Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „France. Ministère de la maison du roi”
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Mauduit, Xavier. "Le ministère du faste : la maison du président de la République et la maison de l'empereur (1848-1870)". Paris 1, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA010571.
Pełny tekst źródłaGibiat, Samuel. "Hiérarchies sociales et ennoblissement : les commissaires des guerres de la Maison du roi, 1691-1790 /". Paris : École des Chartes, 2006. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb402100648.
Pełny tekst źródłaEn appendice, choix de documents. Bibliogr. p. 701-710. Notes bibliogr. Index.
Lemaigre-Gaffier, Pauline. "Du coeur de la Maison du Roi à l'esprit des institutions : l'administration des Menus Plaisirs au XVIIIe siècle". Paris 1, 2011. https://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://univ.scholarvox.com/book/88831962.
Pełny tekst źródłaMasson, Rémi. "La Maison militaire du roi : d'une garde domestique à une élite militaire (ca. 1610-ca. 1715)". Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010672.
Pełny tekst źródłaAt the beginning of the Modern Times, the military household of the king of France was a mere personal guard of the sovereign and the royal family. Yet, in the second part of the XVIIe century, it became the head of the French army. The Maison du roi exerienced a real boost from the reign of Louis XIII onwards. However, it is actually with Louis XIV that this institution gathered the elite units of the army. These units were to serve as the head of his army and provide qualified officers, as well as close protection of the sovereign and his familiy. The objective of this research is to highlight the creation and organisation of the first elite units of the French army. This research also focuses on how the king’s military household illustrated the grip of the military by louis XIV, particulary through the compromise, which is established in the most prestigious body of the army between birth and merit
Gibiat, Samuel. "Hiérarchies sociales et ennoblissement au XVIIIè siècle : l'exemple des commissaires des guerres de la Maison du roi, 1691-1790". Paris, EPHE, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001EPHE4034.
Pełny tekst źródłaFrom 1691 to 1790, military commissioners of the Household troops presented a social pattern of lasting ennoblement by merging into the military. As holders of mainly honorific offices, close with sinecures, they gradually limited themselves to a world of representations, in which household troops supply reviews –their unique source of authority- had acquired a symbolic value centred on their illusive function as juges de police. Eventually the Household troops appeared as a microcosm of nobility: court aristocrats monopolized the commanding and administering functions, thus offering a typical example of transfer from professional into social hierarchy. In spite of similarities with the global market of royal secretary ship and fiscal offices and in spite of the persistency of a class ladder superimposed on the Ancien Régime hierarchy of ranks, the story of the twenty different offices of such a small unit was characteristic of the ability of an heterogeneous group to adapt itself and to survive through the progressive growth of an esprit de corps when their privileges and prerogatives were endangered. The similar matrimonial strategies of the commissioners' parents and of the commissioners themselves proved their respect of traditional values, however different might have been their family origin or wealth level and whatever might have been the progress of Enlightenment and the growing influence of the world of finance on their recruitment. The military commissioner of the Household troops thus appears as typical of non capitalistic middle class elite. Clearly they were the melting-pot of a group, in which social climbing was strictly subordinated to matrimonial strategy and inherited wealth
Armengol-de, Laverny Sophie. "Les domestiques commensaux du Roi au XVIIe siècle". Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040051.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe commensals are the domestic servants of the king and his family. In return, they get board, laundering and quite often lodging. They form a heterogeneous group since they represent the various social strata of the kingdom. They share the private life of the king, enjoy several privileges, and strike up favorable friendships at the court. The importance of their charges allows them to take a real social leap. This advantageous prospect and their love towards the master create strong links between these commensal domestics, despite their broad social differences
Leferme-Falguières, Frédérique. "Le monde des courtisans : la haute noblesse et le cérémonial royal aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles". Paris 1, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004PA010670.
Pełny tekst źródłaWilmart, Julien. "Les deux compagnies de Mousquetaires du roi de France (1622-1815) : corps d’élite, confiance royale et service extraordinaire". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022SORUL092.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe two companies of the Mousquetaires du roi of France were part of the royal bodyguard units, named Maison militaire during the reign of Louis XIV. The first company was created in 1622 by Luis XIII from the unit of the Carabiniers instituted by his father Henry IV. This company remained active until 1646, when it was disbanded by Mazarin, to be revived by Luis XIV and Cardinal Mazarin in 1657. In 1634, the King transferred the command of the companies to a Captain-Lieutenant. This endorsement highlights the King’s respect and fondness towards the Mousquetaires. In 1660, Mazarin offered his own company of cavalry musketeers to Luis XIV as a wedding gift. Established in 1665, the two companies saw their functions expanded beyond their initial intrinsic role of royal bodyguards. Under Louis XIV, the Royal Household became an elite unit with a vital military role in wars. During his reign, the Mousquetaires participated to each war and forged their reputation as a crucial element to the success of the battles they fought. They became a symbol of the royal power and were employed by the King in delicate missions to shut down riots or silence prominent political figures. The Mousquetaires functioned as the royal political police. In addition to being recognized for their military prowess and benefiting from the King’s endorsement, under Louis XIV the Mousquetaires became a military school for the nobles, who were encouraged to join the company to gain the military experience needed as aspiring commanders. The two companies became indeed a treasure trove of officials for the Royal Army. Despite their dynamism and crucial role in containing the Flour War in Paris, the Mousquetaires were disbanded by Louis XVI in 1775. Only briefly reestablished within the “Armée des Princes” in 1791-1792 and under the Restoration in 1814, the companies were permanently disbanded in 1815 by Louis XVIII. The research on military history presented here focuses not only on the role of the Mousquetaires as an elite corps of the French army during the Old Regime, but also on the peculiarities that contributed to their fame
Fontaine, Clotilde. "Le procureur général Ladislas de Baralle et le ministère public près le parlement de Flandre (1691-1714)". Thesis, Lille 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019LIL2D002.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe 17th and 18th centuries appear as a period of conquests and territorial changes in Europe, particularly in Flanders. In 1668, the southern part of the former Spanish Low Countries are attached to the French crown. To bring peace back in the province, Louis XIV decided to create a court for the newly conquered territories, the conseil souverain of Tournai. This sovereign court replaced the former councils of Flanders and Mons and the Great Council of Malines to judge in appeal the cases brought before the courts of the annexed territories. In 1686, the institution obtained the title of parlement to be definitely assimilated. During its first years of existence, the parlement of Flanders had to assert its particularities. Indeed, when Louis XIV created the court, he promised to keep the Flemish customs and privileges. He therefore appointed local jurists who knew them. In 1691, Ladislas de Baralle became General Procurator. He had one of the longest careers, twenty-three years of office. If today the prosecutor’s function mainly applies to litigation, his role during Ancien Régime was much larger. He embodied the King’s prerogatives and ensured the enforcement of royal legislation in the parlement’s jurisdiction. In spite of his promises, Louis XIV tried progressively to enforce “French” law and procedure in the realm while Flanders asserted its particular Coutumes and privileges. Born in Flanders but representing Louis XIV, how could Baralle balance both roles ?
Chaumet, Pierre-Olivier. "L' administration française d'un pays conquis sur la Maison de Savoie : le comté de Nice sous l'autorité de Louis XIV(1691-1696)(1705-1713)". Paris 2, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002PA020101.
Pełny tekst źródłaBachou, Jérôme. "De la mort programmée du juge d'instruction à celle du "procureur-roi"". Thesis, La Réunion, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LARE0003.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe challenge to the judge which has developed over several years has undoubtedly climaxed after the "Outreau" case which highlighted all the possible abuses of the preliminary French prosecuting process. In the wake of a new reform of this stage of the French criminal procedure in favor of the law of 5 March 2007 and bills sometimes rejected like the Leger 2009 report, the time evaluation of the French investigating procedure seems to have come. Has the new law finally been able to balance and regulate this stage of our French criminal procedure? In other words, has it succeeded where the laws of the 10th of December 1985, the 4th of January 1993 and the 15th of June 2000 (to mention only a few of them) had failed? This research intends to be the beginning of a process of legislative review. We shall study whether the adopted and gradually implemented reform has succeeded in breaking up with the former law practise. We shall also analyze up to what extent the adopted innovations (center of education, co-referral, strengthening the contradictory especially during expertises or questionings, etc..) are liable to actual procedural failures. In other words, this thesis aims at studying the balance between inquisitory and accusatory systems in the French law. In this study, the principle of discretionary prosecution shall be questioned; the way of reform must be paved in the wake of the principle of mandatory prosecution. Suggestions for improving our positive law of the investigation procedure may be made in the light of the history and the teaching of the law as well as in the comparison of the successful investigation procedures of neighbouring or more remote countries like Italy or Canada. The future French investigating procedure may take advantage of ideas and mechanisms from overseas if these proposals are integrated in our law. The reform scheme that we put forward establishes an independent and fiscally autonomous “parquet ou ministère public” replacing the function of the judge and giving birth to a new judiciary character: the Attorney General of the Republic, also called General Prosecutor of the Nation. For this purpose, a supervisory board within a renewed and reformed Superior Council of the Magistracy, with more autonomy or independence, will be created in order to open a new way of positive judicial governance
Attard, Jean-Pierre. "Religion, sainteté et pouvoir en Provence angevine, première maison d'Anjou, modèle et miroir du monde angevin (1246-1382)". Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015AIXM3028/document.
Pełny tekst źródłaBy his marriage withe the heress of Provence, Charles d'Anjou, brother of Louis IX, arrives at the head of the County of Provence.It is unpopular withs his subjects. He must defeat an army revolt of the mains cities and part of the nobility. After his success, the Agevins use an ideological weapon: ths bealong to a sacred race and they govern a sacred land. They base this of the Church. They are good sons of Church. In the end, peace is esthablished permanently in the County of Provence
Varlan, Olivier. "Armand-Louis de Caulaincourt, duc de Vicenze (1773-1827). Étude d’une carrière diplomatique sous le Premier Empire, de la cour de Napoléon au ministère des Relations extérieures". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2013. http://ezproxy.normandie-univ.fr/login?url=https://www.numeriquepremium.com/doi/10.14375/NP.9782369426998.
Pełny tekst źródłaA cavalry officer born into Picardy's landed gentry, Armand de Caulaincourt rose rapidly through the ranks of the consular, and later the imperial court, to become in 1804 Grand Squire of the Empire. However, notwithstanding the importance of his curial functions, Napoleon destined him to a diplomatic career. After several missions, he was appointed as Ambassador of France to Russia (1807). Caulaincourt took part in all the major negotiations between France and Russia, but was forced to witness a slow breakdown in relations between the two Empires. At the time of his return to Paris in 1811, his political accomplishments were unimpressive. His stalwart defense of Tsar Alexander, and especially his opposition to the upcoming military campaign, were an irritation to Napoleon. Nevertheless, these stances allowed him to gain new stature after the disaster in Russia : in the eyes of his contemporaries, he became the “Peacemaker”, an image Napoleon used to his advantage by appointing him his representative at the congresses in Prague (1813) and in Châtillon (1814). The Duke of Vicenza, now Minister for Foreign Affairs, could not, however, broker an agreement in favour of peace : he was forced to negotiate Napoleon's abdication and to give up any hope of political career after the Hundred Days. This study, based on Caulaincourt's personal records and famous Memoirs, aims at restoring a major figure of the First French Empire to his due importance, while focusing on his action and thought in the field of diplomacy. The exemplary value of his career should also allow historians to reconsider and reevaluate the role of Napoleon's diplomatic personnel
Varlan, Olivier. "Armand-Louis de Caulaincourt, duc de Vicenze (1773-1827). Étude d’une carrière diplomatique sous le Premier Empire, de la cour de Napoléon au ministère des Relations extérieures". Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040252.
Pełny tekst źródłaA cavalry officer born into Picardy's landed gentry, Armand de Caulaincourt rose rapidly through the ranks of the consular, and later the imperial court, to become in 1804 Grand Squire of the Empire. However, notwithstanding the importance of his curial functions, Napoleon destined him to a diplomatic career. After several missions, he was appointed as Ambassador of France to Russia (1807). Caulaincourt took part in all the major negotiations between France and Russia, but was forced to witness a slow breakdown in relations between the two Empires. At the time of his return to Paris in 1811, his political accomplishments were unimpressive. His stalwart defense of Tsar Alexander, and especially his opposition to the upcoming military campaign, were an irritation to Napoleon. Nevertheless, these stances allowed him to gain new stature after the disaster in Russia : in the eyes of his contemporaries, he became the “Peacemaker”, an image Napoleon used to his advantage by appointing him his representative at the congresses in Prague (1813) and in Châtillon (1814). The Duke of Vicenza, now Minister for Foreign Affairs, could not, however, broker an agreement in favour of peace : he was forced to negotiate Napoleon's abdication and to give up any hope of political career after the Hundred Days. This study, based on Caulaincourt's personal records and famous Memoirs, aims at restoring a major figure of the First French Empire to his due importance, while focusing on his action and thought in the field of diplomacy. The exemplary value of his career should also allow historians to reconsider and reevaluate the role of Napoleon's diplomatic personnel
Vial, Charles-Eloi. "Les chasses des souverains en France (1804-1830)". Thesis, Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040222.
Pełny tekst źródłaHunting had always been the privileged activity of kings since the mediaeval period, and for the later Bourbons it became a consuming passion. Indeed Louis XV and Louis XVI were to be criticized by a proto public opinion ; it was thought that hunts were expensive and that they distracted the rulers from the duties of government. The royal hunts disappeared with the fall of the monarchy. But Napoleon, with his desire to appropriate the outward show of monarchical legitimacy, brought it back. Marshal Berthier was appointed Grand veneur and given the task of organizing the imperial hunt in exactly the same way as it had been done under Louis XVI. Napoleon made the hunts a powerful political instrument and a Court indulgence whilst at the same time making considerable savings. The Restoration in fact chose not to revive Ancien Régime customs but preserved the Napoleonic hunting administration. This gave rise to the paradox of a Restoration attempting to reinvigorate monarchical traditions but using structures created by Napoleon. This is that strong continuity, human, budgetary, but also political and symbolic, inside a geographical field concentrated around Paris that made it possible for the Court to circulate around the different imperial hunting residences, to dedicate certain days to the hunts, and to invite some important political figures. All of these aspects are to be found in the sources : archives, newspapers, autobiographies, artworks
Vial, Charles-Eloi. "Les chasses des souverains en France (1804-1830)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 4, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA040222.
Pełny tekst źródłaHunting had always been the privileged activity of kings since the mediaeval period, and for the later Bourbons it became a consuming passion. Indeed Louis XV and Louis XVI were to be criticized by a proto public opinion ; it was thought that hunts were expensive and that they distracted the rulers from the duties of government. The royal hunts disappeared with the fall of the monarchy. But Napoleon, with his desire to appropriate the outward show of monarchical legitimacy, brought it back. Marshal Berthier was appointed Grand veneur and given the task of organizing the imperial hunt in exactly the same way as it had been done under Louis XVI. Napoleon made the hunts a powerful political instrument and a Court indulgence whilst at the same time making considerable savings. The Restoration in fact chose not to revive Ancien Régime customs but preserved the Napoleonic hunting administration. This gave rise to the paradox of a Restoration attempting to reinvigorate monarchical traditions but using structures created by Napoleon. This is that strong continuity, human, budgetary, but also political and symbolic, inside a geographical field concentrated around Paris that made it possible for the Court to circulate around the different imperial hunting residences, to dedicate certain days to the hunts, and to invite some important political figures. All of these aspects are to be found in the sources : archives, newspapers, autobiographies, artworks
Barker, Harai Claire Taylor. "Les serviteurs de Navarre à Tours dans la seconde moitié du seizième siècle". Thesis, Tours, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014TOUR2022.
Pełny tekst źródłaThe early modern members of the royal family of Navarre have been the subjects of many academic studies, but the servants of their household have not yet been studied in depth. This dissertation aims to examine the 106 members of the household of Navarre whose presence is noted in notarial acts from 16th century Tours, stored in the Departemental Archives of Indre-et-Loire. These texts, combined with other manuscripts (royal accounts, letters, receipts, etc.) from Pau and from Paris, allow us to examine the lives of these individuals, how they were related, and what roles they played in the royal households of Navarre. Using source documents, we observe the structures and the internal dynamics of the « Navarrese milieu » that existed in the city of Tours, and its « heart » composed of a handful of families who primarily served the households of Jeanne d’Albret and of Henri de Navarre, the future king Henri IV
Carré, Benoît. "Pensions et pensionnaires de la monarchie : de la grâce royale au système de redistribution de l'Etat au XVIIIe siècle". Thesis, Lille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL3H001.
Pełny tekst źródłaPensions & pensioners of the French monarchy : from royal favour to State redistribution system in the eighteenth century The issue of State pensions and pensioners is tackled on the basis of a corpus of sources found among the archives of the Maison du Roi (Royal Household), the Trésor royal (Royal Treasury) and the Comité des pensions (Pensions Committee) of the Assemblée nationale constituante (National Constituent Assembly). An analysis of the attribution and distribution mechanisms of the Royal pensions reveals the contradictions of the Ancien Régime monarchy: the preservation of ancient traditions versus the requirements of a modern State. The repeated and unsuccessful attempts to reform and rationalize an object of expenditure whose weight has not ceased to weigh on the royal finances is demonstrated here. The thesis invites us to question these forms of distribution used by the power as an instrument of political and social domination, but whose financial and accounting aspects have been unequally controlled. The history of the royal pensions management in the 18th century offers a particularly well-documented case study that illustrates the development of modern bureaucracy. It reveals an inventive administration in its way of reforming State pensions while constrained by conflicting interests of the regime. It was finally the political crisis of 1789 that clarified and reformed a system of royal liberalities that became the symbol of abuses of the Court in the eyes of public opinion. In 1790, by separating Court pensions from State pensions, by creating an entitlement to pension for State servants where the Ancien Régime knew only a system of rewards based on custom and clientelism, the Comité des pensions of the Assemblée nationale constituante laid the foundation for the first pension system of the State Public Service