept that religious freedom is nothing other than a political discourse that can be figured out only through a democratic resolution. Changing paradigm from “religion as non-rational” to “religion as rational” is a necessary condition for entering a public debate. Yet, the sole public debate or public view is not enough to solve the modern political problematic. The public debate must be guided by a constitutional procedure affirmed by the body politic so that it fulfills the criteria of formal claim about justice. Applying qualitative research and literature review this research tried to reveal: Gamwell’s idea of religious freedom, the features of the Islamic State as described by Abdul Rauf and Gamwell’s concept of religious freedom and the idea of establishing the Islamic State advocated by Abdul Rauf.Gagasan Gamwell tentang "agama itu rasional" didasarkan pada konsep bahwa kebebasan beragama tidak lain adalah wacana politik yang hanya bisa diraih melalui resolusi demokratis. Mengubah paradigma dari "agama sebagai tidak rasional" menjadi "agama sebagai rasional" adalah syarat yang diperlukan sebelum memasuki debat publik. Namun, debat publik atau pandangan publik saja tidak cukup untuk memecahkan masalah politik modern. Perdebatan publik harus dipandu oleh prosedur konstitusional yang ditegaskan oleh badan politik sehingga memenuhi kriteria klaim formal tentang keadilan. Dengan menggunakan penelitian kualitatif dan kajian pustaka penelitian ini mencoba mengungkapkan: gagasan Gamwell tentang kebebasan beragama, ciri-ciri Negara Islam seperti yang dijelaskan oleh Abdul Rauf, dan konsep Gamwell tentang kebebasan beragama, serta gagasan untuk mendirikan Negara Islam yang dianjurkan oleh Abdul Rauf.

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Maliakan, Joseph, i Lek Hor Tan. "Victory for press freedom". Index on Censorship 17, nr 9 (październik 1988): 7–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534528.

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Last month, following nationwide protests from journalists, editors and publishers, the Indian government withdrew its controversial Defamation Bill and announced that a national debate on the defamation issue would be intiated. The government's decision, announced by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi at the end of September, was greeted with jubilation by members of the press and public. The Bill, which would have considerably weakened the position of defendants in defamation cases, had been introduced into the Lok Sabha (the lower house of Parliament) on 29 August without any prior consultation with the press, and was passed next day with very little debate. The haste with which the Bill was passed was widely seen as the government's latest attempt to impose censorship on the media, especially on investigative journalism. Here a journalist on the Indian Express and lndex's Asia specialist look at the Bill and the controversy it provoked.

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Wang, Zimeng. "From the Realm of Freedom to Institution Building". Scientific and Social Research 6, nr 4 (29.04.2024): 214–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.26689/ssr.v6i4.6826.

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Marx’s articles on freedom and necessity have aroused great interest and substantive debate, especially in volume III of Das Kapital. It is worth noting that fundamental questions of revolutionary change are at the core of these debates. For Marx, systemic contradictions in any given mode of production were bound to lead to revolutionary shifts. Within capitalism, for example, the contradictions between the productive forces and the relations of production develop to the point where the proletariat becomes aware of their alienated existence and subsequently overthrows the exploiting ruling class.

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Kanke, Tomohiro, i Junya Morooka. "In search of an alternative history of debate in early modern Japan". Journal of Argumentation in Context 1, nr 2 (29.10.2012): 168–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jaic.1.2.02kan.

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This paper offers an alternative historical account of debate in Japan during the Meiji, Taishō, and early Shōwa eras (1868-1936). Most previous studies on the modern history of debate in Japan have focused on Yukichi Fukuzawa (the alleged founding father of Western debate) or political advocacy by voluntary associations in the Freedom and People’s Rights Movement (1874-1890). Contrary to the prevailing view that debate had largely dissipated by 1890 due to the government’s strict regulations and crackdowns, this paper demonstrates that debate continued to be an important activity of youth clubs across the nation. Emerging around the late 1880s, those youth clubs regularly held intra-group debates on various topics in order to advance knowledge in academic and practical matters. This paper concludes by suggesting that far from suppressing debates altogether, political authorities tolerated, and even promoted, certain forms of debate which they deemed fit for producing active yet subservient citizens.

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Farrow, Trevor C. W. "Re-Framing the Sharia Arbitration Debate". Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 15, nr 1, 2 & 3 (24.07.2011): 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/c9s67t.

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The “matter of religious arbitration in . . . Ontario” to which Margaret Atwood and nine others are referring is a vocal, polarized debate – the “[S]haria debate.”2 It has largely been framed by two questions. Should Ontario “[p]rohibit the use of religion in the arbitration of family law disputes”3 to avoid “the ghettoization of members of religious communities as well as human-rights abuses?”4 Or would such a prohibition do a “great disservice to a number of religious groups in Ontario, and nothing to safeguard the interests of Muslim women?”5 Several fundamental rights and interests are engaged by this debate, including religious freedom, gender equality, the rights of children, national and cultural identity, freedom from hatred, the role of the state in family law, and others.

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PARRA SALAS, DORIS. "LA LIBERTÉ: UN DÉBAT DES LIBÉRAUX ET DES RÉPUBLICAINS". Pensamiento Republicano 7 (10.07.2017): 15–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21017/pen.repub.2017.n7a.23.

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Nemtoi, Gabriela. "Freedom of Association versus Freedom of Assembly". European Journal of Law and Public Administration 9, nr 1 (25.06.2022): 01–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/eljpa/9.1/165.

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Freedom of assembly occupies an “eminent place” in the system of international acts aimed at the protection of human rights. In this sense, we mention that freedom of association and freedom of assembly are instruments of expression, of collective opinion and as such, due to their role in the existence and development of a democratic society, they assign a central place in establishing the democratic framework of state governance. Freedom of association and freedom of assembly outline the essence of democracy which resides in its ability to resolve issues through public debate. The protection of freedom of assembly targets precisely this exchange of ideas and the collective manifestations of social and political activity. Freedom of assembly covers both private and public assemblies. In this sense, states have a positive obligation to protect those who exercise this freedom against the violence of counter-demonstrators. For this purpose, the states have a wide margin of appreciation of the necessary measures.

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Monier, Cyril, i Mehdi Khamassi. "Liberté et Cognition. Une autre voie est possible. Introduction". Intellectica. Revue de l'Association pour la Recherche Cognitive 75, nr 2 (2021): 7–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/intel.2021.1999.

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Freedom & Cognition. Another Way is Possible. The question of the relationship between freedom and determinism has been one of the most debated topics in philosophy since antiquity. In recent decades, investigations in the sciences of cognition and neurosciences have greatly revived the debate on free will by studying, for example, decision-making, volition, the feeling of agency or even metacognition. These studies have generated important exchanges between philosophers and scientists and this 75th issue of Intellectica is a continuation of these exchanges. Contributions to the issue come from both philosophers and neuroscientists. They offer a wide variety of positions on freedom and responsibility, the societal issues that this generates, and give rise to a number of avenues for discussion with cognitive sciences. One of the important questions raised in this issue is whether the knowledge brought to us today by cognitive science research can help us increase our freedom. This issue is also an opportunity to take stock of the current state of philosophical debates on free will. Finally, this issue is also an opportunity to shed light on the Spinozist notion of free necessity, and to compare it in more detail with the literature on free will and with knowledge resulting from work in the field of cognitive sciences.

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Hanlon, Joseph. "Debate intensifies over adjustment & press freedom in Mozambique". Review of African Political Economy 29, nr 91 (marzec 2002): 113–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056240208704587.

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Holbrook, J. Britt, Stephen Curry i Shina C. L. Kamerlin. "Debate on academic freedom and open access is healthy". Nature 562, nr 7728 (październik 2018): 494. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/d41586-018-07153-y.

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Rowbottom, Jacob. "Media Freedom and Political Debate in the Digital Era". Modern Law Review 69, nr 4 (lipiec 2006): 489–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2230.2006.00597.x.

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Meylahn, Johann-Albrecht. "Called into the Freedom of Christ in a Postmodern Age and the Moral Debate". Verbum et Ecclesia 26, nr 3 (3.10.2005): 740–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v26i3.248.

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Within Postmodernity we are facing tremendous ethical challenges while upholding a strong sense of freedom. In this essay I argue that this freedom is often still interpreted within a modern paradigm as an essential freedom of presence which has its roots in Neo-Platonic thinking. In Paul’ s letter to the Galatians there are insights to a different interpretation of the freedom we have in Christ as an eschatological freedom of calling and promise. This freedom can only be grasped in faith and is never the possession of any one individual or community, but rather a continuous challenge. It is a freedom that creates space for the other (for that, that seemed impossible) to become present (possible) and therefore it finds itself between justice (dike) and mercy – justice, as that which creates space for those who do not have space (presence), the unheard voices and the marginalised voices; and mercy which brings these unheard voices (the non-present) into being. This is the freedom to which the Cross beckons and the Resurrection inspires.

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Pearson, Mark. "Teaching press freedom and open justice: A model for debate". Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 9, nr 1 (1.09.2003): 124–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v9i1.760.

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This article explores ways of building the topics of press freedom and open justice into the teritary journalism curriculum. It uses reflective practice techniques in developing a series of two by three hour workshop modules centred around introducing students to the priniciples of press freedom and open justice, exploring cases where these issues have ben tested in the courts, and building students skills in defending press freedom and open justice in the newsroom and the courtroom. It uses poblem-based and experiential pedagogies to bring historical and philosophical principles to life and make them relevant to students' experiences and current newsroom practices. Finally, it invites comments and discussions on other curricular and pedagogical apporaches to teaching these topics.

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Vihvelin, Kadri. "Freedom, Foreknowledge, and the Principle of Alternate Possibilities". Canadian Journal of Philosophy 30, nr 1 (marzec 2000): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00455091.2000.10717523.

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For us there is only the trying. The rest is not our business.T.S. Eliot, Four QuartetsFew arguments in contemporary philosophy have had more influence than Harry Frankfurt's ‘Alternate Possibilities and Moral Responsiblity.’ In that famous paper Frankfurt noted that all parties to the traditional debate about the compatibility of free will and moral responsibility with determinism had subscribed to a common assumption. They had assumed the truth of something Frankfurt called ‘the Principle of Alternate Possibilities,’ which he expressed as follows:(PAP) A person is morally responsible for what he has done only if he could have done otherwise.In the traditional debate incompatibilists argued that if determinism is true, then no one can ever do otherwise, while compatibilists argued that there is a morally relevant sense in which even a deterministic agent can do otherwise. Frankfurt proposed to show that PAPis false, thereby undercutting the traditional debate.

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Elzein, Nadine, i Tuomas K. Pernu. "Supervenient Freedom and the Free Will Deadlock". Disputatio 9, nr 45 (26.10.2017): 219–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/disp-2017-0005.

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Abstract Supervenient libertarianism maintains that indeterminism may exist at a supervening agency level, consistent with determinism at a subvening physical level. It seems as if this approach has the potential to break the longstanding deadlock in the free will debate, since it concedes to the traditional incompatibilist that agents can only do otherwise if they can do so in their actual circumstances, holding the past and the laws constant, while nonetheless arguing that this ability is compatible with physical determinism. However, we argue that supervenient libertarianism faces some serious problems, and that it fails to break us free from this deadlock within the free will debate.

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Martin, Patricia A. "The Role of Women in Abortion Jurisprudence: From Roe to Casey and Beyond". Cambridge Quarterly of Healthcare Ethics 2, nr 3 (1993): 309–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096318010000431x.

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In many ways, Roe v. Wade marked a new chapter in American life. By assuring women of greater reproductive freedom., It gave women greater economic and social freedom, Inflamed a partisan battle between pro-life and pro-choice camps, and provoked a public debate regarding the proper sphere of judicial action. Hence, just as Roe has been critical to the changing politics of gender, it has been the focus of a political debate about the meaning of personhood and morality of abortion, the scope of individual freedom, and the judiciary's role in effecting social change.

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Saleem, Nadia, i Farasat Rasool. "Freedom of Expression in Digital Age: An Analysis of Twitter in Context of Pak-China Relationship". Global Mass Communication Review V, nr IV (30.12.2020): 217–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gmcr.2020(v-iv).16.

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This article is aimed to provide an analysis regarding the freedom of expression on Twitter in the digital age. Freedom of expression in the digital age is the capability of an individual through which they are able to express their beliefs, thoughts, ideas and emotions on various issues via different social media platforms that are free from governmental censorship. These freedoms play a significant role, as now, each individual can have his/her own perspectives and school of thoughts; and can live his/her life as per own choice. The present study is a discourse analysis of the Pak-China relations debate as top trend hashtags on Twitter in 2020. The data was collected through Mozdeh Big Data Software. The top twenty tweets with the highest likes in seven trending hashtags have been studied as per Searle's Speech Act Analysis. The study shows that how Twitter as a social media platform provides a forum of free debate for everyone.

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Sobczyk, Paweł. "Wolność sumienia i religii w art. 53 Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej z dnia 2 kwietnia 1997 r." Prawo Kanoniczne 44, nr 3-4 (10.12.2001): 207–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.2001.44.3-4.08.

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The 53rd article of the Constitution of the Republic of the Poland concerning the freedom of faith and religion, adopted of the 2nd of April 1997, is a result of a long lasting constitutional debate since 1989. Debate’s counterpatrs were: the President of the Polish Republic, the Constitutional Commission of the National Assembly, the Constitutional Commissions of the two chambers of Polish Parliament: the Sejm and the Senate, political Parties and citizens’ movements as well as individual persons. This broad engagement shows the importance of issues affecting freedoms and human rights of the citizens in the Republic of Poland. It underlines especially the idea of the constitutional legislator thet the freedom of faith and religion is a primary and indispensable right of a human beeing. More then that, as far as this freedom touches the crucial element of the human nature, it creates in every person a deep foundation for the existense of other freedoms.

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Justo Domínguez, Emilio-José. "Concepto de libertad en el debate teológico actual". Carthaginensia 40, nr 77 (15.01.2024): 177–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.62217/carth.531.

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La cuestión de la relevancia actual del cristianismo aparece en distintos debates sobre la comprensión de la Iglesia católica y sobre su doctrina teológica y moral. Esta discusión se ha agudizado, sobre todo en la teología alemana, con una controversia sobre la relación de la libertad con la verdad. En este artículo se presenta el contenido fundamental de esa controversia y se reflexiona sobre algunos aspectos de la misma, como la relación entre libertad y amor, la idea de auto-determinación y la moralidad. Finalmente, se apuntan algunas reflexiones que ayuden a pensar un concepto de libertad, insistiendo en su caráter global y en la capacidad creativa propia del amor. Abstract: The question of the current relevance of Christianity appears in different debates on the understanding of the Catholic Church and on its theological and moral doctrine. This discussion has sharpened, specially in German theology, with controversy about the relation of freedom to truth. This article presents the fundamental content of this controversy and reflects on some aspects of it, such as the relationship between freedom and love the idea of self-determination and the morality. Finally, some reflections are pointed out that help to think about a concept of freedom, insisting on its global character and on the creative capacity of love.

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Smithey, Shannon Ishiyama. "Religious Freedom and Equality Concerns under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms". Canadian Journal of Political Science 34, nr 1 (marzec 2001): 85–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423901777827.

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Section 2(a) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees freedom of conscience and religion. In interpreting the Charter, the courts have interpreted this provision to prevent the legislatures from discriminating against religious minorities by promoting particular religious practices. Judges have been much less willing to protect religious minority groups from secular laws that interfere with their religious convictions. The religion cases hold important implications for those concerned about cultural diversity and the equality of Canada's many ethnic communities, as well as for the debate over the increased power of courts under the Charter.

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Bellido, Francisco J. "El debate constitucional de 1931 en España sobre la libertad de conciencia: una discusión de las relaciones entre Iglesia y Estado = The 1931 Spanish constitutional debate on freedom of conscience: a discussion about the relations between Church and State". EUNOMÍA. Revista en Cultura de la Legalidad 13 (29.09.2017): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/eunomia.2017.3812.

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Resumen: Este estudio analiza el debate parlamentario de 1931 en España, en el marco del debate sobre la nueva Constitución, en torno a la libertad de conciencia a través de las relaciones entre Iglesia y Estado que los distintos partidos políticos perfilan. Defiende que el debate sobre la libertad de conciencia es, sobre todo, un debate sobre el papel de estas dos instituciones en el nuevo orden constituyente. En la primera parte de este trabajo se recogen las intervenciones parlamentarias que configuran el debate constitucional sobre la libertad de conciencia durante septiembre de 1931. Junto a ellas se exponen algunos de los factores políticos que ayudan a entender el contexto del debate constitucional en esas fechas. En la segunda parte se introducen precisiones sobre el vocabulario político de los constituyentes, enfatizando la necesidad de prestar atención al uso de conceptos políticos comunes: secularización, autonomía, libertad y Estado. En la tercera parte se examinan, al hilo de las intervenciones parlamentarias del debate constitucional a lo largo de octubre de 1931, los argumentos aducidos por los diputados de las distintas formaciones y se recapitulan las razones que sostienen la hipótesis de trabajo.Palabras clave: Debate constitucional español de 1931, Constitución española de 1931, libertad de conciencia, Iglesia y Estado en España, vocabulario político de la Segunda República.Abstract: This study examines the Spanish parliamentary debate of 1931, in the framework of the debate on the new Constitution, about freedom of conscience through the relations between Church and State outlined by the different political parties. It defends that the debate on freedom of conscience deals mainly with the role of both institutions in the new constituent order. The first part of this article shows parliamentary sessions on freedom of conscience that took place in September 1931. In the second part some clarifications regarding the political vocabulary used by the constituents are introduced. It pays attention to the use of common political: secularisation, autonomy, liberty and State. In the third part the arguments held by the representative during October 1931 are examined. Finally, it summarises the arguments supporting the article’s hypothesis.Keywords: Spanish constitutional debate of 1931, Spanish Constitution of 1931, freedom of conscience, church and state in Spain, political vocabulary of the Spanish Second Republic.

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Davies, Ian, i Beatrice Szczepek Reed. "Freedom on university campuses: An argument for normatively dependent toleration". Citizenship Teaching & Learning 14, nr 3 (1.10.2019): 249–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ctl_00009_1.

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Abstract In the context of longstanding debates about the meaning of toleration and current significant disagreements within society, we offer a discussion about several key areas of debate and sketch broadly some responses in higher education. Following contextual remarks about key philosophical perspectives and reference to particular disputes within society, generally in society and particularly on university campuses, about free speech relating to terrorism and 'lad culture', we draw attention to issues about toleration. These are relationship with self; the public‐private interface; levels or degrees of toleration regarding action; and the limits to toleration. We then develop more precisely framed connections for a particular characterization of toleration within higher education.

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Sobczyk, Paweł. "Wolność sumienia i religii w Konstytucji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej - postulaty Kościoła katolickiego". Prawo Kanoniczne 51, nr 3-4 (10.12.2008): 371–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.2008.51.3-4.18.

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The systemic transformation initiated by the Roundtable talks of 1989 made it necessary for Poland to amend its constitution, including the regulations concerning the freedom of conscience and religion. It was natural for churches and religious organisations, including the Catholic Church, to participate in the constitutional debate. The study, reflecting only the Catholic Church’s official positions, presents issues concerning the Catholic Church’s position on religious freedom in the individual dimension, that is, the freedom of conscience and religion. The Conference of the Polish Episcopate’s 1990-1997 positions on religious freedom in the individual dimensions contained some of the most important aspects of the teaching of the Second Vatican Council. These represented the basis of the Episcopate’s position in the several-year-long debate on the desired model of the state. The constitutional guarantees of religious freedom contained in the article 53 (freedom of conscience and religion) should be seen as a compromise between the principles of liberal ideology and the teachings of the Vaticanum II.

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Somin, Ilya. "Immigration and the Economic Freedom of Natives". Public Affairs Quarterly 37, nr 3 (1.07.2023): 226–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/21520542.37.3.06.

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Abstract Much of the debate over the justice of immigration restrictions focuses on their impact on would-be migrants. Restrictionists often focus on potentially harmful effects of immigration on residents of receiving countries. This article cuts across this long-standing debate by outlining ways in which immigration restrictions inflict harm on natives, specifically by undermining their economic liberty. It covers both the libertarian “negative” view of economic freedom and the “positive” version advanced by left-liberals. Section 1 focuses on “negative” economic freedom. It shows that migration restrictions massively restrict the negative economic liberty of natives. Section 2 takes up “positive” theories of economic freedom; here, too, there are massive effects. Finally, section 3 describes how to address potentially harmful side effects of migration that might undermine economic liberty.

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Claerhout, Sarah, i Jakob De Roover. "Religious Freedom and the Limits of Propagation: Conversion in the Constituent Assembly of India". Religions 10, nr 3 (5.03.2019): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel10030157.

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In discussions about religious freedom in India, the country’s conflict regarding conversion plays a central role. The Constitution’s freedom of religion clause, Article 25, grants the right “freely to profess, practise and propagate religion,” but this has generated a dispute about the meaning of the right ‘to propagate’ and its relation to the freedom to convert. The recognition of this right is said to be the result of a key debate in the Constituent Assembly of India. To find out which ideas and arguments gave shape to this debate and the resulting religious freedom clause, we turn to the Assembly’s deliberations and come to a surprising conclusion: indeed, there was disagreement about conversion among the Assembly members, but this never took the form of a debate. Instead, there was a disconnect between the member’s concerns, objections, and comments concerning the draft article on the one hand, and the Assembly’s decision about the religious freedom clause on the other. If a key ‘debate’ took this form, what then could the ongoing dispute concerning conversion in India be about? We first examine some recent historiographical accounts of the Indian conflicts about conversion and proselytization. Then we develop a hypothesis that aims to make sense of this enduring conflict by identifying a blindness at its core: people reasoning against the background of Indian traditions see ‘propagation of religion’ as the human dissemination of tradition; this is incompatible with a religious conception where conversion and propagation of faith are seen in terms of God’s intervention. These two ways of seeing ‘propagation’ generate two conflicting experiences of the Indian dispute about religious freedom and conversion.

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Piotrowski, Ryszard. "FREEDOM OF INDEPENDENT SPEECH AND DEBATE – VANISHING POINT IN AN ALGORITHMIC DEMOCRACY". Studia Iuridica 99 (2024): 591–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/2544-3135.si.2024-99.34.

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The new technologies are fundamentally changing the culture of human rights, including the right to freedom of speech, by lowering the level of sensitivity to their violation and making people gradually accustomed to systemic restrictions not only on the right to privacy but also on the sovereignty of the nation. The dependence on new information and communication technologies is transforming the constitutional identity of the democratic state ruled by law, without formally changing the existing constitution. In a situation where any kind of fictitious reality may be fashioned using AI algorithms, the freedom of speech, as a reflection of freedom of thought, comes under acute threats.

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Krouglov, Alexei N. "Kant and the Crusians in the Debate on Optimism". Kantian journal 37, nr 2 (2018): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5922/0207-6918-2018-2-1.

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In this article, which completes a two-part series on the problem of optimism in Kant’s works, I explore in detail the arguments advanced by the Crusians A. F. Reinhard and D. Weymann against the actual world as the best of all possible worlds and in favour of the actual world as one of the good worlds, Kant’s counterarguments put forward in the mid-1750s drafts and in An Attempt at Some Reflections on Optimism (1759), and further polemical attacks on this topic against Kant by D. Weymann in his works of 1759—1760. I trace the evolution of Kant’s views on optimism from the mid- to the late-1750s, when this concept — once characteristic of the partly unacceptable position that G. W. Leibniz defended in the Theodicy — came to describe Kant’s own views. Leaving aside Voltaire’s resonating works on the Lisbon earthquake, the generic opponent to Kant’s position is an amalgam of Crusians (C. A. Crusius, A. F. Reinhard, D. Weymann, and others), reduced to a caricature with regards to certain theses. I address Weymann’s polemic with Kant to show that, in the pre-critical period, the early Kant advocated beliefs in sphere of practical philosophy that he later radically changed in the critical period, in particular those with regards to freedom and human dignity. The obvious bias of most Kantian scholars against Kant’s opponents prevented researchers from seeing the validity of Weymann’s criticism of Kant for ignoring the problem of freedom. To prove his point, Weymann addressed the difference between the freedom of contradiction (libertas contradictionis) and the freedom of contrariety (libertas contrarietatis). Apparently, Kant himself noticed to a certain degree the validity of Weymann’s criticism, since, after 1759, he abandoned the term “optimism” and, in his later years, distanced himself from his early work An Attempt at Some Reflections on Optimism.

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Siddik, Syahril. "Cursing the Sacred:". Tebuireng: Journal of Islamic Studies and Society 2, nr 1 (31.12.2021): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33752/tjiss.v2i1.2241.

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Islam and blasphemy have repeatedly emerged as the center of Indonesian public discourse and debate after the fall of Suharto. The debate becomes intense in a democratic society when people feel free to speak and deliver their opinions. When their speeches and opinions are regarded to have offences against a particular religion, the followers will protest against them. In Indonesia, these offences can be brought to court due to the presence of the blasphemy law in the Indonesian Criminal Code. Some scholars and religious leaders believe that the law have to be removed because it is not compatible with the principles of religious freedom and democracy. Others believe the law have to be defended because it is needed to regulate religious lives and maintain religious tolerance in the society. This article will investigate the diverse opinions among Muslim activists and leaders from various Muslim organizations including Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah. This article attempts to answer two questions of what are the social and cultural backgrounds of the debates on blasphemy and how religious freedom is defined through these debates in contemporary Indonesia? The data are collected from the document and the recorded video of the judicial review of the blasphemy law in Indonesian constitutional court in 2010 and the interviews concerning the decision of the judicial review. This article suggests that religious freedom is limited by the majority of opinions in favor with the blasphemy law which discriminate free speech and religious minority groups

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Haji, Ishtiyaque, i Michael McKenna. "Dialectical Delicacies in the Debate About Freedom and Alternative Possibilities". Journal of Philosophy 101, nr 6 (2004): 299–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jphil2004101616.

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Haddow, Rodney, i Tony Fitzpatrick. "Freedom and Security: An Introduction to the Basic Income Debate". Labour / Le Travail 47 (2001): 260. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25149139.

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Rao, J. Mohan. "Freedom, equality, property and Bentham: The debate over unfree labour". Journal of Peasant Studies 27, nr 1 (październik 1999): 97–127. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03066159908438726.

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Van Der Veen, Robert J. "Debate: Real Freedom and Basic Income: Comment on Brian Barry". Journal of Political Philosophy 5, nr 3 (wrzesień 1997): 274–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9760.00035.

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