Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / Foreign relations, 1927

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Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Foreign relations, 1927”

Autor: Grafiati

Data publikacji: 29 lipca 2024

Data aktualizacji: 31 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "Foreign relations, 1927"

Küçükyalçın, Erdal. "Ōtani Kōzui’s Leadership in the Establishment of Turkish-Japanese Economic Relations during the Early Years of the Republic". GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES ON JAPAN, nr 7 (31.03.2024): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.62231/gp7.160001a05.

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Ōtani Kōzui (1876-1948) was the first Japanese, or perhaps the first foreigner to point towards Turkey (Feb. 1924) as soon as the Republic was declared (Oct. 1923); the first to bring foreign direct investment to the Turkish Republic through his collaboration with the founding father of the Republic of Türkiye, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk at the Ankara Gazi Farm (Feb. 1927); the first to make a foreign industrial investment with his collaboration with Memduh Gökçen in Bursa (Apr. 1929). Ōtani was also one of the co-founders of the Japanese-Turkish Trade Association in Osaka (Nov. 1925), the Japanese-Turkish Association in Tokyo (June 1926), and he was the author of the lines on “Ōtani Kōzui Epitaph” dedicated to Turkish soldiers who lost their lives at the Ertuğrul Firgate Incident in 1890, erected at the Kushimoto Ertuğrul Memorial (Mar. 1929). This paper traces his footprints in the early years of the newly founded Republic of Türkiye.

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Yang, Li. "The KMT’s Shifting Approach to the Outside World during the 1920s: A Reinvention of Chinese Confucianism". Open Journal for Studies in Philosophy 8, nr 1 (13.05.2024): 13–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.ojsp.0801.02013l.

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Through a Confucian lens, this research explores the transformation of the Kuomintang’s (國民黨; KMT) foreign policy during the 1920s. It examines the shift in the KMT's foreign policy from Sun Yat-Sen’s 孫逸仙 (1866-1925) “Allying with Soviet Russia” (lian’e 聯俄) stance to Chiang Kai-shek’s 蔣介石 (1887-1975) prioritization of Western relations around 1927. The study highlights the reintroduction of Confucianism in the KMT's foreign policy during this period, considering the conventional Confucian education of KMT leaders. Unlike previous studies analyzing this shift from political or historical perspectives, this study provides a chronological analysis that centers around the change to Confucianism. It addresses a significant research vacuum in the existing literature and uses archival analysis to examine the evolution of the KMT’s foreign policy. The study examines primary sources such as Sun’s speeches, Chiang's diary, and contemporaneous memoirs. The study comprises three chronological sections. The first section (1920–1924) explores the influence of Confucianism on Sun’s alignment with Soviet Russia due to commonalities between Confucianism and Communism. The second section (1924-1927) examines how Confucianism shaped the KMT’s Western-oriented shift. The third section (1928–1930) delves into the philosophical basis of the Treaty Revision Movement (Gaiding xinyue yundong 改訂新約運動) and the adoption of ‘keeping good faith and pursuing harmony’ (Jiangxin xiumu 講信修睦) as the foreign policy principle. This research concludes that Sun, inspired by Confucian-Communist parallels, initially aligned with Soviet Russia but that later, under Chiang’s leadership, the KMT used “The Confucianisation of the Three People’s Principles” (Sanminzhuyi 三民主義) in its consolidation of a power shift towards the West and adopted Confucian principles to further legitimize its rule by promoting the New Treaty Movement.

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Hudson, Hugh D. "The 1927 Soviet War Scare: The Foreign Affairs-Domestic Policy Nexus Revisited". Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 39, nr 2 (2012): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763324-03902002.

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The Soviet War Scare of 1927 is usually treated solely within the bounds of Soviet political machinations. This study explores the connection between Bolshevik domestic and foreign policy in the War Scare of 1927 with a focus on the peasants. The peasants in the early years of the NEP were seeking a compromise with the regime, seeing the relations of power following the war, the civil war, and horrendous famine of 1921-1922, not in their favor. The War Scare of 1927 altered how both the peasants and the regime saw one another and the possibility of compromise. The rumors of war were soon coupled with threats of peasants uprising against the communists. By fall 1927, both the local police in their svodki and the central OGPU in its summary reports to the political leadership were describing a mounting confrontational atmosphere among the peasants. Given the heightened anxieties within the leadership regarding the Soviet Union’s ability to defend itself, concern over the reliability of the peasantry and a demand to know more fully about the “political situation in the countryside” had reached a fever pitch. Surveiling the countryside, both the central OGPU and the party leadership concluded, not without some evidence, that a growing number of peasants desired a showdown. The War Scare of 1927 added significantly to the factors that helped set the process of collectivization in motion.

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Karnups, Viesturs Pauls. "Latvian-Estonian Economic Relations 1918–1940". Humanities and Social Sciences Latvia 30, nr 1, 2 (20.12.2022): 25–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/hssl.30.02.

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This paper provides an overview of Latvian-Estonian economic relations in the interwar period. In the interwar period, economic relations between Latvia and Estonia were mainly confined to foreign trade, although there were some investments in Latvia from Estonia, as well as tourism. Latvia’s foreign trade in relation to Estonia was regulated by a number of trade treaties and agreements entered into in 1923, 1927, 1928, 1931, 1932, 1935, and 1937. Latvia’s main imports from Estonia in the interwar period were horses, cement, petroleum products from oil shale (including bitumen, crude oil, etc.) – except petrol, petrol, and fabrics (cotton, linen, wool, etc), whilst Latvia’s main exports to Estonia were linoleum, machinery (agricultural and industrial), timber and timber products (including plywood), rubber goods (including galoshes), paints, inks, and paint products, sugar, as well as radios. In general, trade and thus economic relations were of marginal significance to both countries in the interwar period due mainly to similarities in their agriculturally based economic structures.

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Sokolov, Alexander. "Anglo-Soviet Trade Relations on the Eve of the Severance of Diplomatic Relations in 1927". ISTORIYA 13, nr 7 (117) (2022): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840022008-7.

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During the 1920s, the USSR tried to establish both trade and diplomatic relations with England. In the conditions of the growing economic crisis of 1925, representatives of British business circles were interested in creating favorable conditions for the development of mutually beneficial trade and economic ties with Soviet Russia. The foreign trade turnover between the two countries was actively developing. At the same time, the trade balance was in favor of the UK. Meanwhile, the Conservative cabinet was clearly moving towards a break with the USSR. Soviet financial assistance to striking miners in 1926, as well as material support for the national revolutionary movement in China, contributed to the deterioration of Soviet-British relations. Representatives of some of the British commercial and industrial circles were extremely interested in trade with Russia. They rightly believed that England would suffer more damage from the rupture than the Soviets. One of the steps towards easing tensions and creating favorable conditions for the development of trade and economic relations was the conclusion in May 1927 of an agreement between the delegation of the USSR and the board of Midland Bank on crediting Soviet orders of British goods. However, the subsequent police raid on the premises of the joint stock company “Arkos Limited” led to the termination of diplomatic relations with the USSR. As a result of the breakdown of relations, English firms suffered heavy losses. Orders were lost for the amount of the loan, on the provision of which an agreement was reached with Midland Bank. The termination of relations with the USSR had negative consequences for the British economy. The volume of Soviet-British trade has significantly decreased. The gradual improvement of Soviet-British relations led to the restoration of lost trade and economic relations. However, the issue of granting large loans, including from Midland Bank, remained unresolved.

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Sergeev, Evgeny Yu. "“WORLD REVOLUTION” ON THE ОUTSKIRTS OF THE BRITISH EMPIRE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1920’S. MYTH OR REALITY?" RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Political Sciences. History. International Relations, nr 4 (2022): 10–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6339-2022-4-10-32.

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Based upon the wide range of sources, including Russian and British archival documents, published diplomatic correspondence, diaries penned by some eye-witnesses and newspaper commentaries, the article dwells upon the attempts by the Comintern to bring to life the ideas of “world revolution” in the Middle East states – such as Persia and Afghanistan, as well as in the Chinese possessions – Sinkiang and Tibet, which in the period under review – the second half of the 1920s, gained a quasi-independent status. The author meticulously examines various forms and methods of exporting revolutionary practices to the British Empire Asian outskirts, where Indian subcontinent occupied a key position. As a result of the study, it was established that by the beginning of the 1930s, the concept of the “world revolution” as one of the directions of Soviet foreign policy underwent a transformation from reality into a myth, which began to perform mainly propaganda functions. Besides that, the author came to conclusion that the transformation had a serious impact on the development of Soviet-Britain relations during the second conservative government of S. Baldwin, being zigzag in nature – from the state of mutual confrontation in 1925–1926, through the rupture of 1927, to the restoration after the return to power of the Labour Party in 1929.

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McKercher, B. J. C. "From Enmity to Cooperation: The Second Baldwin Government and the Improvement of Anglo-American Relations, November 1928–June 1929". Albion 24, nr 1 (1992): 65–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051243.

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One of the pervading interpretations of Anglo-American relations in the interwar period is that the advent of James Ramsay MacDonald's Labour government in June 1929 set in train the series of events that ended bitter relations between Britain and the United States, bitterness which had been caused by the naval question. There are several strands to this: first, that the American policy pursued by the Conservative second Baldwin government from November 1924 to June 1929, and especially after the failure of the Coolidge naval conference in the summer of 1927, was bankrupt; second, that MacDonald was more amenable to settling British differences with the Americans than were his Conservative predecessors and, that being so, softened the hardline towards the United States that had marked Conservative foreign and naval policy for more than two years; and, finally, that MacDonald's decision to travel to the United States on what proved to be a very successful visit in the autumn of 1929 to meet Herbert Hoover, the new president, to discuss outstanding issues personally, was a major diplomatic coup. Some of this received version is true. No one can doubt that MacDonald and his Labour ministry played a crucial role in helping to ameliorate the crisis that had been dogging good Anglo-American relations for more than two years before June 1929. The Labour Party constituted the government when the London naval conference of 1930 ended the period of Anglo-American naval rivalry. Moreover, for six months before that conference convened, Labour had conducted effective diplomacy in preparing for its deliberations.

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Panova, Olga Yu, i Victoria Yu Popova. "Theodore Dreiser in Leningrad. New Materials". Literature of the Americas, nr 15 (2023): 16–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2023-15-16-41.

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Theodorе Dreiser was invited to the USSR to take part in the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the October Revolution. His visit to the Soviet Union that lasted over two months (November 4, 1926 — January 13, 1928) has been documented and studied quite well: Dreiser's Russian diary that he kept during his travel was published almost 30 years ago, and four years ago its Russian translation appeared. Another source is Ruth Epperson Kennell’s book Theodore Dreiser and the USSR. A First- Hand Chronicle (1969). A number of studies and scholarly publications are devoted to Dreiser’s trip; however, new materials and documents that contribute to more detailed reconstruction of Dreiser’s Russian journey still are being found in the archives. New documents from the funds of the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (VOKS) that highlight Dreiser’s stay in Leningrad (November 26 — December 2, 1927) are published in the Addendum to the article: a report submitted to VOKS by Sergei Trivas, officer for Anglo-American countries, who accompanied Dreiser as a guide and interpreter, and a letter of gratitude from Dreiser to Nikolai Derzhavin, VOKS representative in Leningrad.

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Zhukovskaya, Natalia. "Canada's 1927 Election to the Council of the League of Nations: Imperial Unity and National Interests". Russia and America in the 21st Century, S2 (2023): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760027904-1.

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The activities of universal international organizations (the League of Nations and the UN) have always influenced the dynamics of world processes. In the article, the author examines the election of Canada to the Council of the League of Nations in 1927. This event influenced the principle of the formation of the system of electoral groups, reflected on the transformation of relations between the Empire and the Dominions, determined the vector of development of Canadian foreign policy in the framework of the concept of "middle power".

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Cao, Yixuan. "Research on the impact of Sino-US trade war on China's high-tech industry". BCP Business & Management 25 (30.08.2022): 872–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpbm.v25i.1927.

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In today's economic globalization, with the continuous improvement of China's national status and economic strength, the conflict of national interests with the United States is also increasing, which leads to the tense trade relations between the two countries. At the same time, with the increasing trade surplus between China and the United States, the Trump administration launched a "301 Investigation" against China on the grounds of the huge trade gap between China and the United States, and launched the Sino-US trade war. The United States intends to sanction and restrict the development of China's high-tech industries, and safeguard its own international economic and technological status. However, in the long run, the severe situation caused by the Sino-US trade war has inspired domestic high-tech enterprises that "core technology is the first competitiveness". The Chinese government and enterprises still need to increase research investment, absorb high-tech talents, actively expand the market, reduce dependence on foreign advanced technology, and optimize their own industrial structure, so as to improve the competitiveness of China's high-tech products.

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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "Foreign relations, 1927"

Cicero, Pedro Henrique de Moraes 1984. "O rentismo petroleiro e seus impactos para a política externa venezuelana (1927-2013)". [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281107.

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Orientador: Andréia Galvão
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T12:26:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cicero_PedroHenriquedeMoraes_D.pdf: 2260568 bytes, checksum: 0e875358b87396d1218f50d9f269f127 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015
Resumo: O trabalho analisa as implicações decorrentes do rentismo tanto para a estrutura político-econômica doméstica quanto para a política externa exercida pela Venezuela. Ao constatar que a riqueza do país é gerada, majoritariamente, pelo comércio do petróleo no exterior, o texto problematiza as dificuldades enfrentadas em razão desta atividade não compor uma cadeia produtiva extensa, mas, sim, um conjunto restrito de ações e serviços vinculados à extração de recursos não-renováveis. Nesse contexto, a tese expõe as diferentes maneiras pelas quais a natureza rentista da economia venezuelana repercutiu, também, em sua política externa. Inicialmente, o foco recai sobre o processo que, entre 1927 e 1958, consolidou a primazia da atividade petroleira, bem como a ascensão e queda do momento político subsequente, o puntofijismo (1958-1998), enfatizando-se, nesse primeiro momento, o emergir da "diplomacia do petróleo" e o estabelecimento da vocação centro-americanista e caribenha da política externa venezuelana. Em seguida, detalha-se a maneira pela qual o governo Chávez (1999-2013) regulou e colocou em prática a exploração petrolífera no país, argumentando-se que o modelo escolhido para reorganizar o setor ¿ as empresas mistas ¿ manteve a iniciativa privada transnacional como sua principal beneficiária. Por outro lado, se reconhece a importante inovação realizada pelo governo bolivariano ao investir boa parte da renda no financiamento de programas de inclusão social. Já no âmbito internacional, em que pese a maior proeminência conquistada por meio da postura proativa e integracionista adotada pela política externa bolivariana, realça-se o fato do instrumento utilizado para tanto (o comércio do petróleo) colocar o país numa posição instável e preponderantemente subalterna no contexto da divisão internacional do trabalho
Abstract: The study analysis the implications of oil rentism for both the domestic political-structure and the foreign policy pursued by Venezuela. Noting that the country's wealth is generated mainly by the trade of oil abroad, the thesis discusses the difficulties faced due to the fact that the aforementioned activity is not part of a large chain of productive activities, being, on the contrary, part of a limited set of actions and services related to the extraction of non-renewable natural resources. Within this perspective, the study presents the different ways in which the rentier nature of the Venezuelan economy reflected in its foreign policy. Initially, the focus is on the process that, between 1927 and 1958, consolidated the primacy of oil as the main component of the economy, as well as the rise and fall of the subsequent political moment, puntofijism (1958-1998), emphasizing the emergence of "oil diplomacy" and the establishment of the Central American and Caribbean vocation of Venezuelan foreign policy. Then, it is presented how Chávez's administration (1999-2013) regulated and put into practice the oil exploration in the country, arguing that the model chosen to reorganize the sector - joint ventures ¿ maintained privet transnational capital as its main beneficiary. On the other hand, it is acknowledged that an important change has been made by the Bolivarian government through the policy of investing part of the income on social programs. In the international context, despite a greater prominence achieved by a proactive and integrationist Bolivarian foreign policy, it is stated that the instrument used to do so (oil trade) occupies, due the framework that rules oil trade, an unstable and subordinate position within transnational capitalism
Doutorado
Ciencia Politica
Doutor em Ciência Política

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Al-Kahtani, Mohammad Zaid. "The foreign policy of King Abdulaziz (1927-1953) : a study in the international relations of an emerging state". Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/529/.

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King Abdulaziz stood out as a major figure in Saudi domestics and foreign policy. He laid the foundation for Saudi foreign policy and international relations. Available studies on King Abdulaziz's foreign policy either concentrated on earlier periods or dealt with part of his era. This study deals with the whole period of King Abdulaziz, approaches his foreign policy as a case study of a newly-emerging state and assesses the problems associated with this case. The study is organised as follows: chapter one discusses the rise of King Abdulaziz and the Saudi achievement of a sense of statehood. Chapter two explores the problems which confront newly-emerging states in the formulation and implementation of their foreign policy. Chapter three discusses the genesis of Saudi foreign policy structure. Chapter four focuses on Saudi Arabia's policy towards the affairs of the Arabian Peninsula. Chapter five examines the policy of King Abdulaziz towards the Arab World. Chapter six adresses the King's policy in the area of Islamic affairs. Chapter seven analyzes the King's relations with Britain after the Treaty of Jeddah of 1927. Chapter eight deals with Saudi policy towards the U. S. The study hopes to provide a better understanding of the process of Saudi foreign policy making under King Abdulaziz. A major finding of this study is throwing light on the problems experienced by Saudi Arabia as a newly-emerging state while making and implementing its foreign policy, particularly, in relation to a number of specific and general factors underlying the making and execution of this foreign policy. In this sense the study hopes to make a modest contribution to the available literature on King Abdulaziz's foreign policy.

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Elmadani, Abdulla. "Indo-Saudi relations 1947-1997 : domestic concerns and foreign relations". Thesis, University of Exeter, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.400916.

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Tang, Jihua. "Britain and the Peking Government 1926-1928". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.388289.

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Windridge, Henry. "Idealists and pragmatists : Understanding the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's views on the United Nations, 1947-1957". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.531989.

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Rees, Samuel Huw. "The collapsing pillar : Jimmy Carter and US foreign policy towards Iran, 1977-1981". Thesis, Swansea University, 2013. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa43014.

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The continuing diplomatic impasse between the United States and Iran dates back to the turbulent events of the late 1970s. Blame for the 'loss' of Iran, which had been one of the 'twin pillars' of US strategy in the Persian Gulf, has inevitably fallen on the White House incumbent at the time, President Jimmy Carter. This thesis offers a reassessment of Carter's decision making and his responses to the fall of the Shah, the Islamic Revolution and the US embassy hostage taking. It demonstrates that the breakdown of US-Iranian relations was not simply a one-president phenomenon and, more significantly, Carter's handling of Iran was not as dire as it is often portrayed. The research is based on a thorough examination of the available archive material, including newly released documents, as well as recent interviews with the major protagonists. When Carter took office in 1977 he inherited a badly creaking Iranian pillar that was soon to collapse altogether. The flawed policies of his predecessors placed strict limitations on his administration and unwittingly created a ticking time bomb in the form of the Shah. Despite these restrictions, Carter battled to reconcile the strategic necessities of Cold War containment with his moral principles in areas such as human rights and arms sales. In an administration seemingly dominated by the disagreements amongst his top two advisors, Carter remained the key decision maker at all times. He recognised the practical limits of American power and assumed sensible positions in response to an ever changing and uncontrollable crisis. Aside from its contemporary significance, Iran is therefore critical to Carter's disputed legacy and how he rates as a foreign policy president.

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Floeck, Emily Katherine. "U.S. foreign policy towards China, 1972-9". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608002.

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Rezk, Dina. "Anglo-American political and intelligence assessments of Egypt and the Middle East from 1957-1977". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608033.

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Blevins, Jeff T. (Jeff Taylor). "The British Foreign Office Views and the Making of the 1907 Anglo-Russian Entente, From the 1890s Through August 1907". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1998. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc279078/.

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This thesis examines British Foreign Office views of Russia and Anglo-Russian relations prior to the 1907 Anglo-Russian Entente. British diplomatic documents, memoirs, and papers in the Public Record Office reveal diplomatic concern with ending Central Asian tensions. This study examines Anglo-Russian relations from the pre-Lansdowne era, including agreements with Japan (1902) and France (1904), the Russo-Japanese war of 1904-05, and the shift in Liberal thinking up to the Anglo-Russian Entente. The main reason British diplomats negotiated the Entente was less to end Central Asian friction, this thesis concludes, than the need to check Germany, which some Foreign Office members believed, was bent upon European hegemony.

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Ross, Christopher Nicholas. "Lord Curzon, the 'Persian question', and geopolitics, 1888-1921". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609030.

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Książki na temat "Foreign relations, 1927"

Katkova, Z. D. Kitaĭ i derzhavy, 1927-1937 gg. Moskva: Vostochnai͡a︡ lit-ra, 1995.

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Claudel, Paul. Correspondance diplomatique: Tokyo, 1921-1927. [Paris]: Gallimard, 1995.

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Titulescu, Nicolae. Opera politico-diplomatică: Iulie 1927 - iulie 1928. București: Fundația Europeana̦ Titulescu, 2003.

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Mišić, Saša. Albanija--prijatelj i protivnik: Jugoslovenska politika prema Albaniji : 1924-1927. Beograd: Službeni glasnik, 2009.

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Saran, A. I͡U. Faktory formirovanii͡a politiki SShA i Anglii v Kitae: 1925-1927 gody. Orel: Foliant, 1996.

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Milo, Paskal. Shqipëria dhe Jugosllavia, 1918-1927. Albania]: Shtëpia Botuese "Enciklopedike", 1992.

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Wilbur, C. Martin. Missionaries of revolution: Soviet advisers and Nationalist China, 1920-1927. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1989.

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Yue, Bingnan. Riben chu bing Shandong yu Zhongguo pai Ri yun dong, 1927-1929. Taibei Xian Xindian Shi: Guo shi guan, 1988.

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Ataev, Kh. Sovetsko-iranskie politicheskie i torgovo-ėkonomicheskie otnoshenii͡a︡ v 1917-1927 gg.: Na primere Severo-Vostochnogo Irana. Ashgabat: Ylym, 1994.

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Sadkovich, James J. Italian support for Croatian separatism, 1927-1937. New York: Garland, 1987.

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Części książek na temat "Foreign relations, 1927"

Hahn, Peter L. "The United States and the Middle East since 1967". W A Companion to American Foreign Relations, 375–86. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470999042.ch20.

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Steding, William. "The Strategic Defense Initiative and US-Soviet Relations: 1983–1987". W Presidential Faith and Foreign Policy, 139–57. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137477118_10.

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Shen, Zhihua. "Differences Over Domestic and Foreign Policies, 1957–1959". W A Short History of Sino-Soviet Relations, 1917–1991, 209–26. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8641-1_14.

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Husain, Asad. "Chandra Shamsher and his Foreign Policy". W British India's Relations with the Kingdom of Nepal, 1857–1947, 149–82. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003360629-6.

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Malik, Hafeez. "Foreign Policy Adaptation to Regional and Global Environment: Regional Dynamics". W Soviet-Pakistan Relations and Post-Soviet Dynamics, 1947–92, 91–119. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-10573-1_5.

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Balta, Evren, i Habibe Özdal. "One Hundred Years of Turkish-Russian Relations: From Balancing Act to Flexible Alignment". W One Hundred Years of Turkish Foreign Policy (1923-2023), 75–97. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-35859-3_4.

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Ergun, Ayça. "Turkey and the South Caucasus: Role of Memory and Perceptions in Shaping Turkey’s Relations with Regional States". W One Hundred Years of Turkish Foreign Policy (1923-2023), 163–83. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-35859-3_8.

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Müftüler-Baç, Meltem. "An Impasse in Turkey’s Relations with the European Union: The Interplay of Democratic Lapse and External Differentiated Integration". W One Hundred Years of Turkish Foreign Policy (1923-2023), 55–73. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-35859-3_3.

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Rofe, J. Simon. "Introduction: The Mission of Sumner Welles to Europe (February–March 1940), Rooseveltian Foreign Policy, and Anglo-American Relations, November 1937–May 1940". W Franklin Roosevelt’s Foreign Policy and the Welles Mission, 1–12. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230604896_1.

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Odaka, Konosuke. "The Dual Structure of the Japanese Economy". W The Economic History of Japan: 1600-1990, 111–36. Oxford University PressOxford, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198289074.003.0003.

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Abstract The term “dual structure” refers to an economy where (1) large-scale firms based on imported foreign technology (production technology, production control, and product design), engaged in capitalistic management based on bureaucratic and rationalized organization, coexist with small-and-medium scale businesses based on traditional technology, engaged in family-communitarian management. The “rationalization” of the former system implies adopting computable accounting as the stand ard (Weber 1927: 275-8). In principle, it eliminates private “connections” and/or family relations as factors in business transactions.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "Foreign relations, 1927"

Сергеев, Е. Ю. "War Scare in Soviet-British Relations of 1923". W Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.026.

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Феномен так называемых «военных тревог» в отношениях между Россией (СССР) и Великобританией исследован недостаточно. Между тем периоды обострения напряженности и шаги, которые предпринимали обе державы для ее смягчения с целью избежать прямого вооруженного противостояния, оказывали заметное влияние на характер и динамику развития двусторонних контактов в политической, экономической и социокультурной сферах последней трети XIX – первой четверти ХХ в. Статья раскрывает важнейшие особенности «военной тревоги» мая 1923 г., которая была вызвана жесткой дипломатической нотой министра иностранных дел лорда Дж. Н. Кёрзона, фактически временно исполнявшего обязанности главы Кабинета, в адрес советского правительства на фоне обострения ситуации как в Европе (Рурский кризис), так и на Ближнем Востоке (турецкий вопрос). Автор анализирует причины возникновения конфликта, его этапы и последствия, а также оценки, которые он получил в отечественной и зарубежной историографии. Статья написана на основе документов из российских и британских архивов с привлечением свидетельств современников, материалов прессы и парламентских дебатов. The phenomemon of the so-called “war scare” in the relationship between Russia (the USSR) and Great Britain has not been sufficiently studied. Meanwhile the period of exacerbation of international tension as well as steps taken by both powers to mitigate it in order to avoid direct armed confrontation had a noticeable impact on the nature and dynamics of the bilateral links in the political, economic and socio-cultural spheres of the last third of the nineteenth – early quarter of the twentieth century. The paper reveals some important features of the 1923 “war scare”, which was caused by a sturdy diplomatic note addressed to the Soviet government on behalf of the British Foreign Secretary Lord G. N. Curzon, the acting head of the Cabinet, against the background of the aggravation of international situation both in Europe (the Ruhr crisis) and in the Near East (the Turkish problem). The author analyzes the causes of the conflict, its stages and consequences, together with the assessments that it received in Russian and foreign scholarship. The study is based on Russian and British archival documents with the stipulation of contemporaries’ evidences, press materials and parliamentary debates.

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Ćorić, Dragana. "GARANCIJE ŽIVOTA U KRALjEVINI SRBA, HRVATA I SLOVENACA – ODJECI VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA U NjEGOVOM TRAJANjU I DANAS". W 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.305c.

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The Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, adopted on June 28, 1921, established a certain framework of rights and freedoms of citizens in the new state, in a different way than it had been until then. The constitution did not recognize nobility, titles, "or any advantages by birth," except for the King and his family. It guaranteed personal freedom and freedom of religion - again within the limits allowed by law; freedom of conscience and the press, the right of association, assembly and agreement. He forbade greenery, abolished feudal relations, and on the day of liberation from foreign rule, the peons became, without compensation, the owners of the state land on which they had worked until then. This Constitution also provided for freedom from the death penalty and the principles of talion,except in cases of attacks on the King and members of the Royal House. The paper outlines the picture of life in the new community, as conceived by this constitution. The results of this constitution from the moment of its adoption to its repeal and onwards are analyzed. Since this constitution was the foundation of a new state and a new society, the analysis with previous acts is not possible, because there are no parameters of the same name for comparison. Therefore, this act can be considered only pro futuro, even after its repeal, because the echoes of this act still exist today.

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Jackson, Deborah A. "Stress Corrosion Cracking and Non-Destructive Examination of Dissimilar Metal Welds and Alloy 600". W 10th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone10-22740.

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The United States Nuclear Regulatory Commission (USNRC) has conducted research since 1977 in the areas of environmentally assisted cracking and assessment and reliability of non-destructive examination (NDE). Recent occurrences of cracking in Alloy 82/182 welds and Alloy 600 base metal at several domestic and overseas plants have raised several issues relating to both of these areas of NRC research. The occurrences of cracking were identified by the discovery of boric acid deposits resulting from through-wall cracking in the primary system pressure boundary. Analyses indicate that the cracking has occurred due to primary water stress corrosion cracking (PWSCC) in Alloy 82/182 welds. This cracking has occurred in two different locations: in hot leg nozzle-to-safe end welds and in control rod drive mechanism (CRDM) nozzle welds. The cracking associated with safe-end welds is important due to the potential for a large loss of reactor coolant inventory, and the cracking of CRDM nozzle base metal and welds, particularly circumferential cracking of CRDM nozzle base metal, is important due to the potential for a control rod to eject resulting in a loss of coolant accident. The industry response in the U.S. to this cracking is being coordinated through the Electric Power Research Institute’s Materials Reliability Project (EPRI-MRP) in a comprehensive, multifaceted effort. Although the industry program is addressing many of the issues raised by these cracking occurrences, confirmatory research is necessary for the staff to evaluate the work conducted by industry groups. Several issues requiring additional consideration regarding the generic implications of these isolated events have been identified. This paper will discuss the recent events of significant cracking in domestic and foreign plants, discuss the limitations of NDE in detecting SCC, identify deficiencies in information available in this area, discuss the USNRC approach to address these issues, and discuss the development of an international cooperative effort.

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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "Foreign relations, 1927"

Walmsley, Terrie, i Thomas Hertel. China's Accession to the WTO: Timing is Everything. GTAP Working Paper, październik 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21642/gtap.wp13.

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Since China’s application in 1987 to resume its status in the Generalized Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT)/World Trade Organization (WTO) there has been a great deal of debate over the timing of China’s accession. Although most of the issues relating to the timing of China’s trade liberalization have been resolved, the abolition of restrictions on Chinese textiles and clothing may still be subject to delay if the United States and Europe choose to implement the safeguards contained in the their bilateral accession agreements with China as well as in the original Agreement on Textiles and Clothing (ATC). In this paper, the effects of alternative target dates for the elimination of restrictions on textiles quotas are examined. Since this issue revolves fundamentally around the question of timing, it is most appropriately addressed in a dynamic model. In this study we use the Dynamic GTAP model. This is applied to a 19-region by 22-commodity aggregation of the GTAP database, supplemented with foreign income data. The paper finds that timing is indeed an important determinant of the profile of structural adjustment required in China and the rest of the world. In light of their interest in delayed implementation the ATC, it is interesting to note that our results suggest slower elimination of these quotas is detrimental to national welfare in North America and Europe.

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