Rozprawy doktorskie: „Freedom of debate”

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Jeffries, Alison Margaret. "#Freedom' in contemporary British political debate : a conceptual case study." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.333276.

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SCARPI, VINICIUS DA SILVA. "HABERMAS AND THE REPUBLIC: A DEBATE ABOUT LAW, DEMOCRACY AND FREEDOM." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2006. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=8678@1.

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O termo liberdade tem sido trabalhado na teoria política moderna em torno da dicotomia liberdade positiva - liberdade negativa. Nesta dissertação, a partir da obra de Pettit e Skinner, foi defendida a tese da existência de um ideal alternativo a esta dicotomia presente na tradição política republicana. Ideal esse que, nas palavras dos citados autores, descreve a liberdade como não-dominação. Num segundo momento, foi defendida a idéia de que os modelos de democracia e de direito presentes na obra de Jürgen Habermas permitem a realização do ideal republicano de liberdade tendo em conta a realidade e as necessidades das sociedades contemporâneas, marcadas pelo pluralismo. The term freedom has been treated in modern political theory around the dichotomy between positive and negative. In this work, based on Pettit and Skinner´s thesis, it is proposed the existence of an alternative ideal, which can be found in the republican tradition and, according to the mentioned authors, defines freedom as non-domination. After that, it is argued that the models of democracy and law developed by Jürgen Habermas allow the achievement of the republican freedom considering the reality and the needs of the contemporary societies, characterized by pluralism.

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Rabin, M. Jeffrey. "The idea of freedom in Michael Oakeshott and the contemporary liberal-communitarian debate." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2000. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2873/.

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The purpose of this thesis is to ask: what are the issues that divide today's Liberals, Rawls, Dworkin, and Kymlicka for example, from their Communitarian critics, Sandel, Taylor, MacIntyre and so forth, and how may we see the political theorizing of Michael Oakeshott as going some way to answering, explaining and criticizing these issues. At root, it would appear that the principal issue that divides the Liberals from the Communitarians is agency: what it is, how it ought to be understood, and the normative consequences that are regarded as following from such differing understandings. In the case of the Liberals, they are said to employ an "unembedded" or "emotivist" conception of the self plainly indebted to Kant, with the normative consequences being that of the justification and promulgation of the procedural republic in which impartial justice is regarded as "the first virtue of social institutions." The Communitarians, by contrast, are regarded as employing a more "Hegelian" conception of agency, one in which practice precedes principal, justice is an important element in a complex whole, and the normative consequences are that of the promulgation of a perfectionist "politics of the good." However, in this dissertation, I dispute that the issue that divides the Liberals from the Communitarians is one of philosophy. I prefer in-stead to suggest it is actually one of politics and that such politics as it is composed can best be seen by examining the respective political dispositions, though not philosophies, of Kant and Hegel, and through the lenses of Oakeshott's understanding of Rationalism in Politics. I say this because while the Liberals and the Communitarians borrow the political dispositions of Kant and Hegel, they eschew the metaphysics with which Kant and Hegel underwrote their political philosophies, and it is from such metaphysics that they acquire their normative legitimacy. However, without such metaphysics, they merely become examples of what Oakeshott terms Rationalism in Politics. Once I have staked out these two 'dispositions' in political theorizing in Chapters 4 and 5, I then examine the respective relevant expositors of these dispositions in the current debate. John Rawls's A Theory of Justice will be examined in Chapter 6 as the paradigm example of Deontological Liberalism. Chapters 7 and 8 will examine Alasdair MacIntyre and Charles Taylor's critique of the contemporary theory and practice of Liberalism respectively. Chapter 9 will examine Richard Rorty's attempt at a post-modern ideal. Liberal utopia as a response to our current condition, and lastly, in chapter 10, I shall examine Oakeshott's ideal character of civil association as presented in On Human Conduct as a non-normative resolution of certain important facets of the Liberal-Communitarian debate. Chapter 11 shall provide a summary of the dissertation so far, as well as examine the alternative politics of truly rational conduct. By constructing the dissertation in this way, I hope to demonstrate the following points: One, that today's debate is as much about politics as it is philosophy; two, that there really is much more common ground between the Liberals and the Communitarians than either side is willing to recognize; three, that the Liberal-Communitarian debate is much more parochial and historically bound than might otherwise be thought; and lastly, that in Oakeshott's critique of what he calls Rationalism in Politics, which I examine in Chapter 3, standing on the shoulders of his idealist conception of philosophy presented in Experience and its Modes, we may gain a perspective and critique of the debate that would otherwise remain hidden.

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Acikoz, Haci Mustafa. "An investigation of the question of human agency and freedom in Thomas Reid's philosophy of action." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1995. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU076912.

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In philosophy the 'free will question' viz., "do we have free will by which we can freely perform an action of our own?" has been the cause and interest of one of the oldest debates of philosophy. The historical background of the 'free will debate' and of its participants can be traced back to the philosophy of Hellenistic (era) that covers the Peripatetic, Epicurean and Stoics schools. Then, it is extended from the Medieval tradition (St. Augustine, St. Thomas Aquinas and so on) through the Modern (era) philosophy (the Cartesian, the Empiricists and the Common Sense Schools) to the Contemporary philosophy of action. Almost all philosophers of these schools have either directly or indirectly been involved in the debate. Today what we have inherited from this debate, which still continues, is three main doctrines. These are: 'libertarianism', 'determinism', 'compatibilism' (or 'soft determinism'). In fact all these doctrines give rise to the idea that today "there is no single philosophical problem that is the problem of free will. There are rather a great many philosophical problems about free will." (01). This thesis, in the historical frame that has been given above, shall undertake the evaluation of the free will question in "Thomas Reid's (1710-1796) philosophy of action' in the eighteenth century 'Scottish School of Common Sense'. Thus it aims to show the dimensions of Reid's contributions to the free will debate as regards his 'approach', 'method', 'suggestions', 'solutions', 'originality' and his 'influence' on other philosophers.

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CYLLENO, TACIELA CORDEIRO. "FROM DEBATE TO LAW: STATUE OF LIMITATIONS AND FREEDOM OF ASSOCIATION IN THE MAKING OF THE BRAZILIAN 1988 CONSTITUTION." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=19654@1.

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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO Nesta dissertação, busca-se investigar todo o processo decisório – sugestões, considerações, imposições e concessões – relativo à implementação dos direitos sociais dos trabalhadores na Constituição Federal, especificamente no que tange ao prazo prescricional qüinqüenal, previsto no inciso XXIX do art. sétimo e à estrutura sindical, como disposta no artigo oitavo. Pretende-se, assim, oferecer uma contribuição que sirva para futuras perspectivas histórico-políticas de interpretação da letra fria do texto constitucional no que tange aos seus artigos sétimo e oitavo. A partir do estudo documental que permite apreender o processo dialético que levou à promulgação do texto final da constituição brasileira, analisar-se-ão as propostas iniciais, os debates que demonstram o embate de forças progressistas e conservadoras e, finalmente, a crítica à concepção final resultante deste longo e rico processo jurídico, histórico e social. Na maior parte dos debates sobre interpretação constitucional, parte-se do texto constitucional. O escopo do presente trabalho é buscar a gênese do direito positivado na CF/88, tomando-se o processo constituinte como marco inicial da pesquisa sobre a sistematização e efetividade dos direitos sociais no Brasil. In this thesis, we seek to investigate all decision-making process - suggestions, considerations and concessions - on the implementation of worker’s social rights in the Federal Constitution, specifically with respect to the five-year limitation period provided for in Article XXIX of the. 7 and the union structure, as laid out in Article 8. The aim is thus to offer a contribution that will serve for future historical and political perspectives of interpretation of the cold letter of the Constitution in relation to Articles 7 and 8. From the documental study that allows to understand the dialectical process that led to the promulgation of the final text of the Brazilian constitution, shall review the initial proposals, the discussions that demonstrate the clash of forces progressive and conservative and finally, the criticism of the final design that resulted from this long and rich legal, social and historical process. In most debates about constitutional interpretation, we start from the constitutional text. The scope of this paper is to seek the genesis of positive law in CF/88, taking the constitutional process as a landmark for the systematic research on the effectiveness of the social rights in Brazil.

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Gelok, Ryan Adrian. "Freedom and process using process accounts from Dewey and Whitehead to shed light on the contemporary free will debate /." Kingston, Ont. : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/1637.

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Elias, Maria Ligia Ganacim Granado Rodrigues. "Liberdade como não interferência, liberdade como não dominação, liberdade construtivista: uma leitura do debate contemporâneo sobre a liberdade." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-16012015-152209/.

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Esta tese se insere no campo da teoria política normativa e tem como tema o estudo do debate sobre o conceito de liberdade. Nossa proposta consiste em analisar o conceito de liberdade como não interferência, de Isaiah Berlin; o conceito de liberdade como não dominação, de Philip Pettit; e a ideia de liberdade construtivista, de Nancy Hirschmann, para assim colocar esses conceitos em relação entre si. Objetivamos indicar a possibilidade de diálogo entre as diferentes correntes teóricas apontadas, como também propor uma leitura sobre o conceito de liberdade, para assim ampliarmos o nosso entendimento sobre o que é ser livre. Acreditamos que articular elementos das diferentes teorias pode enriquecer essa reflexão que pretende ser teórico-normativa, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, ambiciona refletir sobre as condições de liberdade para os diferentes sujeitos, tendo em vista as suas vidas nas sociedades contemporâneas e plurais. Nosso argumento é de que o exercício de compreender diferentes visões de liberdade de forma articulada é um caminho profícuo para abordarmos a indagação sobre quem é o sujeito livre. Desse modo, procuramos não apenas retomar criticamente os conceitos dos autores citados, mas também oferecer um possível diálogo entre as distintas concepções de liberdade tratadas nesta tese. Além disso, propomos usar o tema da opressão para articular elementos do pensamento dos três principais autores retomados aqui: Isaiah Berlin, Philip Pettit e Nancy Hirschmann. Defendemos que a ideia de não opressão pode ser uma abordagem teórica e política para discutirmos a liberdade. Tal chave de leitura nos permite pensar não só os espaços de liberdade, mas as diferentes experiências das pessoas. Assim, a liberdade considerada como não opressão relaciona a liberdade com a liberdade de escolha e, ao mesmo tempo, indica a necessidade da não dominação e atenção à construção do sujeito que escolhe. As escolhas se inserem em relações complexas, e a leitura da liberdade pela ideia da opressão é uma ferramenta normativa atenta a importantes aspectos políticos dessas escolhas This thesis belongs to normative political theory field and has as its theme the study of the debate on the concept of freedom. Our proposal is to analyze Isaiahs Berlins concept of freedom as non-interference, Philip Pettits concept of freedom as nondomination, and Nancy Hirschmanns idea of constructivist freedom, and thereby to put these concepts in relation to each other. We intend not only to indicate the possibility of a dialogue between these different theoretical views, but also to propose a new way of developing the concept of freedom in order to expand our understanding of what is to be free. We believe that the articulation of elements taken from different theories can enrich this reflection that intends to be theoreticalnormative, but at the same time aspires to reflect about the conditions of freedom of the different subjects regarding their lives in plural and contemporary societies. Our argument is that the exercise of understanding different views of freedom in an articulated manner is a fruitful way to approach the question of who is the free subject. Thus, we not only approach critically the concepts of these authors, but we also offer a possible dialogue between the different conceptions of freedom treated in this thesis. In addition, we propose to use the theme of oppression to articulate elements of the thoughts of the three main authors discussed on this thesis: Isaiah Berlin, Philip Pettit and Nancy Hirschmann. We defend that the idea of non oppression, can be a theoretical and political approach to discuss freedom. This key of reading allow us to think not only spaces of freedom, but the different experiences of people. Thus, freedom considered as non oppression relates freedom to freedom of choice and, at the same time, indicates the necessity of non domination and attention to the construction of the choosing subject. The choices are embedded in complex relationships, and reading freedom by the idea of non oppression is a normative tool aware of important political aspects of these choices

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Sowerbutts, Anne Marie. "Towards a theology of freedom : a critical engagement with the stem cell debate in dialogue with the theology of Hans Urs von Balthasar." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.494070.

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Freedom is a key element in contemporary Western thinking and one which is central to all bioethical discussions, including the stem cell debate. However, the adequacy of the current understanding of the concept has not been subject to sufficient analysis. In order to address this deficiency, using the stem cell debate as a case study, I engage with the current understanding of freedom in a particular area of social activity. Examining the stem cell debate, I consider that freedom is defined in three ways; as the freedom of research, as the consent of gamete and embryo donors to create stem cells and as the freedom to transcend physical limitations. I argue that Isaiah Berlin’s categorization of freedom as negative and positive is useful in examining the understandings of freedom in the stem cell debate. I conclude that all of the currently accepted understandings of freedom in the stem cell debate tend to be focused on the individual and I argue that they are consequently problematic, resulting in individualism, conflict, subjectivism and inappropriate attitudes toward natural resources. In response to the problems identified, in the second part of the thesis I draw on the theology of Hans Urs von Balthasar in order to offer an alternative conception of freedom. Von Balthasar argues that although freedom entails individual willing and choosing, it also is relational, involving interaction with other people and God, both in the realisation of the possession of freedom and in the fulfilment of that freedom. Thus I argue that von Balthasar’s theology provides an effective counter to the neglect of relationships in the contemporary understanding of freedom. However von Balthasar, in his analysis, focuses on interpersonal relationships and he can be criticised for underplaying the role of society. I therefore expand upon his work employing the concept of the common good. This provides a means of examining freedom in the context of wider society. The conception of freedom thus arrived at is then considered in relation to the original case study of the stem cell debate. In doing this I provide a more nuanced rendering of the issues involved; one that is better able to accommodate the social and personal aspects.

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Bergdahl, Becky. "Yo ban? Rape rap and limits of free speech in India : An argument analysis of the debate about banning the artist Honey Singh." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-200874.

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This thesis consists of an argument analysis of three columns published in the Indian newspaper The Indian Express in the aftermath of the gangrape and murder of a young woman in Delhi in December 2012, and the following debate about glorification of rape in Indian popular culture. One of the columnists is arguing in favour of including gender as a category in the Indian law on hate speech, thereby banning an artist called Honey Singh and his lyrics about rape. The two other columnists are arguing against new restrictions on free speech in India. The analysis of the columns shows that there are several relevant arguments for and against including gender in the Indian hate speech legislation. The argumentation against a new law is similar to argumentation found in Western liberal theory, and the argumentation in favour of a new law is similar to argumentation found in Western radical feminist and critical race theory. However, both strands of philosophy are contested by postcolonial theorists, arguing that no Western theory is applicable in a non-Western context, such as India. Indian postcolonial feminists argue in favour of a third approach to sexist speech in India; a counter-speech approach. Counter-speech theorists agree with liberals about the importance of freedom of speech, and with feminists about the harm in hate speech. According to counter-speech theory, hate speech shall thus not be outlawed, but the state shall try to counter the harmful effects of hate speech, for example by strengthening groups targeted by hate speech so that they can speak back to hatemongers. The conclusion of this thesis is that a counter-speech approach is the most sustainable regarding freedom of speech and gender in India. Such an approach does not only appeal to Indian postcolonial theorists, it is also a middle way in-between a liberal and a radical feminist approach. In the conclusion, the relevance of hate speech legislation as a whole is also questioned. Laws such as in India, that protect only racial and religious groups from being targeted by hate speech while categories such as gender, sexual orientation and disability are not included, can be deemed discriminatory. An abolishment of hate speech prohibitions and an adoption of a counter-speech approach to all forms of hate speech is discussed.

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Fanta, Daniel. "A neutralidade valorativa: a posição de Max Weber no debate sobre os juízos de valor." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-03112014-105253/.

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O texto procura reconstruir a posição de Max Weber no debate acerca dos juízos de valor nas ciências sociais. Com base nos argumentos elencados por Weber, identificam-se duas dimensões na tese da neutralidade valorativa, uma metodológica e outra ética e tenta-se investigar a relação entre as duas dimensões. Em anexo, ainda se apresenta a tradução de três textos de Weber, inéditos em português The text seeks to reconstruct Max Webers position in the debate concerning the value-judgments in the social sciences. Based on the arguments given by Weber, it identifies two dimensions in the value-freedom thesis, a methodological and an ethical one. Finally, it tries to investigate the relation that links the two dimensions. At the end, there is a translation of three Max Weber texts, still unavailable in Portuguese

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Lima, Marília Freitas. "O dilema democrático e seus reflexos no campo jurídico brasileiro : um debate sobre o direito a liberdade de expressão." Universidade Federal de Ubelândia, 2016. https://repositorio.ufu.br/handle/123456789/17575.

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Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Minas Gerais Este trabalho tem a pretensão de abordar o processo democrático e a liberdade de expressão, sob a ótica do conflito. Desta maneira, alguns conceitos serão abordados, campo jurídico, democracia e liberdade de expressão. Através de uma revisão bibliográfica e análise documental, se verificará como o campo jurídico funciona e como seus agentes utilizam dos instrumentos jurídicos como maneira de manutenção da ordem estabelecida. Neste cenário, o direito à liberdade de expressão será utilizado como forma de visualização de como estas teorias são aplicadas e verificadas no ambiente concreto. Enquanto objetivo geral, se tem a pretensão de demostrar, através do direito de liberdade de expressão, a ideia do conflito como construtor de uma sociedade mais democrática. Especificamente, se pretende diferenciar os conceitos de democracia de consenso e democracia de conflito; fazer uma análise sobre a liberdade de manifestação enquanto questão essencial para a construção democrática; explicitar as características hegemônicas e contra hegemônicas dentro da democracia. Quanto às hipóteses se trabalhará, primeiramente, que a sociedade brasileira ainda possui uma dificuldade no reconhecimento dos instrumentos de luta social, especialmente aqueles que se utilizam da manifestação pública da discordância política; em segundo, que o campo jurídico, no Brasil, vive uma forte tensão entre as ideias progressistas e as ideias conservadores, sendo esta claramente retratada pelas decisões das autoridades judiciárias; e, por fim, que o Estado brasileiro ainda é majoritariamente dominado por ideologia e instrumentos simbolicamente autoritários, os quais ainda estão presentes dentro das instituições e dificultam uma vivência democrática. Nos últimos tempos, principalmente nos anos próximos à virada do século, houve um grande questionamento dos conceitos e das estruturas que tradicionalmente compõem o Estado, especialmente se tratando da representatividade formal e da construção das políticas públicas. Em vários países ocidentais, e alguns orientais, emergem movimentos que questionam formas tradicionais governamentais e como essas pessoas tem sido representadas nas políticas sociais, como o Los Indignados e o Occupy. Entendeu-se necessário o estudo sobre esta tensão que ocorre entre as forças que atuam na sociedade em virtude do acirramento das manifestações populares, inclusive no Brasil. Por isso o estudo se versa na análise da interação dessas forças jurídicas e seus embates, seja no ambiente político ou no jurídico. Historicamente, as classes dominantes estiveram à frente das decisões econômico-sociais, inclusive se utilizando da violência simbólica e criação ideológica no sentido de transformá-la em vontade geral e na ideia de bem comum. A criação de discursos hegemônicos contribui para a manutenção do poder dominante e uma estrutura hierarquizada. Nesse sentido, a produção que acontece no campo jurídico contribui para a perpetuação de certas lógicas e discursos próprios desse campo, caracterizando as forças que o estruturam e o modo com que produzem. E é neste cenário de tensão política que se analisará a efetivação da construção democrática, quando, na existência de um conflito, o direito de liberdade de expressão é dos primeiros que sofre restrições. This work pretends to address the democratic process and freedom of expression from the perspective of the conflict. Thus, some concepts will be studied: legal field, democracy and freedom of expression. Through a literature review and documentary analysis, check how the legal field works and how its agents use the legal instruments as a way of maintaining the established order. In this scenario, the right to freedom of expression will be used as a way to display how these theories are applied and verified in the concrete environment. As a general goal, it purports to demonstrate, through the right to freedom of expression, the idea of conflict as a builder of a more democratic society. Specifically, it is intended to differentiate the consensus democracy concepts of democracy and conflict; make an analysis on freedom of expression as a key issue for building democracy; explain the features and hegemonic against hegemonic within democracy. Regarding the chances, first, that Brazilian society still has a difficulty in recognizing the instruments of social struggle, especially those who use the public expression of political dissent; second, that the legal field, in Brazil, lives a strong tension between progressive ideas and conservative ideas, which is clearly depicted by the decisions of the judicial authorities; and, finally, that the Brazilian State is still largely dominated by ideology and symbolically authoritarian instruments, which are still present within the institutions and undermine democratic experience. In recent times, especially in begin of the XXI Century there was a great questioning of concepts and structures that traditionally make up the State especially when it comes to formal representation and construction of public policies. In several, Western countries and some Eastern emerge movements that challenge traditional forms of government and how these people have been represented in social policies, such as Los Indignados and Occupy. It was considered necessary the study of this tension that occurs between the forces acting in society due to the intensification of demonstrations, including Brazil. So the study versa when analyzing the interaction of these forces and their legal struggles, whether in political or legal environment. Historically, the ruling classes were ahead of the economic and social decisions, including using the symbolic violence and ideological creation in order to transform it into general will and the idea of the common good. The creation of hegemonic discourses contributes to the maintenance of the dominant power and a hierarchical structure. In this sense, the production that takes place in the legal field contributes to the perpetuation of certain logic and own speeches this field, featuring the forces that structure and the way we produce. It is in this tense political scenario that will examine the effectiveness of the democratic construction, when the existence of a conflict, the right to freedom of speech is the first to suffer restrictions. Dissertação (Mestrado)

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Favretto, Alexandre Boratti. "A liberdade religiosa na Declara??o Dignitatis humanae: contexto, g?nese tem?tica e debate." Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica de Campinas, 2015. http://tede.bibliotecadigital.puc-campinas.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/tede/756.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-04T18:35:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre Boratti Favretto.pdf: 1462966 bytes, checksum: 2774d239d8fde01cc11abc3047907b7e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-16 The Declaration Dignitatis humanae of Second Vatican Council doctrinally introduces the concept of religious freedom founded on the dignity of the human person. Stands out, in the interim, the anthropological foundation, which unfolds the theological and doctrinal, setting up religious freedom as the apogee of all freedoms. The goal of this work is develop the theme process of genesis, establish the conceptual definition and present the discussion about religious freedom. This, through a phenomenological analysis that ends at the historical and theological hermeneutic of the conciliar periods before Preparatory, Preparatory and of the four Sessions of Vatican II and the Magisterium of the documents of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries which treated theme. The text is structured in a systematic way in four chapters. The first constitutes status quaestionis by presenting the context of religious freedom theme of development in magisterial documents prior to Dignitatis humanae, as well as the positioning of the Magisterium ecclesiastic, that of religious intolerance, passes to tolerance and affirmation of the right to freedom religious. The second and third chapters cover the doctrinal content of this Declaration in their immediate environment, the Second Vatican Council. They present the process of genesis of religious conception of freedom expressed in the text of the Declaration Dignitatis humanae, exposing and already analyzing the several thematic stages and redaction until it reaches the final version of the Declaration and the conception of the right to religious freedom. The fourth chapter presents the legal ramifications, theological, anthropological and ethical prospective to Dignitatis humanae. Framework that enables our understanding of the phenomenon of religious plurality in terms of a possible horizon not only to theological reflection, but also to religious studies, to infer from the declaration concerning the situations design of a theology of religions and theology of religious pluralism; whose religious language provides contribution to constitution of the States of democratic rights, which in turn has the function of protecting and promote religious freedom. The theme of religious freedom gives new perspective to the free practice of religion and opens wide dialogic engagement between the Catholic Church, other Christian churches, other religions, people "without religion" and other "good will". A Declara??o Dignitatis humanae do Conc?lio Vaticano II apresenta doutrinariamente a concep??o de liberdade religiosa fundamentada na dignidade da pessoa humana. Sobressai, neste ?nterim, o fundamento antropol?gico que se desdobra do teol?gico e doutrin?rio, configurando a liberdade religiosa como o apogeu de todas as liberdades. O objetivo desta disserta??o ? desenvolver o processo de g?nese deste tema, estabelecer a defini??o conceitual e apresentar o debate acerca da liberdade religiosa. Isto, mediante uma an?lise fenomenol?gica que desemboca na hermen?utica hist?rica e teol?gica dos per?odos conciliares Antepreparat?rio, Preparat?rio e das quatro Sess?es do Conc?lio Vaticano II, bem como de documentos do Magist?rio eclesi?stico dos s?culos XIX e XX que trataram do tema. O texto se estrutura de maneira sistem?tica em quatro cap?tulos. O primeiro deles se constitui em status quaestionis ao apresentar o contexto do desenvolvimento do tema da liberdade religiosa nos documentos magisteriais que antecedem a Dignitatis humanae, bem como o posicionamento do Magist?rio eclesi?stico, que da intoler?ncia religiosa, passa ? toler?ncia e afirma??o do direito ? liberdade religiosa. O segundo e terceiro cap?tulos abarcam o conte?do doutrinal dessa Declara??o em seu contexto pr?ximo, o do Conc?lio Vaticano II. Apresentam o processo de g?nese da concep??o de liberdade religiosa expressa no texto da Declara??o Dignitatis humanae expondo e, j? analisando, as diversas etapas tem?ticas e redacionais at? que se chegue ? vers?o definitiva da Declara??o e da concep??o de direito ? liberdade religiosa. O quarto cap?tulo apresenta os desdobramentos jur?dico, teol?gico, antropol?gico e ?tico prospectivos ? Dignitatis humanae. ?mbito que possibilita a compreens?o do fen?meno da pluralidade religiosa em termos de um horizonte poss?vel n?o somente ? reflex?o teol?gica, mas tamb?m ?s ci?ncias da religi?o, ao inferir da Declara??o as suscita??es concernentes ? concep??o de uma teologia das religi?es como teologia do pluralismo religioso; cuja linguagem religiosa oferece contributo ? constitui??o do Estado de direito democr?tico, que por sua vez, tem a fun??o de tutelar e promover a liberdade religiosa. O tema da liberdade religiosa proporciona nova perspectiva para a livre pr?tica da religi?o e inaugura amplo empenho dial?gico entre a Igreja Cat?lica, as outras Igrejas crist?s, as outras religi?es, as pessoas sem religi?o e outras de boa vontade .

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Strömberg, Sara. "Sveriges inställning till EMU : underkastelse av kollektivet kontra nationell obundenhet." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2002. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-1579.

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After Sweden became a member of the European Union, EU, the debate regarding the Swedish participation in the EU’s currency co-operation, the European Monetary Union, EMU, has been intense. One of the biggest issues has been how our national economic politics will work within such a monetary union. What instrument will remain for the national economic politics within the EMU are highly uncertain. The question whether we will be able to affect our own economy or not has long been the essence in the Swedish debate. At the same time that Sweden got membership in the EU, Austria became a member as well. Austria is just like Sweden a small open economy with many similarities to Sweden with regard to politics and economics. One big difference between the countries though, is that Austria at once became a member of the currency co-operation and joined the EMU from the start of it. The debates regarding the EMU has been very much alike in the two countries, though it differs in one important question. One big question that has been raised in Austria is the potential of a wider co-operation within the EMU than at present. This discussion has led to suggestions of a wider co-operation through discussions between the EMU-countries, larger possibilities for sanctions against countries which are not following the common economic plan or even suggestions about a politic union. There is very much a discussion in the spirit of collectivism. In Sweden non of this is even an issue. Here the whole debate is focused on the national possibilities and losses in a monetary union. How the country will be able to optimise its own good within the EMU is the only thing of interest in the Swedish debate. The point of view is always the national good and has never the collectivism in mind.

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Dias, Lidiane Almeida. "Em busca da defesa dos direitos do adolescente autor de ato Infracional – abordagem histórica e elementos para o debate no município de Juiz de Fora/MG." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2009. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/2735.

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Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-10-05T14:53:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 lidianealmeidadias.pdf: 1484605 bytes, checksum: 5e332452c14f447b972ae32388ebb23b (MD5) Approved for entry into archive by Diamantino Mayra (mayra.diamantino@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-10-06T12:29:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lidianealmeidadias.pdf: 1484605 bytes, checksum: 5e332452c14f447b972ae32388ebb23b (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-06T12:29:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 lidianealmeidadias.pdf: 1484605 bytes, checksum: 5e332452c14f447b972ae32388ebb23b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-30 Na presente dissertação, almeja-se elaborar uma sistematização do histórico da política de atenção ao adolescente autor de ato infracional, abordando as mudanças políticas e legais e as análises desenvolvidas acerca destes atores ao longo da história. Busca-se, também, apreender a implementação da política de atenção ao adolescente autor de ato infracional grave no município de Juiz de Fora, em sua aspiração, ainda que tardia, pela promoção e garantia dos direitos destes jovens. O ponto de partida do trabalho é a análise teórica da chamada “questão social”, seus fundamentos, interpretações e conformações no mundo contemporâneo. Sendo a prática do ato infracional por crianças e adolescentes uma das facetas daquele fenômeno, avançamos a discussão para a abordagem do sistema de proteção à infância e juventude, suas incidências históricas, as tendências prevalecentes, a direção social e política impressa pelo Estado e pela sociedade, as alternativas, contradições e desdobramentos na gestão e implementação desta rede de atenção. O presente trabalho aprofunda as determinações do Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente no que diz respeito às medidas sócio-educativas, com foco naquela de privação de liberdade, chegando à aplicação destes elementos em seu campo de pesquisa - o referido município. The purpose of this text is to elaborate systematization on the history of social politics to teenagers who committed a transgression, broaching the political and legal changes as well as the analysis developed on these social actors along the History. The purpose is also to understand the implementation of social politics turned to teenagers who committed a serious transgression in Juiz de Fora city, which aim, even late, is to promote and assure these teenagers’ rights. The starting point of this work is the theoretical analysis of the so-called “social question”, its origin, interpretations and accordance to the contemporary world. Being the practice of transgression by children and teenagers one of the facets of that phenomena, we come close to the discussion so as to broach the protection system to childhood and youth, its historic incidences and prevailing tendencies, the social lead and politics established by the State and by society, the alternatives, contradictions and deployments concerning management and implementation of this assistance networking. This piece of work deepens the resolutions found on Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente concerning the social and educative measures, focused on that freedom privation, coming to the application of these elements to its survey field – the referred city.

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Ådemo, Julia, and Moa Blixt. "En het potatis : En kvalitativ fallstudie om journalistikens gestaltning av mediedebatten kring fallet Mr Cool." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-86849.

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This paper aims to examine the different portrayals in Swedish journalism about a case with a controversial topic. The analyzed case in this study focuses on the provocative rapper Mr Cool and his song about sexual intercourse with a child and the following mediated debate about freedom of speech and morality. The research questions examined were: How does the media frame the meta-debate about Mr Cool? We picked 16 articles and analyzed them with a qualitative content analysis method using framing theory and argumentation techniques in order to be able to examine how the debate were portrayed by the media. We also used the moral panic concept to get a deeper understanding of the mechanics of topics the society is concerned with. We have found that the participants of the debate handled the subject differently and with different strategies, depending on which side they would support. The central discussion was about personal taste, boundary making and the consequences of silencing what is thought to be offensive. The results of the analysis agrees with previous studies and theories in the field when it comes to moral panics and fear as a natural part of our society. History is likely to repeat itself but with other motives and other fears.

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Rasiah, Parameswary. "Evasion in Australia's parliamentary question time : the case of the Iraq war." University of Western Australia. Graduate School of Education, 2008. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0208.

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Given that the basic functions of parliamentary Question Time are to provide information and to hold the Government accountable for its actions, the possibility of evasion occurring in such a context is of crucial importance. Evasion (equivocation) has been identified as a matter of concern in political interviews, but no systematic study has been undertaken in the context of parliamentary discourse, notably Question Time, anywhere in the world. This study applies and adapts Harris's (1991) coding framework on various types of responses, Bull and Mayer's (1993) typology of non-replies and Clayman's (2001) work on how politicians 'resist' answering questions, all of which are based on political news interviews, to the study of evasion in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time. A comprehensive, unified framework for the analysis of evasion is described, a decision flow-chart for the framework is provided, and an illustrative example of the applied framework is given based on Australia's Federal House of Representatives' Question Time. Put simply, the study was undertaken to determine if evasion occurred, how frequently it occurred and how it occurred. It involved the classification of responses as 'answers' (direct or indirect), 'intermediate responses' (such as pointing out incorrect information in the question), and 'evasions' based on specific criteria. Responses which were considered evasions were further analysed to determine the levels of evasion, whether they were covert or overt in nature and the types of 'agenda shifts' that occurred, if any. The thesis also involved a discourse-analytical study of other factors that appear to facilitate Ministerial evasion in Australia's House of Representatives, including the Speaker's performance and the use of 'Dorothy Dixers'. The research data was sourced from Question Time transcripts from the House of Representatives Hansard for the months of February and March 2003, dealing only with questions and responses on the topic of Iraq. In those months there were 87 questions on the topic of Iraq, representing more than two thirds of all questions on Iraq for the whole of 2003. Of these 87 questions, the majority (48) came from the Opposition party, through its leader. The balance (39) was asked by Government MPs. Analysis of the question/answer discourse for all 87 questions revealed that every question asked by Government members was answered compared to only 8 of the 48 Opposition questions. Of the 40 remaining Opposition questions, 21 were given intermediate responses and 19 were evaded outright. The fact that the overwhelming majority (83%) of Opposition questions were not answered together with other findings such as instances of partiality on the part of the Speaker; the use of 'friendly', prearranged questions by Government MPs; and the 'hostile' nature of questions asked by Opposition MPs casts serious doubt on the effectiveness of Question Time as a means of ensuring the Government is held accountable for its actions. The study provides empirical evidence that evasion does occur in Australia's House of Representatives' Question Time.

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Thomas, H. M. "Religious freedom, the Lateran Pacts and the debates in the Italian Constituent Assembly." Thesis, Swansea University, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.639209.

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The thesis is a detailed study of the debates of the Italian Constituent Assembly on the question of the inclusion of the Lateran Pacts of 1929 and the constitutional and practical ramifications of the broader issues of religious freedom in general, and the religious minorities in particular. Section A briefly outlines the changes in the role of the papacy from the mid 19th century until the end of World War II, the emergence of political Catholicism and the significance of the Lateran Pacts. Religious freedom for Protestants over the same period is then discussed, focussing in particular on their legal position. This is followed by an analysis of Catholic religious freedom as established by the Catholic Church and of the relationship between the Vatican and the Christian Democrats. In Section B the debates on the articles dealing with the inclusion of the Lateran Pacts and religious freedom for the minority religions are discussed. Draft article 5 of the constitution is the basis for the analysis, the individual clauses of which have been treated separately. Methodologically, this was the most appropriate way of tackling the extremely complex issues linked to the various clauses. In Section C, the most significant conclusions to emerge are the determination with which the Catholic deputies fought for the inclusion of the Pacts, frequently using religious arguments while ignoring juridical advice, and the communist leadership’s decision to vote with the Christian Democrats for inclusion of the Pacts. For the minority religions, the crucial factor in their continued oppression after the war, apart from the Communist’s decision, was the lack of will in the Assembly to draw up clear guidelines that would allow for changes in the Fascists legislature that controlled the actions of the minority religions, thus ensuring that their struggle for religious freedom would continue.

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18

Lindvall, Cecilia. "Projekt: Slöjan : en undersökning av trender i den svenska sjaldebatten speglad mot sjaldebatten i Frankrike och Storbritannien." Thesis, Södertörn University College, School of Gender, Culture and History, 2010. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-3548.

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The title of this essay is Project: The Veil – an investigation of the trends in the Swedish veil debate compared with the veil debate in France and Great Britain written by Cecilia Lindvall. The purpose of the paper is to analyze how the argument has been conducted by the Swedish politicians from the time when the veil was first recognized in Swedish media up until today. The questions I wanted to answer was each countries definition of the three concepts secularization, freedom of religion and multiculturalism, how Islam as a faith with Muslims has developed in Sweden, France and Great Britain and each countries integration politics with the politicians attitude towards the veil. The method being used is a qualitative study with three kind of theories for analysis; two who derives from a feminist point of view where the first one advocates for the rights of each women, the second for the rights of religious groups and a third theory which discusses different models of integration logics. The study shows that Swedish politicians turned from a negative approach to the veil to advocate the rights of every woman‟s right to wear religious cloth. Sweden and Great Britain chooses similar direction in their national integration program – which protects group rights – while France promotes individual rights on a basis of assimilation politics.

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Nielsén, Dan. "Yttrandefriheten i svensk media : Debatten om Charlie Hebdo och Lars Vilks." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-28974.

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This paper explains the relationship and different arguments concerning freedom of speech. It uses Swedish newspaper columns, such as editorial pages, as its main source. The paper is mainly based upon the work of John Stuart Mill and his book On Freedom and Thomas Hobbes work Leviathan. The main focus is to see if there’s any connection between the Swedish newspapers and the theories which in itself is based upon the two works. The method that was used throughout this thesis was a content analysis which means that all of the newspaper articles and columns were analyzed and put into three different categories with category number one being based upon John Stuart Mill and his ideas, and number three being based upon Thomas Hobbes. Number two worked as a middle way and combined both of the theories. In those separate categories they were read and analyzed after arguments. Arguments that were often recurring were the main focus and were also the ones that were used for the final conclusion. The conclusion was based on the articles and the output was that the majority of the articles actually went on the same line as John Stuart Mill and that a few would like to see some kind of restriction on freedom of speech.

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Thomas, Huw Martin. "The Lateran Pacts and the debates in the Italian Constituent Assembly, with reference to religious freedom, and the consequences for religious minorities (1946-1948)." Thesis, Swansea University, 2005. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa43092.

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The thesis is a detailed study of the debates of the Italian Constituent Assembly on the question of the inclusion of the Lateran Pacts of 1929 and the constitutional and practical ramifications with regard to the condition of the religious minorities. Section A briefly outlines the changes in the role of the papacy from the mid 19th century until the end of World War II, the emergence of political Catholicism and the significance of the Lateran Pacts. Religious freedom for Protestants over the same period is then discussed, focussing in particular on their legal position. This is followed by an analysis of Catholic religious freedom as established by the Catholic Church and of the relationship between the Vatican and the Christian Democrats. In Section B the debates on the articles dealing with the inclusion of the Lateran Pacts and religious freedom for the minority religions are discussed. Draft article 5 of the Constitution is the basis for the analysis, the individual clauses of which have been treated separately. Methodologically, this was the most appropriate way of tackling the extremely complex issues linked to the various clauses. In Section C, the most significant conclusions to emerge are the determination with which the Catholic deputies fought for the inclusion of the Pacts, frequently using religious arguments while ignoring juridical advice, and the Communist leadership's decision to vote with the Christian Democrats for inclusion of the Pacts. For the minority religions, the crucial factor in their continued oppression after the war, apart from the Communist's decision, was the lack of will in the Assembly to draw up clear guidelines that would allow for changes in the Fascist legislature that controlled the actions of the minority religions, thus ensuring that their struggle for religious freedom would continue.

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Bohman, Tina. "The USA Patriot Act : - en analys av debatten om frihet." Thesis, Mälardalen University, School of Sustainable Development of Society and Technology, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-5533.

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This thesis takes a closer look at the USA Patriot Act and the literary debate that has followed the passing of that Act. The aim of the thesis is to define what freedom is for the two opposing sides using McCallum's freedom model.The literary analysis shows that the most common argument from authors who are pro Act is that in desperate times like these one must relinquish a part of the individual's freedom to ensure the safety of the collective. Amongst those authors who are against the Act concerns are raised for the possibilities of abuse as a result of increased government power such as the ability to detain immigrants for long periods of time, surveillance and increased exchange of information between federal agencies.

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22

Passard, Cédric. "Les pamphlétaires et la politique. : Contribution à une étude socio-historique des processus de politisation (1868-1898)." Thesis, Lille 2, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013LIL20010.

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Le dernier tiers du XIXème siècle ne constitue pas un moment pamphlétaire parmi d’autres. Non seulement il survient dans une période de démocratisation inédite qui confère au fait pamphlétaire un statut nouveau en lui permettant d’investir l’espace public officiel, mais il est aussi marqué par l’invention de la figure du pamphlétaire et l’émergence de personnalités reconnues comme telles et accédant parfois à une visibilité de premier plan. En dépit de leurs différences de cultures politiques, ces personnalités contribuent à organiser tout un jeu et tout un monde du pamphlet au croisement de la littérature, du journalisme et de la politique. A travers leur violent répertoire discursif, elles contestent l’ordre politique en cours d’édification et le procès de civilisation des mœurs politiques.Partant de l’hypothèse que ces pamphlétaires ont pu être des médiateurs importants du politique, notre recherche a pour objet d’interroger leur contribution aux processus de politisation. Elle entend examiner, dans une perspective socio-historique, dans quelle mesure ils ont pu représenter, dans cette période d’enracinement de la République et de stabilisation de la démocratie, un cheminement de la politique hors des sentiers battus, en favorisant une forme symbolique de participation non conventionnelle au jeu politique et en incarnant une forme transitoire de la rationalisation des passions politiques, entre l’émeute révolutionnaire et la patience démocratique The last third of the 19th century was not just any pamphleteering time amongst others. It occurred in a formerly unheard-of period of democratization, which conferred the pamphleteering reality a new status, thus enabling it to carve its way into the official public space. Besides, it was also marked by the invention of the pamphleteer's figure and the emergence of personalities acknowledged as such, some of whom boasting first rate visibility. For all their differing political cultures, these figures helped organize a whole set and world of the pamphlet, at the intersection of literature, journalism and politics. Through their violent discursive repertoire, these pamphleteers question the political order that was then being elaborated, as well as the then on-going process of civilization of political mores.Our research thus aims to examine pamphleteers' contribution to the process of politicization, on the assumption that these could be said to have acted as important mediators of politics. Our work is intended to grasp, within a socio-historical perspective, to what extent – during that period when the Republic was getting increasingly entrenched and democracy more stable – pamphleteers might be said to have represented an evolution of politics off the beaten path, thus favoring a symbolic form of unconventional participation in politics and ultimately embodying a transitional form of rationalization as regards political passions, hovering between revolutionary riots and democratic patience

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23

Hederskog, Markus. "Böneutrop i den sekulära staten : En kvalitativ studie av svenska tidskrifters bevakning av debatten kring godkännandet av muslimers böneutrop vid moskén i Växjö 2018." Thesis, Högskolan för lärande och kommunikation, Jönköping University, HLK, Ämnesforskning, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-49865.

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Over the last few years, the debate on what a secularized state is, and should be have been increasing in both spread and aggression. One of the many topics triggering this debate is the question if call to prayer should be allowed or not. The Islamic call to prayer is a phenomenon that awakes strong emotions and reactions in western society, and it has been well debated in media. The aim of this thesis is thus to investigate this debate and what ideological standpoints the arguments are based upon. sing the theories of Jürgen Habermas and José Casanova, on the theories of secularization, the debate on the permission of call to prayer in Växjö have been analysed. To give a fair representation of the debate, articles from four different, well established Swedish newspapers have been used. It has been found that one of the most frequently used arguments against a permission is the fear that the allowance of one call to prayer a day will lead to more extreme, and eventually radical, Islamic elements in the Swedish society. The study shows that the view of what a secularized state is, is diverse but can generally be divided into two categories, the view that proclaims positive or negative freedom of religion. Among the arguments against the permission, most part are solely emotional, whereas the arguments supporting the permission often are more rational. The conclusion is that main part of the arguments is based on liberal and democratic values but how they are interpreted varies. On the side supporting the permission, the arguments are based on equality, the importance of the freedom of speech and the belief that multicultural is enriching. On the opposite side, the arguments are based on the conservation of the Swedish heritage, the Christian faith and effective integration. Many arguments against a permission are problematic since they are constructed on an emotional basis. In a secular state, this type of questions should be handled rational, based on the law of freedom of religion.

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Jansson, Elin. "Pox-rättegången, Mangafallet och Tintin-gate : en diskursanalys av debatter och nyhetsrapportering i svensk media om tecknade serier och censur." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Institutionen för ABM, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-201428.

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The study aims to examine how censorship and comics have been discussed in three debates. The aim is also to identify discourses and the orders and relations of power constructed in the debates, and to examine how librarians should handle debates about censorship and comics. Selected sources are articles from Swedish newspapers and tabloids about the debates on the Pox-trial, the manga case and the debate about Tintin in Kulturhuset. The results from the analysis indicates that the debates have been dominated by two main discourses: a discourse on freedom of speech and a discourse on social responsibility. Within the discourse of freedom of speech there is a range of perspectives that emphasize: artistic freedom, the need for open and free conversations, a discussion about how the comics are assessed in comparison with other media formats as well as a discussion about moral and moralism. The discourse of social responsibility results in a feminist and anti-porn discourse, a post-colonial and anti-racist discourse and a discourse on the protection of children and young people. Based on these results, the discourses can be analysed in relation to the laws, values and ethical guidelines for libraries. The analysis indicates that libraries and librarians should keep a balance between freeedom of speech and social responsibility. They could keep up to date with research about censorship, comics and various genres in order to make informed decisions about how to handle comics in the libraries. The librarian should also assess the comics on the same bases as literature, music, film and other cultural expressions.

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Hahn, de Bykhovetz Bérénice. "Les faits justificatifs de la diffamation." Thesis, Paris 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA020045.

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Les faits justificatifs de la diffamation témoignent de la difficile conciliation entre le droit à la protection de l’honneur et le droit à l’information. Le domaine de l’exception de vérité (art. 35 de la loi du 29 juillet 1881), délimité par trois exceptions en 1944, fut rapidement critiqué, en ce qu’il ne permettait pas la justification des imputations les plus utiles à la société. En outre, la sévérité des conditions de fond et de forme de la preuve de la vérité fit le plus souvent obstacle à la relaxe. En réaction, la jurisprudence créa le fait justificatif de la bonne foi, fondé sur quatre critères accessibles (but légitime, sérieux de l’enquête, prudence et mesure dans l’expression, défaut d’animosité personnelle et favorisant un droit du public à l’information de qualité. À la fin du XXème siècle, ce système fut profondément mis en cause, comme étant contraire à la jurisprudence de la CEDH relative à l’article 10 CESDH, laquelle impose une protection accrue des propos d’intérêt général ou politiques. En conséquence, le Conseil constitutionnel supprima deux des trois limites à l’exception de vérité, qui n’est plus interdite que dans domaine de la vie privée. Ce nouvel arbitrage entre les deux valeurs en conflit n’apparaît pas satisfaisant, d’autant que la preuve de la vérité est toujours entravée par des conditions drastiques. En 2008, la Cour de cassation intégra de manière radicale les critères strasbourgeois à sa jurisprudence sur la bonne foi. Elle se dirige aujourd’hui vers une formule plus équilibrée, fondée sur l’application proportionnelle des quatre critères traditionnels corrigés à la lumière des principes de la CEDH. Cependant, elle applique également les critères strasbourgeois à d’autres infractions attentatoires à la liberté d’expression, qui ne bénéficient pas de la structure d’accueil des faits justificatifs de la diffamation. Pour ces cas, au lieu de l’adoption du contrôle de proportionnalité envisagée, la création d’un fait justificatif générique fondé sur l’article 10 de la CESDH est proposée, plus respectueuse de la logique pénale The special justifications applicable to defamation bare witness to the difficult conciliation between the right to protect ones honor and the public’s right to information. The area of the defence of truth (art. 35 of the 29 July 1881), delineated by three exceptions in 1944, was rapidly critiqued, preventing the justification of some of the most socially useful imputations. Furthermore, the defence of truth was subjected to highly rigourous formal and substantial requirements that often prevented ones acquittal on the basis of that demonstration. In reaction, the case-law created another special justification for defamation, based on good faith, and founded on four accessible criterias (legitimate aim of the information, serious verification, moderation of tone and caution in the choice of words, lack of personal animosity) that favorise the public’s right to quality information. At the end of the 20th century, this system was profoundly questioned, as being against the case-law of the CEDH, that requires a stronger protection of freedom of speech (article 10 CESDH) in connexion with debates of general interest or political discussions. Consequently, the Constitutional council repealed two of the three limits within the defence of truth, which is now only forbidden in the area of ones private life. This new arbitration between the two conflicting values doesn’t seem satisfying, especially since the defence of truth is still impeded by drastic conditions. In 2008, the Court of cassation integrated in a radical manner the CEDH criterias to its case-law on good faith. The case-law today steers towards a more balanced formula, founded on a proportional application of the four traditional criterias corrected in the light of the principes of the CEDH. However, the Court of cassation equally applies the CEDH criterias to other detrimental offences towards the freedom of expression, that do not benefit from the structural support of the special justifications of defamation. For those offences, instead of adopting the envisioned control of proportionality, it is proposed to create a generic justification, founded on the article 10 of the CESDH, that would be more consistent with the logic of criminal law

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Klasson, Torgny. "Informationsteknik och avvägningar mellan individens frihet och statsmakt : - En analys av svenska riksdagsdebatter." Doctoral thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-64539.

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The main question in this thesis is what kind of considerations political parties in the Swedish parliament have made between individual freedoms and state power in matters concerning information technology. Hence, it relates to a central and never ending debate about the proper relationship between the individual rights of citizens and protection of their personal integrity vis-à-vis state power and the interest of society in general, and in particular how this is affected by the rapid development of information technology. Four cases of legislative processes about information technology are analyzed. These cases concern parliamentary debates regarding the secrecy act (sekretesslagen) in 1980 (first debate), three debates concerning the personal data act (personuppgiftslagen) in 1998-99, three debates concerning the surveillance and crime prevention act (lag om hemlig rumsavlyssning & åtgärder för att förhindra vissa särskilt allvarliga brott med mera) in 2006-07 and three debates concerning the national defence radio establishment act (FRA & lag om signalspaning) in 2007-09. An analytical model is developed that includes two ideal types, individual freedom and state power, for the study and categorization of the parties and their positions in each debate. Thus, parties are categorized according to their proximity to the ideal types. The study illustrates that the majority of parties have a tendency to compromise between values constituting the two ideal types; they choose a so called hybrid position in between individual freedom and state power. The exception to this pattern is the Green Party and the Left Party that tend to choose a position close to individual freedom. Three hypotheses are tested. The first implies that parties tend to position themselves in-between the ideal type positions of individual freedom and state power (hybrid positions). This hypothesis gets strong support as hybrid positions are the most common outcome. The second hypothesis infers that a party has a tendency to support state power when in government, but individual freedom when in opposition. This hypothesis also gets empirical support, as parties, when in government, tend increasingly to support values related to state power, but support is somewhat weaker than for the first hypothesis. Finally, the third hypothesis implies that September 11 2001 was a critical moment in relation to how parties deal with values related to individual freedom and state power, i.e. parties were expected generally to be more disposed to support state power after than before September 11. This gets some support as most parties show this tendency. In parliamentary debates after September 11 the Social Democrats, the Moderate Party and the Liberal Party have been more disposed to position themselves close to the value of state power. On the other hand, the Green Party and the Left Party have not changed their positons. One reason could be that neither of these two parties were in government during the studied years

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Sawadogo, Rélouindé Béatrice. "Les opérations de regroupement de l'endettement du consommateur." Thesis, Université Clermont Auvergne‎ (2017-2020), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019CLFAD005.

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Le crédit de regroupement destiné aux ménages et aux particuliers fait aujourd’hui partie intégrante des crédits régis par le code de la consommation. Dans un contexte de multi-endettement le plus souvent inadapté à la situation financière des débiteurs, le recours au regroupement de crédits s’inscrit dans la recherche de solutions par le débiteur pour résorber son malendettement ou mieux gérer son budget. Favorisée entre autres par la baisse des taux d’intérêt, l’offre de crédit de regroupement tend à devenir un outil de conquête de parts de marché. Demeuré longtemps sans encadrement précis, le regroupement de crédits bénéficie désormais d’un cadre strict et contraignant initié par la loi n°2010-737 du 1er juillet 2010 portant réforme du crédit à la consommation. Un encadrement dont la substance porte sur la définition des régimes des opérations de regroupement et leurs conditions de formation très formalistes et de nature consumériste. Cela traduit des avancées innovantes en la matière mais cette règlementation tient insuffisamment compte des spécificités du regroupement d’où la nécessité d’évoluer vers un cadre juridique spécifique plus approprié. Il est en effet nécessaire d’intégrer dans l’encadrement du regroupement la définition de l’opération, son procédé de mise en œuvre et d’autres aspects tenant au processus de restructuration. Ce qui permettra de définir des droits et des devoirs pour les parties prenantes aux crédits regroupés et de mieux tenir compte de la fragilité du consommateur-emprunteur par des mesures de prévention d’un nouvel engrenage dans l’endettement excessif. Le mécanisme du regroupement étant néanmoins susceptible de résorber efficacement le malendettement, il pourrait être utilisé comme mesure de traitement du malendettement dans le cadre des procédures de désendettement. Cela nécessite la définition de conditions d’ouverture du droit du surendettement aux situations de malendettement et de trouver des sources de financement du réaménagement de l’endettement via le crédit de regroupement que proposerait la Commission de surendettement. A propos, se tourner vers l’un des créanciers prêteurs est préconisé, mais il faudrait envisager la mise en place d’un fonds public spécifique de soutien aux particuliers qui financerait subsidiairement ledit crédit en cas d’exercice par le banquier de sa liberté de refuser le crédit. In fine, même si les différentes mesures de traitement du malendettement et du surendettement sont utiles, il est nécessaire et primordial de trouver de meilleurs outils pour les prévenir The Consolidation of Debts to households and individual customers is now part of the Credit Offer regulated by the French Consumption Code Law.In the framework of multiple debts unfit to the financial situation of the Debtors, the use of debts consolidation is geared towards the search of solutions by Debtors to solve bad debts or better manage their budget. Favored by the decrease of interest rates, the consolidation of debts has evolved as a tool to gain additional market shares. Long Time without any structured monitoring, the consolidation of debts is now structured in a strict and binding framework initiated by the law n°2010-737 of July 2010 amending the consumption debt Law. A framework which is grounded on defining the different types of debts consolidation and the conditions of their creation – This process being very formal and of consumerist type. This entails innovative progress in this area field, but these rules do not take into account the peculiarities of debts consolidation, thus, implying the necessity to evolve towards a more specific legal framework. It is now compulsory to integrate within the framing of Debts Consolidation, the definition of the nature of these operations, their methods of implementation and additional aspects related to the restructuring process. This will allow to define the rights and obligations of the stakeholders to debts Consolidation and take into account the fragility of the consumer-borrower through prevention measures against the threat of falling back into the traps of excessive debts. The mechanisms of debts consolidation is however a potential way to solve excessive debts, it could be used as a healing measure to treat excessive Debts in the framework of deleveraging processes. For that purpose, leveraging one of the creditors can be advocated, but one should also contemplate the setup of a Public Fund to support individual customers, and that would finance alternatively such a credit, if not accepted by the bank.In fine, even though the different treatment measures against excessive and bad debts are useful, it is highly important to find out better tools to prevent those situations

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Couturier, Nicolas. "La protection des intérêts respectifs du créancier et du débiteur dans la saisie en compte bancaire. Etude en droit français, allemand, anglais et européen." Thesis, Lyon, 2020. http://www.theses.fr/2020LYSE3040.

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L’exécution forcée est une pierre essentielle à l’effectivité d’un système juridique. Ce constat, conjugué à l’omniprésence du compte bancaire dans les différents patrimoines a motivé cette étude sur l’état de la saisie en compte bancaire dans trois principaux modèles juridiques européens : la France, l’Allemagne et l’Angleterre. Un amalgame de convergences et de spécificités nationales en est ressorti, articulé autour d’une balance abstraite pesant les intérêts respectifs du créancier et du débiteur. A la confrontation entre droit à l’exécution du créancier et droit de l’exécution, qui garantit le respect des droits fondamentaux du débiteur, s’est ajoutée la prise en compte de différents intérêts susceptible d’être également présents : intérêt général, créanciers saisissants concurrents, collectivité de créanciers lors d’une procédure collective, etc. De plus, la protection spécifique de l’intérêt du débiteur-personne physique démontre la recherche des droits nationaux à protéger l’individu et sa dignité. Ce partage d’une philosophie de l’exécution interroge avec le phénomène d’européanisation des relations entre créancier et débiteur du au marché intérieur de l’Union européenne. Face au maintien de la fragmentation d’un espace juridique, coordonné par la politique de l’espace de liberté, de sécurité et de justice, l’Union a déjà posé la première pierre grâce à la procédure d’ordonnance européenne de saisie conservatoire. Grâce aux analyses des droits nationaux étudiés et à celle du droit européen, l’élaboration en deux temps d’une saisie d’exécution européenne en compte bancaire fut permise afin de bâtir une procédure européenne d’exécution forcée Enforcement is essential for the effectiveness of a legal system. This observation, combined with the omnipresence of the bank account in the different patrimonies, motivated this study on the bank account attachment in three main European legal models: France, Germany and England. An amalgam of convergences and national specificities emerged, based on an abstract balance weighing the respective interests of the creditor and the debtor. In addition to the conflict between the creditor's right to performance and the civil enforcement proceedings, which guarantees respect for the debtor's fundamental rights, various interests that may also be present were also taken into account : public interest, competing between creditors, collective creditors in collective proceedings, etc. The balance between the creditor's right to performance and the right to enforcement was also taken into account. Moreover, the specific protection of the debtor's interest as a natural person demonstrates the search for national rights to protect the individual and his dignity. This sharing of a philosophy of enforcement raises questions with the phenomenon of the europeanisation of relations between creditor and debtor due to the internal market of the European Union. Faced with the continuing fragmentation of a legal area coordinated by the area of freedom, security and justice, the Union has already laid the first stone with the European attachment order procedure. Thanks to the analysis of the national laws studied and the analysis of European law, the development in two stages of a European attachment order for bank accounts was made possible in order to build a European enforcement procedure

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RIU, EMMANUELE. "Dante, Pietro Lombardo e le "Sententiae". Un dibattito intorno a natura, peccato originale, grazia, libertà e predestinazione nella "Commedia"." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Genova, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11567/1006856.

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La mia tesi di Dottorato mira a indagare i legami tra la Commedia di Dante, le Sententiae di Pietro Lombardo (il più celebre manuale di teologia del Basso Medioevo) e i commenti duecenteschi al testo del Magister sententiarum. Il primo capitolo raccoglie tutte le indicazioni che la critica dantesca e i commentari alle opere di Dante hanno offerto riguardo a quali argomenti del poema possano essere utilmente interpretati attraverso le Sententiae. Il secondo e il terzo capitolo prendono in esame alcuni argomenti specifici: da un lato, il tema del peccato originale, della natura umana prima della Caduta di Adamo ed Eva, e le dinamiche della Redenzione dell’uomo mediante l’Incarnazione di Cristo (Purg. xxvii-xxxiii e Par. vii); dall’altro, i complessi rapporti fra grazia e libertà nel poema, la possibilità (o meno) di salvezza per coloro che, per motivi geografici e/o cronologici, si situano fuori dal circolo della Rivelazione, e il dibattutissimo tema della predestinazione divina (Par. xix-xx e xxxii). Il ricorso alle Sententiae e ai relativi commenti permette sia, in alcuni casi, di rilevare possibili influenze dirette dell’opera teologica sul poema dantesca; sia, in altri, di ricostruire il background teoretico relativo alle questioni elencate, così da comprendere e apprezzare meglio la posizione di Dante in merito.

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Galitzer, Janis Clare. "Religious freedom a continuing debate: Christmas in the public school curriculum." 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/23723.

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Lu, Bin-Han, and 呂秉翰. "A debate on the boundaries between freedom of religious belief and criminal behavior." Thesis, 2003. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/33312861204647243393.

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Silvestre, Ricardo. "Liberdade de expressão política na era digital: ameaças e soluções." Master's thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10437/12081.

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Orientação : Vasco Ferreira Rato Pode a democracia sobreviver à internet é uma pergunta vital. Está o debate político online a deteriorar o processo democrático, com o aumento do extremismo e polarização? Democracias liberais assentam em liberdades como a de expressão. O usufruto desta é condição para outras formas de liberdade, e é crucial para uma sociedade informada e participativa em processos de deliberação política. Sempre existiram condicionalismos a liberdade de expressão e ao debate público, em forma de testes para determinar limites para censura de discurso e de conteúdos. Para isso foram determinados princípios como de ofensa, dano e discurso de ódio. Com a emergência de plataformas de redes sociais, em especial Facebook e Twitter, houve uma transferência do debate político da praça pública para o mundo digital. Isso levanta questões sobre normas, regulamentos e legislação, a necessidade de reforçar a arena de discussão e o mercado de ideias, e ter uma especial atenção ao funcionamento de algoritmos e arquiteturas digitais. Os objetivos desta Dissertação são de perceber quais as ameaças à liberdade de expressão e possibilidade em participar no debate político online, assim como quais são os passos necessários para reforçar a segurança, garantir acesso, e democratizar o processo. Can democracy survive the internet it’s a vital question. Is the political debate online deteriorating the democratic process, with the rise of extremism and polarization? Liberal democracies are based on freedoms such as freedom of expression and it’s a condition for other forms of freedom It’s also crucial for an informed and participative society in political deliberation processes. There have always been constraints on freedom of expression and public debate, in the form of tests to determine limits for censoring discourse and content. For this, principles such as offense, harm and hate speech were determined. With the emergence of social media platforms, especially Facebook and Twitter, the political debate has shifted from the public square to the digital world. This raises questions about rules, regulations and legislation, the need to strengthen the discussion arena and the market for ideas, and to pay special attention to the operation of digital architectures and algorithms. The objectives of this Dissertation are to understand the threats to freedom of expression and the possibility of participating in the online political debate, as well as what are the necessary steps to strengthen security, guarantee access, and democratize the process.

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DELLI, POGGI STEFANO. "Sociology Writings volume I." Doctoral thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/918234.

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These essays are the result of sociological and economic research be-tween 2005 and 2012, and to this day. It is a synthesis of works and studies on the social action like dynamic system of the social interactions . The former ones (I and II) can be called as Analytic Sociology, the others (III and IV) as Theoretical Sociology that by definition is a speculative study, not applied at soon. In the interest of these studies the types of definitions that exists in the social sciences universe, are not important because they are really too much. Often they are just different ways to study the identical object: the human society. For us, these studies have an approach of complexity and chaos. The purpose of this work is just to get publishable and applicable the results. Readers can find the applicability with own solutions in many areas of social life, politics, organizations, in business or any others.

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Barbosa, Mário Ferreira. "Venture capital: Institutional environment." Master's thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/7196.

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The question asked in this paper is whether overall venture capital (VC) investment (seed, startup, early and later stages) is conditioned by the economic institutional environment as measured by 2 indices of economic freedom (Heritage Foundation’s Index of Economic Freedom, Fraser Institute’s Economic Freedom of the World and their respective partial indices). Panel data analysis of 18 OECD countries over a 6 year period (2001-6) is used. The two indices are compared for consistency. Answer is inconclusive. Both global indices are significantly predictive of VC but with opposite signs. Partial indices also yield results not consistent across the two indices. However, as by-product of this analysis, solid evidence emerges that, first, the size of equity markets positively predicts VC and the link is likely causal and, second, the size of debt markets negatively predicts VC. That is, equity is good but debt is bad for VC. This is a dimension of the institutional environment of VC that is related to private markets and is outside of the scope of the mentioned indices of economic freedom but which turns out to be significant for VC. Takeaway is that attention should be given to development of equity markets, or to facilitating access to international equity markets by national firms, if the goal is to promote VC as a driver of innovation.

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