Rozprawy doktorskie na temat „Foreign economic relations - latin america”
Kliknij ten link, aby zobaczyć inne rodzaje publikacji na ten temat: Foreign economic relations - latin america.
Utwórz poprawne odniesienie w stylach APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard i wielu innych
Sprawdź 50 najlepszych rozpraw doktorskich naukowych na temat „Foreign economic relations - latin america”.
Przycisk „Dodaj do bibliografii” jest dostępny obok każdej pracy w bibliografii. Użyj go – a my automatycznie utworzymy odniesienie bibliograficzne do wybranej pracy w stylu cytowania, którego potrzebujesz: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver itp.
Możesz również pobrać pełny tekst publikacji naukowej w formacie „.pdf” i przeczytać adnotację do pracy online, jeśli odpowiednie parametry są dostępne w metadanych.
Przeglądaj rozprawy doktorskie z różnych dziedzin i twórz odpowiednie bibliografie.
1
Muniz, Blanca P. "EEC strategies towards Latin America : hegemony and international economic relations". Thesis, University of Essex, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.328998.
Pełny tekst źródła
2
Mills, Thomas. "Anglo-American relations in south America during the second world war and post-war economic planning". Thesis, Brunel University, 2010. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/4493.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis examines relations between the United States and Great Britain in South America between 1939 and 1945. It does so in the broader context of the economic planning for the post-war world undertaken by the US and Britain during the Second World War. Traditional interpretations of Anglo-American post-war economic planning have tended to focus on a process whereby the Franklin D. Roosevelt administration advocated a multilateral system, based on equality of access to markets and raw materials. Doubting Britain’s ability to compete successfully in such a system, the British government baulked at the US proposal and clung to its autarkic structures constructed during the interwar years. This thesis argues that relations between the US and Britain in South America followed a different and more complex pattern. In this region it was in fact Britain that eventually took the lead in advocating multilateralism. This policy was adopted following a lengthy evaluation of British policy in Latin America, which concluded that multilateralism represented the surest means of protecting British interests in South America. The US, on the other hand, demonstrated exclusionary tendencies in its policy toward Latin America, which threatened the successful implementation of a global economic system based on multilateralism. In explaining this divergence from multilateralism in the Roosevelt administration’s post-war economic planning, this thesis pays particular attention to the influence of different factions, both within the administration and in the broader US political and business establishment. By exploring Anglo-American relations in this previously neglected region, this thesis contributes toward a greater understanding of the broader process of post-war economic planning that took place between the US and Britain during the Second World War.
3
Schlemmer, Jimmi Joe. "THE INTERSTATE RELATIONS BETWEEN THE PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC OF CHINA AND CHILE : A case study of the PRC’s foreign political and economic relations". Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-141920.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
In the recent years, the PRC has demonstrated strong economic growth and intensified its diplomatic connections with the globalized world. The Deng reforms of the 1970s were the starting point for this ‘open-up’ approach. The particular relevance for the LAC region became an utmost important part in the development of the PRC in the 21st century. Therefore, natural resources are the driving force of their economic growth and a high supply of agricultural products is essential to feed their growing population. These two economic aspects are in the center of the foreign political and economic interests of the PRC. However, the intentions of nation states are always unclear, which gives room for various theoretical interpretations. The possible threat of the rising PRC is consequently contrasted by the perspective of a ‘peaceful rise of the PRC’. It is inevitable that the LAC region looms large over this debate. This research will analyze and contribute towards a better understanding of the rise of the PRC. To be able to provide a precise contribution, this research focuses on the case of the China-Chile economic and foreign political relations after the coming into force of the FTA in 2006. Based on a conceptual analysis of the foreign and economic relations of the PRC with Chile, this research will also apply defensive neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism to provide a better understanding of the strategies and motivations of the PRC towards Chile. Even though Chile is an independent country of the LAC region, this research will also partly integrate the research finding into the bigger picture of the relations between the PRC and the LAC region in general.
4
Shai, Kgothatso Brucely. "An afrocentric critique of the United States of America's foreign policy towards Africa : the case of Ghana and Tanzania, 1990-2014". Thesis, University of Limpopo, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10386/2610.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Thesis (Ph. D. (International Politics)) -- University of Limpopo, 2016The United States of America’s (US) foreign policy towards Africa has been the subject for debate. This is partly because the country’s relationship with African countries is not consistent. By and large, such relations are shaped by a number of factors which include political orientation and material resources. Within this context, the present study uses case studies from two different parts of Africa to tease out US foreign policy towards Africa. This explorative study uses Ghana and the United Republic of Tanzania (hereafter referred to as Tanzania) as test cases to compare and critique the post-Cold War foreign policy of the US towards Africa. It does this by first analysing and constructing the theoretical material on the three pillars of the US Africa policy (oil, democracy and security) and subsequently, contemporaneously locating the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. Largely, the study carries a historical sensibility as it traces the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania from as far as the colonial era. History is crucial in this regard because the past provides a sound basis for understanding the present and future. To add, in International Politics theory holds sway and history is used as a laboratory. In this thesis, the researcher proposes Afrocentricity as an alternative theoretical paradigm crucial in understanding US foreign policy towards Africa. As it shall be seen, such a paradigm (theoretical lens) remains critical in highlighting the peculiarity of the US relationship with Ghana and Tanzania. It is envisaged that a deeper understanding of the US foreign policy towards Ghana and Tanzania is achievable when its analysis and interpretation is located within a broader continental context of Africa. To realise the purpose of this study, the researcher relies methodologically on interdisciplinary critical discourse and conversations in their widest forms. With reference to the test cases for this study, the agenda for democratic consolidation features prominently on both of them while oil is only applicable to Ghana in this regard. In contrast, Tanzania distinguishes itself both as a victim of terrorism and equally so as a strategic partner on the US anti-terrorism efforts in East Africa. Yet, oil in West Africa’s Ghana is important for the US both as an economic resource and a strategic energy source during wartime periods. Overall the ‘differential’ foreign policy towards individual African states is also a significant observation which dispels the myth of a universal US foreign policy framework. Keywords: Africa, Afrocentricity, democracy, East Africa, foreign policy, Ghana, oil, security, Tanzania, United States of America, West Africa.
5
Hirst, Monica Ellen Seabra. "As relações Brasil-Estados Unidos desde uma perspectiva multidimensional : evolução contemporânea, complexidades atuais e perspectivas para o século XXI". reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/36743.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
O tema principal desta tese é o das relações Brasil-Estados Unidos, enfocado a partir de uma perspectiva dual que articula a história contemporânea deste vínculo com o seu sentido político para a inserção internacional de nosso país. O corpo desta tese está subdivido em três partes principais: 1) Evolução contemporânea das relações Brasil-Estados Unidos desde o início do século XX. 2) Relacionamento Brasil-Estados Unidos na pós-Guerra Fria. 3) Novo enquadramento das relações Brasil-EUA depois do 11 de setembro. A tese procura mostrar que Brasil se encontra num momento crucial para re-equacionar o lugar e o sentido das relações com Estados Unidos para a inserção externa do país. A perda de sua centralidade obriga uma reavaliação profunda que certamente virá a influenciar a produção acadêmica em Relações Internacionais no futuro.This dissertation focus on Brazil-US relations with a twofold perspective: one that emphasizes the contemporary history of this relationship and another that underlines its political implications for the international insertion of our country. This dissertation is subdivided in three units: 1) Contemporary evolution of Brazil-United States relations since early XXth century. 2) Relation Brazil-United States after the Cold War. 3) New alliance of Brazil-United States after the 9-11 period. This dissertation wishes to point out that Brazil nowadays faces a crucial moment to re-think the place and importance of the relations with the US in this foreign policy. The loss of its previous centrality imposes an re-evaluation, this which will certainly influence the future of International Relations studies in Brazil.
6
Butler, Tracy A. "Gender, labor, and capitalism in U.S.-Mexican relations, 1942-2000". Ohio : Ohio University, 2009. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1243907962.
Pełny tekst źródła
7
Bizzozero, Revelez Lincoln. "L'entrée de l'Uruguay dans le Mercosur: ajustements et changements dans la politique extérieure d'un petit pays de la région". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210949.
Pełny tekst źródła
8
Salazar-Xirinachs, Jose Manuel. "The state, foreign trade and economic integration in developing countries". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.282910.
Pełny tekst źródła
9
Scarfi, Juan Pablo. "International law and pan-Americanism in the Americas, 1890-1942". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648513.
Pełny tekst źródła
10
SÁNCHEZ, CANO Gaël. "Spiritual empire : Spanish diplomacy and Latin America in the 1920s". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/64748.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Defence date: 28 October 2019Examining Board: Prof Regina Grafe, European University Institute (Supervisor); Prof Lucy Riall, European University Institute (Second Reader); Prof David Marcilhacy, Sorbonne Université; Dr Christian Goeschel, University of Manchester
This thesis focuses on the practice of cultural diplomacy in post-imperial contexts through the study of the Spanish-Latin American case (Hispano-Americanism) during the 1920s. It advances the concept of ‘spiritual empire’ to make sense of the weight of imperial legacies in multilateral international relations. It highlights the intangible and imagined nature of these legacies, and examines their use in foreign policy. It thus offers broader definitions of what is usually called ‘soft power’, with a specific emphasis on its European roots and on its intertwinement with empire and multilateralism during the interwar period, especially in the context of the League of Nations. The specific object of this inquiry is the set of practices of Hispano-Americanism developed under General Miguel Primo de Rivera’s authoritarian regime (1923-1930). Calls for closer relations between Spain and the Spanish-speaking American countries dated back to the late nineteenth century, in the form of intellectual pleas and some political projects. Only in the 1920s, however, was Hispano-Americanism built up as a relatively coherent set of diplomatic practices. Asking why these practices emerged in the 1920s in particular, the thesis explores this decade as a key moment for both empire and diplomacy. Building mostly on archival material from the Spanish administration, the League of Nations, and US public and private institutions, this research inserts Spanish diplomacy at the heart of the narrative of power politics in Europe and the Americas. The aim is not to prove that Spain actually mattered, but to use this specific case study to pose alternative questions about power in world politics. Rather than asking where power is, this thesis seeks to understand what power is and how it is fabricated. The notion of spiritual empire illustrates how the imperial logics of power resist the formal end of empires and are reused in the shape of diplomatic and administrative practices. It explains how Spanish diplomats and foreign-policy makers tried to hang on to a status of power granted by Spain’s imperial past. It also opens the way to diachronic comparisons between Spain’s Hispano-Americanism, Portugal’s politics of Lusophony, France’s politics of Francophony, or the British Commonwealth, among others.
11
Chi, Le-Yi. "The People's Republic of China's Latin American Policy from Mao to Deng". Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/22655965.html.
Pełny tekst źródła
12
Stodden, William Peter. "Destabilization as Foreign Policy: The USA in Latin America, 1947-1989". OpenSIUC, 2012. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/553.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Given the potential political, economic and reputational costs for violating international norms of sovereignty, we should expect to only rarely observe the adoption by states of risky foreign policies like destabilization (which is defined as the policy of changing the balance of power between a target government and its domestic opposition, with the aim of effecting the downfall of that target government.) Yet, history demonstrates that states regularly adopt destabilization as a foreign policy. My research addresses this puzzle: Why, given the high potential costs of violation of international norms, do policymakers opt to do so anyway? I argue that the answer lies in the breadth and intensity of conflicts of interest between destabilizing states and their targets. To illustrate my theoretical argument, I hypothesize the following: When policy makers perceive a broad and intense conflict of security, economic and ideological interests, they will adopt destabilization as a policy. In this dissertation, I look at US relations with Latin American states during the Cold War. To demonstrate my hypothesis, I perform three comparative case studies. Each comparison examines two cases which are similar in most ways except, notably, the breadth of conflict of interest perceived by the US. In each negative case, I demonstrate that two, but not three types of conflicts were present and the US did not destabilize the target government, but instead chose different policy options. In the affirmative case, I demonstrate that all three types of conflicts were present, and the US destabilized the target government. I then briefly explore South African policy toward its neighbors, to illustrate that my theoretical explanation is plausible outside of the context of US-Latin American relations. I conclude with a brief discussion on extension of the theory and implications of this study for foreign policy analysis.
13
Stipic, Igor. "The concept of autonomy in Latin America and Brazilian foreign policy". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-264080.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The objective of this thesis is to analyze the concept of autonomy, taking as the case study Brazil under the Workers Party Government (2003-2016). Approach that will be taken aims at combining perspectives of Latin-American structuralism with those of realism and interdependency. Thesis essentially concentrates on two specific issue areas: global economy and international politics. By constructing a theoretical framework, I aspire to identify and analyze various factors considered to have a direct impact on the study matter. In doing so, I consider the behavior of distinct variables and their effect on the degree of autonomy. Finally, thesis addresses problems of international insertion for peripheral countries, considering possibilities and limits of truly autonomous action.
14
Schade, Daniel. "The European Union's Latin America policy : a study of foreign policy change and coordination". Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3537/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis explores the evolution of the European Union’s (EU) Latin America policy through an analysis of factors internal to the EU’s foreign policy decision-making system. Its policy towards the region has changed in important ways over time and appears to have come to be more and more incoherent. Adapting existing Foreign Policy Analysis frameworks to the specific context of the EU’s foreign policy, this thesis seeks to understand how factors of bureaucratic politics shape the EU’s foreign policy towards third actors. It is hypothesized that where an analytical perspective which evaluates the EU’s increased policy incoherence towards Latin America as the result of rational decision-making is not satisfactory, bureaucratic politics need to be considered instead. Under this perspective, the EU’s policy incoherence is influenced by policy inertia arising out of previous commitments, the divergence of views between different internal EU actors, the autonomy of these to take decisions without prior consultation or coordination with others, and lastly the complexity and duration of EU foreign policy decision-making processes themselves. This research framework is then applied empirically by analysing the EU’s negotiations for international agreements with partners in the Latin American region, and particularly those with regional organizations since the 1990s. This thesis finds that despite attempts to strengthen foreign policy coordination and coherence in the EU over time, the coherence of its Latin America policy has indeed been affected by bureaucratic politics arising out of factors such as changes to the internal organization of the European Commission or the disruption of established coordination mechanisms through the Treaty of Lisbon. The findings contribute to our understanding of the evolution of EU-Latin American relations, on-going debates on the study of interregionalism, as well as more generally to the literature on EU foreign policy-making.
15
Teixeira, Valadares de Oliveira Luiza. "Expatriate Adjustment in Brazil: A Cross-Cultural Analysis". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1366842311.
Pełny tekst źródła
16
Alam, Nabeela. "Politics, Trade and Foreign Aid". Thesis, Brandeis University, International Business School, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3721587.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This dissertation examines the influence of donor-driven and recipient-driven interests on foreign aid allocation.
Chapter 1 examines how the donor's trade interests together with elections and the political competitiveness of electoral processes in recipient countries are associated with bilateral foreign aid flows. US gives more aid to its non-competitive larger trade partners, but cuts their aid ahead of elections. It substitutes aid with market access for non-competitive countries for which it is an important export market, but not during election years. Germany, Japan and UK give more aid to countries with competitive electoral systems, but for these countries Japan and UK substitute aid with trade. The substitution disappears for UK during election years. Japan and UK also reward countries for which they are important export markets with more aid, but only during non-election years for Japan. During election years, Germany cuts aid to non-competitive countries, but gives more aid to non-competitive countries for which it is an export destination. There is weak evidence that France substitutes aid with market access for politically competitive countries.
Chapter 2 focuses on recipient incentives. I extend the Grossman and Helpman (1996) model of elections and special interests by adding foreign aid. I show that with conditional aid when the preferred policy of the donor and that of the special interest group are not aligned, the latter has an incentive to alter election probabilities so that the opposition party wins and implements the lobby's preferred policy. Under these circumstances, the government has an incentive to substitute away from conditional foreign aid. Furthermore, if the government has a higher probability of winning under unconditional aid, the lobby succeeds in asking the government to deviate the most in its policy stance.
In Chapter 3 I examine how China's growing importance as an export destination is related to countries' UN voting alignment with the US, and whether this relationship is different if the countries export oil and mineral resources that China. I find regional differences in UN voting alignment response. Latin American countries and Sub-Saharan African countries not heavily reliant on exports of oil and minerals show decreased political alignment with increased export dependence on China. UN voting alignment for the resource exporters from Sub-Saharan Africa do not vary with export dependence on China. Instead, they have a lower level of UN alignment with the US.
17
Marshall, John G. "U.S. Intervention in Latin America: An Evolving Policy, or a Quest for Supremacy?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1221.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
All nation's foreign policy attempts to create social, economic, and political conditions in the world that most favor that nations interests. This thesis outlines the major decision points in U.S. foreign policy in Latin America, analyzing the reasoning behind the decisions and their impact. Recent U.S. counter-insurgency efforts have offered a different justification for intervention, and this thesis explores the authenticity of these new justifications in light of recent terrorist events.
18
Cronin, Jason William. "Soft power and its impact on U.S. influence in Latin America". Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1276.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited.The role of Latin America in U.S. foreign policy has ebbed and flowed for over 100 years. Over the last 15 years, the relationship between the United States and Latin America has seen a precipitous drop in both cooperation and cordiality. The amicable relationships that the United States once enjoyed with Brazil and Venezuela specifically have become acrimonious. With the United States' increased interest in completing a Free Trade Area of the Americas agreement by January, relations with Brazil are vital. The United States' continued dependence on imported petroleum from Venezuela and America's concern over Venezuela's growing relationship with Cuba make this country also important to U.S. foreign policy. The thesis focuses on the United States' ability to use its cultural influence (soft power) to positively effect U.S. relations with Brazil and Venezuela. By analyzing past and present effects of U.S. cultural influence in these two countries, the U.S. can better understand and appreciate the influence it wields as the world's only remaining super power. This thesis finds that despite historic evidence, the U.S. has had and continues to have a propensity to use soft power influence tactically, diminishing the effectiveness of its innate power and influence as being the global leader in military, economic, cultural, and technological matters. Conversely, the U.S. attempts to use its hard power (military and economic) strategically, thereby only breeding anti-Americanism globally.
Lieutenant Commander, United States Navy
19
Fellner, Amira. "Role of Culture in Economic Development: China Study of China and Latin America". Scholar Commons, 2008. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/236.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The purpose of my thesis is to demonstrate the economic development of China and Latin America. My reason for choosing these two regions for my study is because they are both Third World Nations. My intention on writing this thesis is to prove that culture and the informal business networks of China are the major forces of what is driving the Chinese economy ahead of Latin America.
I will explain how the definition of culture ties in with the economic society of both regions. In writing about culture, I will attempt to explain if there really is a difference between trust in each society. To better interpret this thesis, I came up with several variables of economy that will help explain each region's development. These variables are federal direct investment (FDI), labor, and funding of businesses in each region.
In my study, I present the different approaches that are taken by each region to attract FDI. In addition, I will explain how and if informal networking is beneficial to the work force and the funding of businesses in each region.
The majority of my research for this thesis consisted on reviewing past articles of scholarly journals. From these journals I drew conclusions of my own and compared them to other scholars' work. I also analyzed such websites like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank and various others to be able to come up with my own findings necessary to complete my thesis.
To anticipate the conclusion, this thesis notes how important it is for each region to find its own unique way to attract FDI and how culture can impact the development of an economy. In my thesis, I am including the importance of trust in the society and the significance of the informal business networks on the Chinese economy.
20
Negy, Kevin. "Costa Rica, Panama, and Nicaragua: explaining economic success levels". Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/888.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Latin America is a region that has deep roots in Spanish colonialism. Since its independence, many countries in the region have heavily depended on agriculture exports to industrialized states to support their economies. This has led to political theorists to label Latin America as an area full of "periphery" countries that are exploited for resources by "core countries. Costa Rica, Panama, and Nicaragua were not the exception. In recent years, however, a noticeable difference between the economies of the countries has helped Costa Rica and Panama become more successful than Nicaragua, on the basis of GDP, GNI, and other similar measures. This thesis attempts to explain this economic difference by analyzing what type of relationship the three countries have had with the United States (which has acted as a regional hegemon) and analyzing how each country has handled economic dependence on agriculture. Through this comparative case study, the thesis tries to add to development and dependency theory literature.B.S.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
21
Gjochi, Marigona. "Economic Relations Between China and the United States of America". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-198691.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The master thesis emphasizes the economic relations between China and the United States. It gives an overview and theoretical background support on the significance of contemporary the economic relations between countries in today`s globalized era. Secondly, it analyzes how the theoretical background of economic and trade relations affect the empirical case study of the economic relations between China and the USA. The goal is to show how the economic and trade relations between China and the United States influence each other`s economies and what is the effect of such relations on the economic performance of both countries. More precisely, in order to answer the question above, the master thesis deals with complex analysis in regard of historical perspective concerning the economic relations between these countries, their ongoing cooperation in terms of balance of payments, the current and potential issues what both countries face and the existing challenges for the future. In order to complete the analysis and answer the research question, list of various sources will be used, starting from academic journals, books, literature reviews, reports from the World Trade Organization (hereafter WTO), reports from the respective countries on their economic progress, data available from the ministries of trade of respective countries and other sources related to the analysis of the contemporary economic and trade relations between the countries participating in the global economy.
22
Jiménez, Peña Gabriel. "The role of epistemic communities in the formulation of foreign economic policy in Latin America: a literature review". Politai, 2014. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/92602.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This paper is organized as follows. The introduction determines what Foreign Economic Policy is. Then, it builds a theoretical framework about Foreign Economic Policy formulation in developing countries, with a focus in Lain America. This discusses three different approaches: system-centered, society-centered and state-centered. Then, it explores literature about epistemic communities in Latin America in order to determine to what extent this has focus on Foreign Economic Policy formulation. Finally, it explores the importance of studying the role of epistemic communities in public agencies in charge of foreign economic relations in the region.Este escrito está organizado de la siguiente manera. En la introducción se discutirá en quéconsiste la política económica exterior (en adelante PEE). Luego, en primer lugar, se construye un marco teórico en torno de la formación de la PEE en los países en vías de desarrollo y, en particular, en América Latina. Ello a través de tres enfoques diferentes: centrado en el sistema, en la sociedad y en el Estado. En segundo lugar, se busca mostrar de qué manera este marco teórico podría informarse del constructivismo. Asimismo, se aborda la literatura sobre las comunidades de conocimiento latinoamericanas para determinar hasta qué punto ha sido tratada la formación de PEE. Finalmente, se arriba a una conclusión sobre la necesidad de explicar el papel de las comunidades de conocimiento en los organismos o agencias públicas encargadas de las relacioneseconómicas exteriores latinoamericanas.
23
Vio, Teresa <1993>. "REGIONAL INTEGRATION AND FOREIGN RELATIONS IN LATIN AMERICA: A STUDY OF THE EU-MERCOSUR TRADE AGREEMENT (2000-2004)". Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/12617.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Per oltre vent’anni, il MERCOSUR e l’Unione Europea hanno portato avanti negoziati per firmare un trattato di libero scambio che semplifichi e incrementi i rapporti commerciali tra le due regioni. Gli sviluppi futuri di tale trattato dipendono, oltre che dalle relazioni reciproche, anche da trasformazioni politiche aventi luogo al di fuori dei negoziati, da conflitti interni ai due blocchi, e da cambi di direzione da una delle due parti nei negoziati commerciali multilaterali.
La presente tesi si propone di ripercorrere le tappe dei negoziati tra MERCOSUR e Unione Europea, concentrandosi in particolare sui fattori che ne influenzano lo sviluppo in negativo o in positivo. In particolare, il periodo analizzato sarà prevalentemente quello che parte dall'ultimo decennio del Novecento e si conclude ai giorni nostri. Tuttavia, verranno presi in considerazione anche periodi precedenti, in particolare nel primo capitolo, riguardante il commercio internazionale nel Novecento, e nel secondo, dedicato ai processi di integrazione in America Latina.
24
Daza, Aramayo Lourdes Gabriela. "Analysis of Trade Relations between the European Union and Latin America from 1995-2011". Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2009. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-196936.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The Doctoral Thesis "Analysis of Trade Relations between the European Union and Latin America from 1995-2011" focuses on the determination Latin America's potential as a trading partner for the European Union. It will be based on an analysis of the region's trade relationships between 1995 and 2011 through different econometric models and a macroeconomic analysis. It will make recommendations for improving economic relation policies with Latin America and the European Union as well as identify the sectors which could represent great potential for trade between both regions. The research is divided into seven chapters: The first chapter covers international trade theory; this part comprises the theoretical aspects directly related to international trade. The second chapter analyzes the macroeconomic features of Latin American countries and compares them with data from the European Union. A separate, detailed analysis of 17 Latin American countries was performed and the potential of each one to make their importance known to the world and define their geopolitical position is described. The third chapter details the trade policies of the European Union and Latin America. The fourth chapter discusses trade relations between Latin America and the European Union through a look at the trade agreements that have been signed between the European Union and Latin American countries and tries to identify possible causes of failures for agreements not signed. This chapter also studies the sectorial composition of trade between the two regions, emphasizing the asymmetry between these trades flows as they enter the countries studied. The fifth chapter, the heart of this research paper, analyzes the trade relations between the EU and Latin America through a gravity model, identifying the obstacles and barriers to international trade between the two regions. The second part of this chapter discusses institutional factors, which, as a result of the conclusions from the gravity model explained earlier in the chapter, play an important role in international trade between Latin America and the European Union. This section contains a comparative analysis of the situation of the institutional factors in the 29 Latin American countries which were analyzed in the gravity model. This chapter also includes a trade simulation between the Czech Republic and Latin America with the institutional factors in Latin America showing a 10% improvement. In the sixth chapter, the competitiveness of 17 Latin American countries is calculated using the results of the barriers to international trade through a new method based on the comparison of indicators, ranked by dimension and according to the weight thereof for a period of time. The last chapter focuses on the identification of the variables determining foreign direct investment in Latin America, represented by 29 countries and over a period of time from 1995 to 2011. It considers variables traditionally not considered such as the number of patents registered, the tax rate and institutional factors, which have revealed important explanatory variables as well as those traditionally considered such as GDP, inflation, population, the share of GDP by sector, income level, etc. The last part of this research lists the conclusions reached and proposes recommendations for economic relations policy development between Latin America and the European Union.
25
Cardoso, Eliana A. "Inflation, growth and the real exchange rate essays on economic history in Brazil and Latin America, 1850-1983 /". New York : Garland, 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/15549855.html.
Pełny tekst źródła
26
Lawson, Amanda. "Development in the Rights Timing: How the Carter Administration Engaged NGOs in Latin American Foreign Policy". Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1556893160797073.
Pełny tekst źródła
27
Harning, Jeannie. "The South African lobby in America: the battle over sanctions". Thesis, Rhodes University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002989.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The relationship between South Africa and the United States was, historically, quite mutually profitable. The South African government regarded the United States as an ally in the world and sought continued friendship with them. The United States was mildly critical of the South African system of apartheid, but they, however, viewed South Africa as an ally. During the 1980's the relationship between the two countries became strained as the anti-apartheid voices in the United States grew louder and louder. The movement sought to end the atrocities of apartheid and change American foreign policy toward South Africa. The strongest diplomatic means available to them was imposing economic sanctions on South Africa in an attempt to force political change in the country. The anti-apartheid movement lobbied extensively gaining support among the American pub1ic and eventually the U.S. Congress. The sanctions campaign culminated in the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA) of 1986. Prior to the enactment of the CAAA the South African government and its allies launched their own campaign in an attempt to combat the imposition of sanctions. Lobbying played a key role in the process for those on both sides of the issue. For the anti- apartheid movement, lobbying was effective on the American public and the U.S Congress. For the South African government lobbying was effective on the conservative right wing and President Reagan and his administration.
28
Pereira, Bruna A. "Brazil's Role Conception in South America: A Regional Leadership Perspective". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1492509211668043.
Pełny tekst źródła
29
Dolmseth, Abigayle G. "Women and Economic Development in Latin America: A Comparative Study of the Gender-Differentiated Outcomes of ISI, Structural Adjustment, and the Agroexport Model". Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/845.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis provides a comparative analysis of the gender-differentiated outcomes of three different types of development models implemented in Latin America: industrialization by import substitution, structural adjustment programs, and the agroexport model. In undertaking this thesis, I attempted to answer three related questions: first, were women affected differentially than men were by the implementation of these three models. Second, if women were differentially affected, was their experience also conditioned by other factors, like the sector in which they found employment, their location in rural or urban environments, and their level of education. Finally, given that both of the answer to the former two questions was yes, I attempted to answer the question of why this was happening. In answering this final question, I used the analytical framework provided by feminist economics. Ultimately, I posited that while women’s differential experience was determined in part by certain domestic and individual level factors, like cultural norms and laws preventing women from working in the formal economy, much of their experience has to do with the male bias that inheres in much of classical and neoclassical economic theory.
30
Hollingsworth, Brian. "Resource Nationalism and Energy Integration in Latin America: The Paradox of Populism". FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3790.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This dissertation examines the relationship between resource nationalism and energy integration, and uses Bolivia and Brazil as a test case. Essentially, does resource nationalism affect energy integration? The findings nest within more expansive questions on international political economy and export-driven models of development. Why do populist regimes, historically operating under an economic nationalist cum protectionist paradigm, simultaneously pursue policies of economic integration? What is the relationship between resource nationalists and open markets, especially in the hydrocarbons sector? What is the relationship between populists, who are typically resource nationalists, and their decision to choose policies of energy integration?
The most common responses to the above are that resource nationalists pursue protectionist policies in the hydrocarbon sector. This dissertation demonstrates that once in power, resource nationalists do not always pursue protectionist policies in the hydrocarbon sector, but instead rely on market forces. Another common response is that populists pursue policies of resource nationalism in the hydrocarbon sector. This dissertation demonstrates that populists do not always pursue policies of resource nationalism in the hydrocarbon sector, but instead choose policies of integration. Policies of integration are compelled by market forces, and at times ironically provide the foundation for resource nationalism to later flourish.
This dissertation develops a case-study of Bolivia and Brazil to assess the relationship between resource nationalism and energy integration. The case is selected based on each country having energy resources or derivative products for exploitation and use, an energy trade relationship between the countries, the presence of government-run natural resource firms in each country, and a specific period where resource nationalism is present. Bolivia and Brazil are important for this study because of their proximity, particularly where the supply of natural gas is concerned. Proximity is of great importance as natural gas infrastructure is concomitant with energy integration, particularly supply.
31
Kiddle, Amelia Marie. "La Politica del Buen Amigo: Mexican-Latin American Relations during the Presidency of Lazaro Cardenas, 1934-1940". Diss., The University of Arizona, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/193655.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Lazaro Cardenas (1934-1940) did more than any other president to fulfill the goals of the Mexican Revolution of 1910, by nationalizing the oil industry, establishing rural schools, distributing an unprecedented amount of land to peasants, and encouraging the organization of workers. To gain international support for this domestic reform programme, the Cardenas government promoted these accomplishments to other Latin American nations. I argue that Cardenas attempted to attain a leadership position in inter-American relations by virtue of his pursuit of social and economic justice in domestic and foreign policy. I investigate the Cardenas government's projection of a Revolutionary image of Mexico and evaluate its reception in Latin America. In doing so, this dissertation expands the analysis of foreign policy to show that Mexico's relations with its Latin American neighbours were instrumental in shaping its foreign relations. I argue that the intersections between culture and diplomacy were central to this process.
32
Anlar, Aslihan. "Russian Foreign Policy Towards Iraq In The Post-cold War Era". Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12607149/index.pdf.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The aim of this thesis is to examine the nature of Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era. This thesis argues that the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq in the post-Soviet era has been primarily determined by Russia&rsquos self-interests which are mainly defined in economic terms. The thesis follows the realist approach to international relations. It also emphasizes the importane of economic factors in foreign policy making process. The thesis consists of five chapters: In Chapter 1, the thesis is introduced. Chapter 2 explains the Soviet-Iraqi relations from a historical perspective. This is followed by Chapter 3 where Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Boris Yeltsin is examined. Next, Chapter 4 discusses the Russian foreign policy towards Iraq under Vladimir Putin. Then, Chapter 5 assesses the economic factors, socio-political factors and international factors affecting Russian foreign policy makers in the post-Soviet era. The last chapter concludes the thesis.
33
White, Lyal. "Exploring South-South relations : the case of SADC and Mercosur". Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/52263.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2001.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study explores inter-regional relations between SADC and Mercosur. The central problem posed at the outset is "Why should relations between SADC and Mercosur be pursued?" In this problem there exists two separate questions, each one dealing with the regions at hand. The first question asks whether Mercosur is a viable partner in the global political economy and if so, "What possible options are made available through a partnership with Mercosur in the future?" The second question focuses on the Southern African region and addresses concerns surrounding SADC as Mercosur's option for a partner in Africa. These problems are analysed in the context of the global political economy from the perspective of regionalisation, considering the increased interest and attention this phenomenon is currently receiving in international relations. This study therefore addresses both bilateral and multilateral implications associated with SADC-Mercosur relations, with the importance of market liberalisation as well as the effects of regional integration on the process of globalisation kept in mind. A descriptive and analytical approach is employed throughout the study. This methodology provides a concise description of both regions. It also allows the study and research to take place on different levels of analysis, looking at the problem from a country-to-country, country-to-region and region-to-region perspective. These levels are extended to include bilateral and multilateral opportunities for the parties involved. In applying this descriptive methodology various characteristics and attributes of each region are looked at, identifying benefits a regional bloc like Mercosur holds in terms of market size and level of regional development. Various other areas are studied, which explores possible future opportunities for both SA DC and Mercosur through improved south-south co-operation. Statistical data is used to further illustrate certain arguments raised and findings made. The study clearly reveals a broad number of benefits available through enhanced SADCMercosur relations. Mercosur holds an immense amount of future potential that would be of great importance in maintaining a sustainable position for developing economies in the future. There are however a number of difficulties too. These emanate primarily from SADC and therefore cast a great deal of doubt on SADC's ability to enter into a partnership with Mercosur. Considering the current situation, a more viable option would be SACU. But this option should be pursued with the intention of bringing the rest of SADC on board in the not too distant future. SADC's shear size and status in Southern Africa is a drawing card in developing south-south co-operation. It would be ideal to develop relations between SADC and Mercosur in a truly inter-regional fashion and possibly even a transatlantic FTA further down the line. This is a vision that should always be on the agenda when pursuing relations with Mercosur.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die inter-streeksverhouding tussen SADC en Mercosur. Vanuit die staanspoor word die vraag, "Waarom behoort verhouding tussen SADC en Mercosur nagestreefte word?" gevra. Die studie spreek binne hierdie verband met twee sub-vrae. Die eerste vraag vra of Mercosur 'n lewensvatbare vennoot in the globale politieke ekonornie is en indien weI, "Watter opsies word vir die toekoms gegenereer deur 'n vennootskap met Mercosur." Die tweede vraag fokus op Suidelike Afrika en spreek kwessies rakende SADC as Mercosur se keuse vir 'n vennoot in Afrika aan. Binne die konteks van die globale politieke ekonomie word bogenoemde probleme vanuit 'n streeksperspektief geanaliseer, gegewe die toenemende aandag wat die regionalisasie verskynsel tans in internasionale betrekkinge geniet. Hierdie studie spreek gevolglik beide die bilaterale en multilaterale implikasies van SADC-Mercosur verhoudinge aan, terwyl die belangrikheid van markliberalisering asook die gevolg van streeksintegrasie vir die globaliseringsproses in gedagte gehou word. Die studie volg deurgaans 'n beskrywende en analitiese benadering. Daardeur word navorsing op verskiIIende vlakke van analise moontlik gemaak deur die probleem vanuit 'n land-tot-land, land-tot-streek en streek-tot-streek perspektiefte beskou. Deur die fokus op hierdie vlakke word die bilaterale en multilaterale geleenthede vir die betrokke partye geidentifiseer. Deur middel van 'n beskrywende metodologie word die eienskappe en potensiaal van beide streke uitgelig, veral met betrekking tot markgrootte en streeksontwikkeling. Teen die agtergrond van verbeterde suid-suid samewerking word ander areas ook bestudeer, met die oog op moontlike toekomstige geleenthede vir SADC en Mercosur. Statistiese data word deurgaans gebruik om sekere argumente en bevindings toe te lig. Die studie bevind dat uitgebreide SADC-Mercosur verhoudinge etlike voordele inhou. Mercosur hou groot belofte in vir ontwikkelende ekonorniee. Daar is egter ook probleme binne SADC en plaas dit 'n vraagteken oor SADC se vermoe om 'n vennootskap met Mercosur aan te gaan. 'n Meer realistiese opsie sal 'n vennootskap met SACU wees. Maar hierdie opsie behoort nagestreef te word met die oog op die spoedige insluiting van SADC. Die blote grootte en status van SADC is 'n belangrike faktor in die uitbreiding van suid-suid samewerking. Dit sou ideaal wees om verhoudinge tussen SADC en Mercosur tot op 'n ware interstreekse vlak te ontwikkel met die moontlikheid van 'n toekomstige transatlantiese vrye handelsooreenkoms. Hierdie visie behoort altyd in gedagte gehou te word in die nastreef van verhoudinge met Mercosur.
34
Bianculli, Andrea C. "Trade governance in latin America. Interest articulation and institutions across negotiations in Argentina and Chile". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7255.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The trade agenda has undergone significant transformations during the last 25 years. Negotiations have moved from the reciprocal reduction of tariff barriers to include the construction and harmonization of regulatory frameworks in different policy areas, while trade liberalization has simultaneously advanced at the regional and multilateral levels.This research explores under what conditions the launch of trade negotiations - symmetric (South- outh), asymmetric (North-South), and multilateral - have a differential impact on domestic governance. Based on a systematic and contextualized comparative analysis of the complex constellation of domestic actors and interests, and the relationships and interactions established among them in a particular institutional setting, our study argues that these different trade agendas generate diverse policy dynamics.
Findings show that the variation in the scope of the agenda, the uncertainty of political outcomes, and the technical requirements attached to these negotiations have important consequences for the ways in which domestic state and non-state actors define their interests and collective action strategies.
La agenda comercial ha sufrido importantes modificaciones durante los últimos 25 años. Las negociaciones han pasado de la reducción recíproca de tarifas a la construcción y armonización regulatoria en distintas áreas de política, mientras que la liberalización comercial ha avanzado simultáneamente a nivel regional y multilateral.
Esta investigación explora bajo qué condiciones el lanzamiento de negociaciones comerciales - imétricas (Sur-Sur), asimétricas (Norte-Sur) y multilaterales - tiene un impacto diferente sobre la gobernanza doméstica. A través de la comparación sistemática y contextualizada de la compleja constelación de actores e intereses domésticos, y de las relaciones e interacciones establecidas entre ellos en un determinado escenario institucional, nuestro estudio plantea que estas distintas agendas generan diferentes dinámicas políticas.
Los resultados muestran que la variación en el alcance de la agenda, la incertidumbre de los resultados políticos, y los requisitos técnicos de estas negociaciones tienen importantes consecuencias sobre la manera en que los actores estatales y no estatales definen sus intereses y estrategias de acción colectiva.
35
Bianculli, Andrea Carla. "Trade governance in latin America. Interest articulation and institutions across negotiations in Argentina and Chile". Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/7255.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
The trade agenda has undergone significant transformations during the last 25 years. Negotiations have moved from the reciprocal reduction of tariff barriers to include the construction and harmonization of regulatory frameworks in different policy areas, while trade liberalization has simultaneously advanced at the regional and multilateral levels.This research explores under what conditions the launch of trade negotiations - symmetric (South- outh), asymmetric (North-South), and multilateral - have a differential impact on domestic governance. Based on a systematic and contextualized comparative analysis of the complex constellation of domestic actors and interests, and the relationships and interactions established among them in a particular institutional setting, our study argues that these different trade agendas generate diverse policy dynamics. Findings show that the variation in the scope of the agenda, the uncertainty of political outcomes, and the technical requirements attached to these negotiations have important consequences for the ways in which domestic state and non-state actors define their interests and collective action strategies.La agenda comercial ha sufrido importantes modificaciones durante los últimos 25 años. Las negociaciones han pasado de la reducción recíproca de tarifas a la construcción y armonización regulatoria en distintas áreas de política, mientras que la liberalización comercial ha avanzado simultáneamente a nivel regional y multilateral.Esta investigación explora bajo qué condiciones el lanzamiento de negociaciones comerciales - imétricas (Sur-Sur), asimétricas (Norte-Sur) y multilaterales - tiene un impacto diferente sobre la gobernanza doméstica. A través de la comparación sistemática y contextualizada de la compleja constelación de actores e intereses domésticos, y de las relaciones e interacciones establecidas entre ellos en un determinado escenario institucional, nuestro estudio plantea que estas distintas agendas generan diferentes dinámicas políticas. Los resultados muestran que la variación en el alcance de la agenda, la incertidumbre de los resultados políticos, y los requisitos técnicos de estas negociaciones tienen importantes consecuencias sobre la manera en que los actores estatales y no estatales definen sus intereses y estrategias de acción colectiva.
36
Bartus, Roberto. "Small country turning left: Ecuador's economic development before and after 2007 in the context of current political change in South America". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-165355.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Leftist governments are not very popular in media. However, South America seems to have ignored the critics and has elected several left wing governments in the recent years. This is also the case of Ecuador, a relatively small country, which has gone through interesting political and economic reforms since 2007. This thesis will try to evaluate the economic performance of Ecuador after this change happened, within the context of the general regime change to leftist or anti-neoliberal policies in the rest of the South American continent. The performance will be first compared between the countries according to their government's ideology through an econometric analysis of a group of economic, socio-economic and perceptual variables. After that, a more detailed analysis will be performed on Ecuador's indicators. Interestingly, results show an overall improvement of economic and socio-economic conditions in the countries under the leftist rule, which relies on a strong civic support, compared to the countries still following the neoliberal policies. The case study of Ecuador pretends to provide an example. of a successful performance since the country turned left in 2007.While this area is rarely analyzed, this thesis contributes some knowledge to the field about effectiveness of the current political economy in Latin America Moreover, it contributes to undermine critics often widespread in the media in cooperation with certain states and organizations for keeping the current unequal distribution of power and wealth intact.
37
Haynes, Steven L. "Alternative Vision: The United States, Latin America, and the League of Nations during the Republican Ascendancy". Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1353120620.
Pełny tekst źródła
38
Fričová, Iva. "Rozvojová spolupráce České republiky se zaměřením na region Latinské Ameriky". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-75753.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This final thesis describes new transformed system of development assistance in Czech Republic and provided forms of assistance in Latin America. In firs theoretic chapter we can read about this current system. Secon part is dedicated to concrete forms of development assisance in each state in LA. Other part describes economic relations with Czech Republic measured by turnover.Finaly there is summary informing about influence of commerece realtions on providing the development assistance.
39
Ueno, Kaori. "Os imigrantes japoneses no Brasil- O processo de integração na sociedade brasileira". Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20194.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações InternacionaisEm 1908, os primeiros imigrantes japoneses chegaram ao Brasil. Desde então, as relações bilaterais entre esses atores têm sido tornadas cada vez mais intensas, sobretudo através de imigrantes japoneses e posteriormente por via dos descendentes nipônicos. Assim, a presença dos nipo-brasileiros tem facilitado a proximidade entre o Japão e o Brasil, pois são eles que transmitem a imagem do Japão. O objetivo da presente dissertação é investigar a influência dos nipo-brasileiros na política externa do Japão. Assim, o ponto de partida reside na análise da influência da presença dos nipo-brasileiros na recente política externa japonesa para o Brasil, analisando a expectativa de mudança desta política externa japonesa através do avanço da miscigenação da comunidade nipônica. Com relação aos resultados encontrados, notou-se que a comunidade nipônica na região da América Latina e Caribe e em específico no Brasil, contribuiu significamente para a formação de uma política externa japonesa específica para a região. Outro ponto relevante encontrado como resultado na investigação é que com a tendência da miscigenação e o envelhecimento da população, as comunidades nipônicas enfrentam um desafio à sobrevivência, nesse sentido o governo japonês tem pensado em políticas específicas como forma de incorporar mais descendentes japoneses da nova geração e difundir a sua língua e cultura entre os cidadãos não-nikkeis para que o Japão continue a ter as relações especiais com os países da região.
In 1908, the first Japanese immigrants arrived in Brazil. Since then, bilateral relations between these actors have become increasingly intense, mainly through Japanese immigrants and, later, by Japanese descendants. Thus, the presence of JapaneseBrazilians facilitated the proximity between Japan and Brazil, since they are the ones who transmit the image of Japan. The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the influence of Japanese-Brazilians in Japan's foreign policy. The starting point resides in the analysis of the influence of the presence of Japanese-Brazilians in the recent Japanese foreign policy for Brazil, analyzing the expectation of change of this Japanese foreign policy through the advancement of the miscegenation of the Japanese community. Regarding the results found, it was noted that the Japanese community in the region of Latin America and the Caribbean and specifically in Brazil, contributed significantly to the formation of a Japanese foreign policy specific to the region. Another relevant point found as a result of the investigation is that with the tendency of miscegenation and the aging of the population, Japanese communities face a challenge to survival, in this sense the Japanese government has been thinking about specific policies as a way to incorporate more Japanese descendants of the new generation and to spread its language and culture among non-Nikkei citizens so that Japan continues to have special relations with the countries of the region.
N/A
40
McLaughlin, James A. "The Chavez corollary the new hegemony on the block /". Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491192.
Pełny tekst źródła
41
Rubio, Luis Arnoldo. "La Communauté européenne dans le cadre de la crise centre-américaine". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/213228.
Pełny tekst źródła
42
Albuquerque, Antonio Carlos Carneiro de. "O socioambientalismo na perspectiva da sociedade civil latino americana : uma analise no ambito das conferencias das Nações Unidas". [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280516.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Orientadores: Leila da Costa Ferreira, Roberto Pereira GuimarãesTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T15:45:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Albuquerque_AntonioCarlosCarneirode_D.pdf: 2983033 bytes, checksum: 1c5e8b505bfe487d81f5831ce7724802 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008
Resumo: Nesta tese estabeleceu-se o objetivo de pesquisar a construção da abordagem socioambiental, na perspectiva da sociedade civil da América Latina no âmbito internacional, com o recorte nas conferências internacionais e reuniões organizadas pelas Nações Unidas sobre meio ambiente. Neste sentido, o que se pretendeu nesse trabalho foi compreender as origens, os significados e os desdobramentos das discussões sobre a sustentabilidade, o desenvolvimento, a temática ambiental, ocorridas nas fases preparatórias e durante a realização desses encontros, e de que forma levaram à formação de uma perspectiva socioambiental na arena internacional. Também são apresentadas as alterações no contexto, nos elementos constitutivos e nos referenciais teóricos criados pelos atores participantes dos fóruns internacionais patrocinados pela ONU ao longo de cerca de cinco décadas, especialmente no que diz respeito à sociedade civil. Procurou-se, assim, realizar a análise dos registros e produtos gerados nas fases preparatórias e durante a realização de cada um dos eventos internacionais, tanto na agenda oficial quanto nos eventos paralelos de cada um deles. A tese também faz uma análise segundo cada um dos períodos históricos vinculados às conferências e reuniões da ONU e cobertos pela pesquisa (1960 e 1970, 1980, 1990 e século XXI), procurando construir uma caracterização dos movimentos e das organizações sociais em relação a sua forma de organização, a sua agenda, ao seu modo de atuação e as suas relações com os demais atores sociais, com especial atenção para a realidade Latino-Americana. Na parte conceitual, formulou-se um breve panorama acerca das principais correntes de pensamento que procuraram refletir sobre a sociedade civil e os movimentos sociais na transição do século XX para o século XXI, onde são apontados os elementos mais significativos de como tais linhas de pensamento procuravam analisar e compreender suas características, suas relações com seus pares e com os demais atores sociais da esfera pública e privada, além deressaltar as diferenças em relação à sociedade civil de outras épocas. O objetivo principal era salientar que são conceitos em constante alteração e objeto de grande debate por parte do campo acadêmico e em várias áreas do conhecimento, reflexos da complexidade que tais atores vêm ganhando ao longo do tempo. Por ser a América Latina o foco de análise da tese, são apresentadas informações sobre os fatores sociais, econômicos e políticos da região a partir de eixos temáticos comuns, característicos do continente e que têm significância para o surgimento da abordagem socioambiental: elementos sociais, políticos e econômicos históricos, as relações entre os campos públicos e privados e a relações da sociedade civil com o Estado, na democracia e em regimes autoritários. Tal apreciação abrange os seguintes países: Argentina, Bolívia, Brasil, Chile, Colômbia, Equador, México e Peru. A esse painel soma-se um quadro sobre a situação e os desafios ambientais na América Latina e suas relações com a esfera internacional. Finalmente, são apresentados os elementos que pautaram a formulação da abordagem socioambiental e os desafios para que esta visão seja efetivamente implantada por atores sociais, propondo-se, para tanto, da adoção de um paradigma pautado pela Ecopolítica, capaz de enfrentar a questão ambiental, sua complexidade e seu caráter global.
Abstract: In this thesis objective was to investigate the construction of the social environmental approach in the perspective of the Latin America civil society at international level, with the cutting out in the international conferences and meetings organized by the United Nations on environment. In this sense, the intent was to understand the origins, the meanings and the ramifications the debate about sustainability, development, environmental issues taken place in the preparatory phases and during the realization of these meetings and, in which form they led to the formation of a social environmental perspective at the international level. It also shows the changes on the context, in the constitutive elements and in the theoretical referential created by the actors along five decades, especially regarding civil society. Therefore an analysis of the registers and products produced in the preparatory phases and during the realization of each one of the international events was carried out, both in the official scenario and in the parallel events. The theory also does an analysis following each one of the historical periods linked to the conferences and meetings of the United Nations and covered by the research (1960 and 1970, 1980, 1990 and century XXI) in order to build a characterization of the movements and social organization regarding their form, agenda, way of acting and of their relationship with other social actors, with special attention for the Latin-American reality. In the part conceptual part a short view was formulated about the main theoretical groups that tried to explain civil society and social movements during the transition of the century XX for the century XXI, where the most significant elements were highlighted referring to their characteristics, relations with their peers and with other social actors of the public and private sphere, besides emphasizing the differences regarding the civil society of other times. The main objective was to point out that those are concepts in constant alteration and object of great discussion on the academic field and in several areas, which reflects the complexity those actors have gained along the time. Since the Latin America is the focus of analysis of the theory, information about historical, social, economical and political reality of the region have been presented from a thematic axles referring common characteristic of the continent and that have signification for the appearance of social environmental approach: historical social, political and economical elements, relations between the public and private fields and relations of the civil society with the State in the democracy and in authoritarian regimes. Such an appreciation includes the following countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico and Peru. A picture is added up to this panel on the situation and the environmental challenges in the Latin America and its relations with the international sphere. Finally, the thesis presents the elements that ruled the formulation of the social environmental approach and the challenges so that this vision might be effectively implemented by social actors, being proposed the adoption of a paradigm ruled by Ecological Politics, able to face the environmental issue, its complexity and global character.
Doutorado
Aspectos Sociais de Sustentabilidade e Conservação
Doutor em Ambiente e Sociedade
43
Estenssoro, Luis Enrique Rambalducci. "O sistema economico latino-americano (SELA): integração e relações internacionais (1975-1991)". Universidade de São Paulo, 1994. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/84/84131/tde-16082011-100208/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Traça um panorama teórico e histórico do contexto do pós-guerra, da crise da ordem internacional estabelecida em Bretton Woods, e da perspectiva de uma Nova Ordem Econômica Internacional (NOEI). Estuda o subsistema regional latino-americano, com os seus diversos esquemas de integração existentes (ALALC/ALADI, MCCA, GRAN, CARICOM, MERCOSUL). Descreve a criação do SELA, as expectativas que gerou e a natureza, propósitos, objetivos e estrutura da organização, como definidas no Convênio do Panamá (1975). Comenta e avalia alguns aspectos da atuação desta organização intergovernamental de integração regional frente aos problemas da dívida externa e crise das Malvinas, bem como perante aos novos processos de industrialização e tecnologia, com a intenção de definir melhor a utilização dos conceitos de desenvolvimento econômico e de seguridade econômica coletiva e integral. Por último, a dissertação analisa o papel do SELA na relação da América Latina com os EUA, União Européia, Japão, GATT e UNCTAD, esclarecendo a posição da organização nos marcos do diálogo Norte-Sul. Conclui com uma avaliação da história, importância e perspectivas futuras desta organização internacional.Outlines a theoretical and historic post-war context, the crisis of the international order established at Bretton Woods, and the perspective for a New International Economic Order (NIEO). The research studies the latin american regional subsystem and its several integration arrangements (ALALC/ALADI, MCCA, GRAN, CARICOM, MERCOSUL). It focus on the foundation of the SELA, its mandate, objectives, organization and expectations generated at the time of the Panama Convention (1975). It reviews and evaluates the performance of this intergovernamental organization for the regional integration at the time of the Latin America debt crisis, and Malvinas war, as well as its stances on new industrialization and technological developments, to better define the concepts of economic development and collective and integral economic security. The research also analyses the role played by the SELA in the latin american relations with the USA, European Union, Japan, GATT and UNCTAD, under the North-South dialogue context. It concludes with an evaluation of the history, importance and futures perspectives of this international organization.
44
Santander, Sébastian. "Le nouveau régionalisme dans l'économie politique mondiale: le développement du MERCOSUR face à la stratégie interrégionale de l'Union européenne et à la Zone de libre-échange des Amériques". Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210768.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
La présente thèse a pour objet l’étude du régionalisme. Ce dernier se réfère ici à des régions mondiales constituant une dimension médiane entre le niveau étatique et le système mondial. Notre analyse porte donc sur les nouvelles expériences régionales qui ont émergé dans le contexte de la globalisation néolibérale et de la post-guerre froide. Le régionalisme est analysé en tant qu’objet des relations internationales et l’étude de cas choisi est celui du régionalisme latino-américain, et plus précisément le Marché commun du Sud (MERCOSUR). Une importante partie des travaux consacrés à l'explication du régionalisme partent d'une approche essentiellement endogène accordant une attention distraite aux déterminants exogènes. Pour comprendre la nature du nouveau régionalisme, il faut le situer dans une perspective globale qui tient compte de l’interrelation entre les niveaux national, régional et global. Bien que le régionalisme renvoie à des logiques internes propres, le phénomène est fortement conditionné et façonné par l’extérieur du fait qu’il évolue en interaction directe et constante avec le monde économique et politique international, et qu’il fait l’objet de politiques menées par des acteurs dominants de l’arène mondiale. Les déterminants extérieurs sont donc essentiels pour comprendre l’évolution du régionalisme. Dès lors, la thèse se propose de répondre à la question suivante :comment et en quoi la nature et l’évolution du régionalisme se trouve façonnée par le cadre exogène et comment ce dernier interagit avec les facteurs d’ordre interne ?Pour répondre à cette question il convient de resituer le MERCOSUR dans le cadre du triangle atlantique (Amérique du Sud/Union européenne/Etats-Unis) qui lui-même doit être placé dans le contexte plus large de la globalisation néolibérale.Doctorat en sciences politiques
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
45
Cayo, Durand de Geist Getsiva. "Les relations économiques et financières entre la France et le Pérou : diplomatie économique, coopération technique et stratégies des entreprises françaises (1945-1975)". Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019SORUL011.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
La Seconde Guerre mondiale avait complétement interrompu les échanges entre la France et le Pérou. En revanche, au cours des Trente Glorieuses, la France réussit à rétablir une position appréciable au sein de l’économie péruvienne. Grâce à une diplomatie économique active et un engagement diversifié des entreprises privées et publiques, la France devint un partenaire notable de la coopération technique. Ce pays joua un rôle important dans les programmes d’industrialisation et de modernisation du Pérou. Cette thèse s’interroge sur l’évolution et la structure des relations économiques franco-péruviennes entre 1945 et 1975. L’étude se penche sur les échanges commerciaux ainsi que sur les domaines des échanges financiers, de l’industrie et de la coopération technique, combinant des analyses macro et micro-économiques. Il s’agira d’analyser les stratégies et performances des entreprises françaises au sein des grands projets au Pérou en considérant les succès et les limites de leurs engagements. Ainsi, la thèse présente une étude nuancée à propos d’un sujet jamais étudié auparavant et cherche à contribuer d’une manière novatrice aux recherches sur l’histoire des relations entre l’Europe et les pays latino-américains ainsi que sur les rapports Nord-SudThe Second World War had completely severed the relations between France and Peru. Throughout the Golden Age of Capitalism, however, France managed to re-establish a considerable position within the Peruvian economy. Thanks to an active economic diplomacy and the various efforts of private and public companies, France became a notable partner in technical cooperation and played, henceforth, an important role in the Peruvian programmes of industrialisation and modernisation. This thesis deals with the evolution and structure of the economic relations between France and Peru from 1945 to 1975. Combining macro- and microeconomic methods, it equally investigates the bilateral trade relations as well as the domains of finance, industry and technical cooperation. The study analyses the strategies and performances of French companies in Peruvian large-scale projects considering their successes as well as their limits. In this way, the thesis presents a nuanced view on a subject, which has never been studied before. It contributes in an innovative way to the research on the relations between Europe and Latin America and between the Global North and South
46
Persilva, Fernandes Barbara. "The Commodity and Industrial Sector in the Brazilian Economy". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1429634018.
Pełny tekst źródła
47
Scherma, Márcio Augusto 1983. "A atuação do Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento no Brasil (1959-2006)". [s.n.], 2007. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281580.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
Orientador: Shiguenoli MiyamotoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T13:18:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Scherma_MarcioAugusto1983-_M.pdf: 1731355 bytes, checksum: 222e0016d2582a37a6de7a95c45ed13e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007
Resumo: Esta dissertação analisa as linhas de atuação do Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento (BID) no Brasil, desde sua criação, em 1959, até o ano de 2006 (final do primeiro governo Lula), tendo como preocupação central detectar uma possível mudança no modo de atuação do BID a partir de fins da década de 80 e início dos anos 90, período de crise na América Latina. A hipótese da dissertação é que, embora tenha o BID sido influenciado pelo receituário do ¿Consenso de Washington¿ e por idéias mais liberais oriundas dos Estados Unidos durante os 70-80, as raízes do Banco garantiram a ele um papel mais independente do que outras instituições, fazendo com que, no caso do BID, as conhecidas ¿condicionalidades¿ nos empréstimos fossem menos relevantes e contassem com menos exigências. Acreditamos que e exemplo brasileiro é interessante para demonstrar isso, já que as chamadas ¿reformas neoliberais¿ ocorrem mais tardiamente no Brasil do que em outros países da América Latina; o que nos levou a questionar qual fora o real papel de organizações internacionais como o BID no processo de adoção destas reformas. Escolhemos o caso específico do BID por ser, esta instituição, a maior fonte multilateral de crédito brasileira
Abstract: This dissertation examines the lines of action of the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) in Brazil, since its creation in 1959, until the year 2006 (end of the first government Lula), with the main objective of detecting a possible change in the mode of action of the IADB from the end of the decade of 80 and the early 90, a period of crisis in Latin America. The hypothesis of this dissertation is that although the IADB has been influenced by the prescriptions of the "Washington Consensus" and some kind of liberal ideas from the United States during the 70¿s-80¿s, the bank¿s roots assured it more independence than others institutions, so that in the case of the IADB, the well-knowned "conditionalities" in loans were less relevant and contracted with fewer requirements. We believe that the brazilian example is interesting to demonstrate this, because the so-called "neoliberal reforms" occured later in Brazil than in other Latin American countries; what led us to question what was the real role of international organizations such as the IADB in the process of adopting these reforms. We have chosed the specific case of the IADB because this institution is the largest source of multilateral credit of Brazil
Mestrado
Política Externa
Mestre em Relações Internacionais
48
Craig, Maddison L. "Women in the Foreign Service: A Case Study of Margaret Parx Hays, 1942-1964". Thesis, University of North Texas, 2019. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc1609150/.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This project seeks to include the historical significance of women in the Foreign Service and subsequently the United States Department of State between 1942 and 1964. Using the life and experience of Margaret Parx Hays, one of fewer than three hundred female foreign service officers before 1960, this study explores the importance of examining women at the "ground level." This narrative examines the life of Hays at several different duty stations and her experience navigating a male-dominant workplace congruent to the political and diplomatic missions of each stations. Hays was stationed in Buenos Aires, Argentina (1942-1945); Bogota, Columbia (1945-1947); Rio de Janeiro, Brazil (1948-1950); Washington D.C., U.S. (1951-1954; 1959-1962); Manila, Philippines (1954-1956); Mexico City, Mexico (1956-1958); and Hong Kong, China (1962-1964). Throughout the deployment at each station, Hays was confronted with major political events in her duty station's history or in the intersection of American foreign and domestic policy. Through the use of Hays's archived collection of personal papers, including letters and newspapers, this thesis presents a more representative story about women and about the Department of State as a larger whole than previous scholarship that has ignored how gender affected diplomatic history.
49
Ellersick, Linda J. "Expanding Fair Trade to Garment Production in Ciudad Sandino, Nicaragua". Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1236817596.
Pełny tekst źródła
50
Wurstová, Adéla. "USA jako globální supervelmoc a jejich pozice v 21. století". Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193706.
Pełny tekst źródłaStreszczenie:
This thesis is dealing with the analysis of American attributes of power which formed the USA as a superpower and has influenced the world politics in the 21st century. Hypothesis that the USA is still a superpower on the beginning of the 21st century was confirmed in six chapters. The first part of the diploma thesis presents theoretical and methodological bases, history and development of the United States and its rise to superpower status after the Second World War. The second part of the thesis, the last three chapters which are dealing with current American foreign policy and its relations with other important states and regions, proved the expected results of the hypothesis. Therefore the result of the thesis is that the United States still maintains its leading position of the global superpower despite of its relative political and economic weakness in the recent years.