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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "First century Roman political situation"
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Astakhov, Ivan Alekseevich. "Changes in the ethnic picture and its impact on the internal political situation in the Bosporus after Rheskuporis VI". LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, nr 3A (6.09.2021): 245–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202173a1397p.245-252.
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The article examines the influence of ethnic change in the North Black Sea region on the internal political situation in the Bosphorus kingdom in the mid-6th century – the first quarter of the 6th century AD. The main ethnic groups that appeared in the Bosphorus at the specified time, the degree of their influence on the state institutions of the kingdom and the nature of political changes are determined. It is assumed that, as a result of the movement of barbarian groups throughout the North Black Sea region, representatives of these groups have taken power in the Bosphorus kingdom. We can refer to these Sarmatian-Alan representatives and Gothic nobility. With the appearance of the Huns in the North Black Sea region, the Bosphorus falls into the sphere of influence of the Huntribal union, under the de facto rule of the Gothic nobility. With the appearance in the Northern Black Sea region of the Huns-Utigurtribes, power in the Bosphorus returns to the hands of the pro-Roman nobility, to which King Diuptun can be assigned.
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Abramzon, Mikhail G., Mikhail Yu Treister i Nikolaï I. Vinokurov. "Two Hoards of Coins and Jewellery Items from the Time of the Roman-Bosporan War of AD 45–49 from the Site of Artezian". Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 18, nr 2 (2012): 207–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700577-12341235.
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Abstract This article is the publication of two hoards found in 2009 during excavations of the fortified settlement of Artezian in the Eastern Crimea, which met its end at the very beginning of the Roman-Bosporan war of AD 45–49. The assemblages contain 244 bronze Bosporan coins from the end of the 1st century BC to the first half of the 1st century AD (Caesarea, Agrippia, Aspurgus, Gepaepyris, Mithridates VIII), 10 silver denarii of the Roman emperors Augustus and Tiberius, and also various items of gold, silver and bronze jewellery and glass vessels. The discovery of these hoards not only provides further archaeological confirmation of the historical events of the mid-1st century BC, but also makes it possible to establish, with more precision, the chronology of certain categories of jewellery items and glass vessels, which in a number of cases had only been represented by rare specimens of Bosporan, Eastern-Mediterranean and Roman workmanship of a high level. Deserving of special attention is the find, in the context of hoards, of a well-preserved gladius of the Mainz type. For the first time it has proved possible reliably to record the initial phase of the Bosporan-Roman War of AD 45–49 at an archaeological site, situated within the territory of the European Bosporus. The unique nature of the materials from Artezian lies in their diversity and the narrow chronological range of their hoarding, linked to important events of not only Bosporan but also Mediterranean history, which had a considerable influence on the military-political situation in the Pontic region.
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Goodhew, David. "Growth and Decline in South Africa's Churches, 1960-911". Journal of Religion in Africa 30, nr 3 (2000): 344–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006600x00564.
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AbstractSouth Africa's churches grew or declined so quickly in the years after 1960 that by 1991 the country's religious map had been redrawn. This article charts and offers explanations for such developments. Almost all Christian churches grew substantially in the first half of the twentieth century but mainline churches were dominant. They continued to grow numerically into the 1960s and 1970s, but were beginning to shrink as a proportion of the expanding population. By contrast, Roman Catholic, African Independent and smaller independent denominations were growing quickly. By the 1990s, mainline Protestant churches were suffering considerable decline and Roman Catholicism's growth had stalled. African Independent and other churches continued to grow rapidly. A matrix of forces help to explain this phenomenon-including the political situation, socio-economic pressures, secularisation and particular religious factors. A comparative perspective shows South Africa's churches to have much in common with African and global trends.
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Wójcik, Monika. "Zagadnienie nierówności społecznej w "De Gubernatione Dei" Salwiana z Marsylii : aspekty prawne". Prawo Kanoniczne 54, nr 1-2 (10.06.2011): 339–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.2011.54.1-2.14.
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Salvian both recognized and censured social inequality, however, without transposing his critical attitude onto the relationship between freemen and slaves. For Salvian, this relationship was a point of reference, though indirect, to the relationship between man and God. Salvian considered the characteristics commonly attributed to slaves against the backdrop of Christian duties before God. When it comes to the situation of slaves, some Salvian’s opinions on the lord’s ius vitaenecisque are in conflict with the existing law, as, for instance, some provisions safeguarding slaves against owners’ abuse or lawlessness. Yet, such provisions might not have been fully observed in practice. Salvian recognizes some undeniable Roman flaws when examining the issue of exploitation of the poor by the rich. The main Salvian’s objections relate to both excessive financial burden laid on citizens by the state, as well as to the wealthy shifting the tax encumbrance to the needy. State legislation took some measures to remedy this situation, but, as follows from Salvian’s account, these regulations remained a dead letter. Salvian repeatedly touches on the problem of the ineffective state apparatus. In Salvian’s opinion, in the aftermath of the unjust state financial system, many Roman citizens fled to become the subjects of the barbarian rule. Salvian attributed ill intentions and oppression of the poor to the councillors; it was largely due to their tax collection powers. As follows from Salvian’s account, the councillors’ assumption of the function of tax collectors was to the significant detriment of social relations in cities. The author briefly reviews their role with the maxim: quot curiales, tot tyranni. Not infrequently, Salvian’s considerations seem rather selective, particularly with respect to the socio-political situation. In his opinion, the Roman Empire of the 5th century faced a dramatic economic slump, first, due to the barbarian invasions, and second, due to the poor administration.
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Guy, Will. "“No Soft Touch”: Romani Migration to the U. K. at the Turn of the Twenty-first Century". Nationalities Papers 31, nr 1 (marzec 2003): 63–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599032000058848.
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This paper discusses Romani migration to the U. K. from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) in the closing years of the twentieth century, with particular reference to the Czech and Slovak Republics. These case studies were chosen to illustrate wider points because they are the best documented, particularly with regard to illuminating sociological research on motivations for migration. Comparisons with similar migration to Canada shed further light on the situation. Refugees from these CEE countries have met a hostile reception in the U. K. It is argued here, however, that popular ignorance alone does not provide a sufficient explanation for this hostility: rather, the condemnation of Romani asylum seekers is seen as an expression of a deep-rooted and long-standing anxiety in the U. K. about immigration and its potential consequences. In spite of their relatively insignificant numbers, Roma have acted as convenient motifs in this ongoing discourse, being assigned a prominent symbolic role at a time of heightened political sensitivity.
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Matsiuk, H. P. "Towards a typology of language situations in historical sociolinguistics. The language situation in Kholmshchyna and Pidliashshia in 1815-1915". Movoznavstvo 318, nr 3 (2.07.2021): 25–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33190/0027-2833-318-2021-3-002.
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The article seeks to study a new period in the typological characteristics of language situations related to the functions of the Ukrainian language. The purpose of the article is to analyze the changes in the language situation and the causal interaction of social functions of languages used by the indigenous Ukrainian population on the outskirts of ethnically Ukrainian territory of Kholmshchyna and Pidliashshia in 1815–1915. In order to reach this goal, the author reveals the political factors that led to a variety of language situations, communicative practices, and assimilation processes. The analysis is based on the results of interdisciplinary research on the history, politics, and culture of Kholmshchyna and Pidliashshia, as well as the works on historical sociolinguistics. The sources of analysis include travel records, memoirs, and documents, to which the method of sociolinguistic interpretation and reinterpretation is applied, as well as comparative and biographical methods, elements of discourse analysis. The results testify to three geopolitical influences that changed the directions of development of the language situation: the transition of territories within the Kingdom of Poland to the Russian Empire in 1815; military actions on the territory of Kholmshchyna and Pidliashshia during the First World War in 1914– 1915; the arrival of the new occupation authorities in 1915. In early 20th century, there was a decrease in the number of native speakers of the Ukrainian language: after the permitted conversion from Orthodoxy to the Roman Catholic faith under the tsarist law of 1905 and in connection with the deportation in 1915. Communicative practices of Ukrainians in different spheres of life included a combination of languages: colloquial Ukrainian and Polish, literary Polish, Russian and occasionally Ukrainian, Church Slavonic with Ukrainian and Russian pronunciations, and the German language. Based on the assimilative interaction of the languages, it might be suggested that the life of Ukrainians took place in the face of Polonization. This was particularly a manifestation of the resistance of the Polish and non-Polish population to the tsarist government as an occupation after the uprisings of 1831 and 1863–64, and after 1875, and Russification as a result of the planned conversion of Greek Catholics to Orthodoxy, the creation of new educational institutions and separation on the basis of Lublin and Siedlce Voivodeships
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Korenevskiy, A. V., i N. D. Nikolaeva. "Polish Vector in Politics of Vladimir Monomakh and His Heirs: from the Lyubech Congress to the “Pereyaslavl Crisis”". Nauchnyi dialog 1, nr 10 (31.10.2020): 337–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2020-10-337-352.
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The question of the system of Russian-Polish interaction during the period of temporary stabilization of political relations in Russia - from the Lyubech Congress (1097) to the end of the Kiev reign of Mstislav the Great (1125-1132) is considered in the article. The authors show that the 12th century is presented in historiography as a time of gradual growth of contradictions between two Christian civilizations, as a transitional period between the Great Schism of 1054 and the IV Crusade (1202- 1204). An attempt is made to consider the relationship between Russia and Poland of the indicated period outside the teleological approach. The authors provide evidence that the thesis of the religious factor as decisive in Russian-Polish relations does not correspond to the political realities of the 10- 30s of the XII century. It is shown that it was the ideological orientation of Vladimir Monomakh towards the crusading movement and the Holy Roman Empire that made it impossible for allied relations between Kiev and Krakow in the first quarter of the 12th century. It has been proved that there was no single policy of Rus towards Poland; the actions of the two sides were situational. The authors come to the conclusion that in Russia and Poland, competing political groups sought to implement their own strategies in relation to the neighboring state.
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Stanovcic, Vojislav. "Contribution of historical and literary works to the understanding of political phenomena". Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, nr 118-119 (2005): 93–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0519093s.
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The paper presents a series of arguments which indicate that significant historiographic works describing and analyzing bygone political phenomena as well the literary works which picturesquely depict political situations and human destinies - with their specific approaches and methods - contribute to the better insight and understanding of the phenomena in the political life which philosophy and social sciences express by notions. Social and political life have their bright and dark sides. It is less arguable that political sciences - in the study of phenomena included in their topic -find great help in history, if it is - as Leopold von Ranke advised - oriented only to "show what really happened". Historical studies, specially the ones of the socalled great historians, present to us the images of the situation in a certain period or event with all significant details and contribute to the understanding of that phenomenon, helping to clarify its essence. Thus for example, Appian's Roman Civil Wars or Tacitus' descriptions in The Annals of the suffering of the innocent victims in the power struggle during civil wars and during the ferocious persecution of Christians -innocent, but accused of all possible crimes. What astonishes the reader is the grea similarity between the phenomena, processes, actions happening two millennia ago and in the 20th century. Philosopher and political thinkers (like Aristotle), but also some historians (like Thucydides) offer explanations why some patterns repeat and why they would "keep repeating". In Khalil Inalcik's work, we find detailed descriptions of brutal mutual killings among the sons of the majority of the Turkish sultans in the power struggle after their fathers' death. Generalizing on the basis of the material provided by history, we reach an entire string of general notions in political and social sciences. Great thinkers and writers, from the oldest Eastern and the greatest antique philosophers till the ones from the 20th century, used found inspiration and drew ideas and incentives or material from the sources with which they supplemented their theoretical categories, notions and explanations, including the images of political life. These sources are represented in the great literary works. Contradictory opinions about the character and significance of ail and literature are found in Plato's and Aristotle's writings. Aristotle, who analyzed this problem, presented arguments why literary insights - precisely because of the character of insights they offer - deserve to stand in the same pedestal with philosophy. He used the expression he himself introduced to mark one aspect of the effect of art and literature - and that is catharsis. Psychology facilitates our insights into the motives and consequences of the participants' behavior social psychology being particularly important, but also ethics. The means used to convey a certain truth is less important, its essence is more important. Several Greek philosophers (Parmenides, Empedocles, Xenophon) even the Roman ones (for example, Lucretius Cains) wrote their philosophical treatises in verse. Kant's famous words Sapere aude! with which he asks people to have courage to use their own mind and thus become enlightened originate from the Roman poet Horace, and Michel de Montaigne also used them. Plato and Aristotle referred not only to the available sources about preceding philosophical ideas and political systems, including the first Greek historians, but also to the tragedians, primarily Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides, to the comedy writers (like Aristophanes), to the lyricists (Solon, Simonides, Archilochus). When Aristotle expounds one of the key categories of his political theory about man as a political animal (zoon politikon), he refers to Homer to confirm what he himself believes. Anica Savic-Rebac quotes Strabo's formulations about poetry as "the first philosophy", as well as about Homer's work as "poetic philosophy" and as a source of every kind of wisdom, even every kind of knowledge. With his ideas and images he presented in his literary works, Dostoyevsky influenced several philosophers (Nietzsche, Camus and others) and scientists (Freud, Adler and others). "The philosophy of existence" and its ethical orientation were presented not only in the philosophical, but also in the literary works (Kierkegaard, Sartre, Camus). The so called philosophy of the absurd and "the literature of the absurd" mutually merge and supplement. Not even the best 20th century theoretical treatise about the nature of power - like those by Charles Merriam, Bertrand Russell, Bertrand de Jouvenel or Harold Lass well can depict what man gets to know through the tragedies of Marlowe Shakespeare, Goethe, in which main participants are driven and urged by the yearning to achieve absolute power. "The Great Inquisitor", "The Iron Heel" "Dark at Noon", but also the personalities like Raskolnikov or Verhovensky from the novel The Possessed help us to understand many things. "Gulag" became a political notion because of the title of the novel Gulag. Literature-antiutopia pointed to the dangers of the closed mind and of the technological society before scientific studies had done that.
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Głuszkowski, Michał. "Socio-cultural and Language Changes in a „Cultural Island”: Vershina – A Polish Village in Siberia". Eastern European Countryside 20, nr 1 (1.12.2014): 167–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/eec-2014-0008.
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Abstract The present article attempts to describe the social evolution of the community of Vershina, a village founded in the beginning of the 20th century by voluntary settlers from Little Poland, from a cultural island to the stage of assimilation. The social, economic, cultural, political and language situation of the community changed several times. The most significant historical moments of Russia and the Soviet Union set the borders of three main periods in Vershina’s history. During its first two-three decades Vershina consisted a homogenous Polish cultural and language island. The migrants preserved the Roman Catholic religion, Polish language and traditions as well as farming methods and machines. Collectivization and the communist system with its repressions made the Polish village assimilate to its surroundings. With the flow of time, the generation of first settlers died and some of the traditions of Little Poland vanished or got modified by the elements of the Soviet, Russian or Buryat culture. After the Perestroika the minorities gained some rights, which strengthened in the 1990s. Thanks, to the political changes and the collapse of the SU the inhabitants of Vershina can found cultural organisations, cultivate their religion, and learn Polish in local schools. However, in spite of the regained rights, over the decades of mass sovietization and ateization, the culture and customs of the Polish community became similar to other Siberian villages. Young people from the group of our interest abandon their mother language and are not eager to leave Russia and move to Poland. The process of assimilation is intensifying while there are practically no factors protecting the local culture and language.
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Kuminova, K. "IMAGES OF ANACHARSIS AND SCYLES IN THE ANCIENT LITERATURE". Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, nr 139 (2018): 41–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.139.07.
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The article is dedicated to the images of Anacharsis and Scyles in ancient literature. It says in detail about the formation of the image of a noble barbarian in the ancient literature of the 4th century BC. It is analyzed written reports of ancient authors of the 5th cent. BC – 3rd cent. AD in the article. The author described in short, the political and economic situation in Greece and Rome of this period. The first mention of Anacharsis and Scyles we find in «The History» of Herodotus (5th century BC). Anacharsis became a popular literary character. Scyles was forgotten and was not mentioned after Herodotus. This is connected with the peculiarities of the historical process in the ancient Greece of the 4th cent. BC. The Peloponnesian War (431-404 BC) and the crisis of the post-war period made philosophers to think a place of a man in this world. The noble barbarian became the new ideal of ancient philosophy. It is shown that Anacharsis became the ideal image of a noble barbarian for the ancient world. He was a sample of wisdom and purity. Anacharsis became famous for the simplicity of his way of life and his acute observations on the institutions and customs of the Greeks. Scyles is a sample of excessive pleasures. In the following centuries Anacharsis is becoming increasingly popular. The image of a noble barbarian was used also roman authors. Conclusions are drawn that the popularity of Anacharsis and the wise barbarian is the reaction of ancient authors to crises in ancient times. As a conclusion it must be emphasized, that close study of the ancient sources confirmed an idea that had been expressed by Ch. Schubert about two stages of the formation of the image of Anacharsis.
Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "First century Roman political situation"
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Incigneri, Brian, i res cand@acu edu au. "My God, My God, Why Have You Abandoned Me? : The setting and rhetoric of Mark's Gospel". Australian Catholic University. School of Theology, 2001. http://dlibrary.acu.edu.au/digitaltheses/public/adt-acuvp6.19072005.
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This study proposes that the design of Mark's Gospel is best appreciated by recognising the particular political, social and religious situation that gave rise it, and by taking into account the concerns, experiences and emotions of both the author and the intended readers. It is argued that proposals for an Eastern provenance lack evidence and plausibility, and that the Gospel was written in Rome. The time of writing is identified as the latter months of 71, as the Gospel contains a number of indications that the Jerusalem Temple had been destroyed and that the Triumph of Vespasian and Titus in July/August 71 had recently occurred. Moreover, there are several allusions to events that had occurred within a year or two prior to that date. An investigation of the political and social situation shows that Christians had reason to be fearful, especially after the return of Titus. Through an examination of the rhetorical techniques contained within the text, it is proposed that the Gospel was a response to the protracted suffering of the Christians of Rome, addressing their doubts about God in the face of Roman power, their fear of further executions, and stresses within the community caused by apostasy and betrayal. Paying close attention to the mood of the text, an analysis of Mark's rhetoric shows how it responds to the readers' anxieties (including fear of delation), counters Flavian propaganda, and provides hope and strength. As appeals to the emotions were regarded as a key tool of ancient rhetoric, careful attention is paid to their use throughout the Gospel, showing that Mark produced a text full of pathos, matching the highly stressful atmosphere, and placing the readers' cries for help and prayers into the mouths of characters. In repeatedly stirring the readers' emotions by reminding them of their own painful experiences and by alluding to contemporary events and social attitudes, Mark explains why they are persecuted, and helps them to deal with their fear. He portrays Jesus as the one who had led the way by accepting martyrdom for the gospel in similar circumstances. He shapes many scenes to remind them of their Roman situation, especially the trials and executions of fellow Christians. Mark's rhetorical use of the disciples is also explored, showing that he aimed to elicit sympathy for those who had failed under pressure, which indicates that he was advocating their readmittance into the community. It is proposed that reading the Gospel as rhetoric addressed to this situation provides a quite different view of its nature, design and purposes, and gives a very different perspective to a number of debated issues within Markan scholarship.
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Isayev, Elena. "Indigenous communities in Lucania : social organization and political forms, fourth to first century BC". Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.343595.
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Blois, Lukas de. The Roman army and politics in the first century before Christ. Amsterdam: J.C. Gieben, 1987.
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Weiss, Judith, Nicole Clifton i Ivana Djordjevic, red. Waldef. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9781641894067.
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This first English translation of Le Roman de Waldef makes a significant representative of the French literature of medieval England accessible for the first time. Its wide-ranging content provides an ideal introduction to a number of themes in medieval literature, making it suitable for a variety of undergraduate and graduate courses. The fast-moving romance plot of this early thirteenth-century tale recounts the ancestry and exploits of Waldef and his two sons, set against a history of pre-Conquest England. The narrative shares themes and incident types with other important insular romances, including the Lai of Haveloc, Boeve de Haumtone, and Gui de Warewic. Waldef’s scope, interest in battle, and political stratagems bear reading alongside medieval chronicles, while secret love affairs connect it with other romance literature of the period, and adventures across a wide area of the known world provide affinities with medieval travel narrative.
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White, Horace. Cicero, Clodius And Milo: Roman Political Life In The First Century, B.C. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.
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White, Horace. Cicero, Clodius And Milo: Roman Political Life In The First Century, B.C. Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2007.
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Ellis-Evans, Aneurin. The Kingdom of Priam. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198831983.001.0001.
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This book is a regional history of Lesbos and the Troad from the seventh century BC to the first century AD which examines the extent to which this geographical region became politically, economically, and culturally integrated over this extended timeframe. The case studies in each chapter examine the various human and geographical factors which promoted regional integration, but also consider the political and identity-based considerations which limited integration and curtailed co-operation in particular areas. It is argued that this produced a situation in which an economically well-integrated region nevertheless remained politically fragmented and was only capable of unified action at moments of crisis. The book is split into two halves, with the first examining both the human and geographical factors which contributed to regional integration in the Troad and the politics of this process and the second examining the insular identity of Lesbos, the extent to which it was integrated into the mainland, and the consequences of this integration for the internal dynamic of the island. Cross-cutting these regional dynamics are the various imperial systems (Persian, Athenian, Macedonian, Attalid, Roman) which ruled this region and shaped its internal dynamics both through direct interventions in regional politics and through the pressures and incentives which these imperial systems created for local communities.
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Davidde, Barbara. The Port of Qanaʾ, a Junction between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198790662.003.0018.
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South Arabian kingdoms based their wealth and power on agriculture and the export of incense and other aromatics so much appreciated in the ancient world. After Aelius Gallus’ campaign against Arabia Felix in 25–24 BC, Roman trade by sea with the region greatly increased compared to the overland caravan routes. This chapter summarizes the political situation in Arabia Felix in those times through the analysis of archaeological, historical, and numismatic evidence and focuses on the harbours and mooring places along the Yemenite and Omani coasts. Italian underwater research at Qanaʾ discovered the ancient anchorage, with ceramics dating between the first and the end of the sixth century AD, with a higher percentage before the fourth century AD. Typological and petrological study suggests the close involvement of the Arabian Peninsula in the web of trade routes that connected the Roman world via the Red Sea with India, and the Persian Gulf.
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Tacoma, Laurens E. Roman Political Culture. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198850809.001.0001.
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This book offers an analysis of Roman political culture in Italy from the first to the sixth century AD on the basis of seven case studies. Its main contention is that, during the period in which Italy was subject to single rule, Italy’s political culture had a specific form. It was the product of the continued existence of two traditional political institutions: the senate in the city of Rome and the local city councils in the rest of Italy. Under single rule, the position of both institutions was increasingly weakened and they became part of a much wider institutional landscape. Nevertheless, they continued functioning until the end of the sixth century AD. Their longevity must imply that they retained meaning for their members, even when society was undergoing significant changes. As their powers and prerogatives shrank considerably, their significance became social rather than political: they allowed elites to enact and negotiate their own position in society. The tension between the fact that the institutions were at heart participatory in nature, but that their power was restricted, generated complex social dynamics. On the one hand, participants became locked in mutual expectations about each other’s behaviour and were enacting social roles, while on the other hand they retained a degree of agency. They were encapsulated in an honorific language and in a set of conventions that regulated their behaviour, but that at the same time offered them some room for manoeuvre.
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Roman Political Culture: Seven Studies of the Senate and City Councils of Italy from the First to the Sixth Century AD. Oxford University Press, 2020.
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Socio-political development of the Roman Empire in the first century - at the beginning of the third century A.D.: from "restored" republic to the Senate monarchy. Lviv, Ukraine: Lviv Ivan Franko National University Publishing Centre, 2009.
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Winter, Bruce W. Seek the Welfare of the City: Christians as Benefactors and Citizens (First-Century Christians in the Graeco-Roman World). Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1996.
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Hancock, James F. "The eastern Roman Empire and the rise of Venice." W Spices, scents and silk: catalysts of world trade, 157–71. Wallingford: CABI, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789249743.0013.
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Abstract Providing a situation of the eastern Roman Empire after Emperor Justinian died, the chapters also gives summary of the economic growth of various European countries in the middle ages. There were many other maritime republics that arose in Italy during the Middle Ages other than Venice. These included Genoa, Pisa, Ragusa (now Dubrovnik), Gaeta, Ancona and Noli. The most powerful were Genoa, Pisa and Amalfi, who carried on extensive trade across the Mediterranean and built strong navies for protection and conquest. Venice came to dominate Adriatic trade, while Pisa and Genoa focused their trade more heavily on Western Europe. Aside from these, it was also high time for the western maritime trade since the Black Sea area was particularly important to Constantinople as a source of grain, fish and salt, and to a much lesser extent spices and silks. Its importance as a source of spices and silk had been greatly diminished over the last century due to the unrest in Central Asia leading to the breakup of the Silk Routes and the shift in the spice trade from the Persian Gulf to the Red Sea resulting from the political instability of the Abbasid Caliphate. The chapters also gave a summary how the economic relations between Venice and the Byzantine Empire led to war and the sacking of Constantinople.
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James, Simon. "Zooming In Rome, the Middle Euphrates, and Dura". W The Roman Military Base at Dura-Europos, Syria. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198743569.003.0017.
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Dura-Europos was a product and ultimately a victim of the interaction of Mediterranean- and Iranian-centred imperial powers in the Middle East which began with Alexander the Great’s conquest of the Achaemenid Persian empire in the later fourth century BC. Its nucleus was established as part of the military infrastructure and communications network of the Seleucid successor-state. It was expanding into a Greekstyle polis during the second century BC, as Seleucid control was being eroded from the east by expanding Arsacid Parthian power, and threatened from the west by the emergent imperial Roman republic. From the early first century BC, the Roman and Parthian empires formally established the Upper Euphrates as the boundary between their spheres of influence, and the last remnants of the Seleucid regime in Syria were soon eliminated. Crassus’ attempt to conquer Parthia ended in disaster at Carrhae in 53 BC, halting Roman ambitions to imitate Alexander for generations. The nominal boundary on the Upper Euphrates remained, although the political situation in the Middle East remained fluid. Rome long controlled the Levant largely indirectly, through client rulers of small states, only slowly establishing directly ruled provinces with Roman governors, a process mostly following establishment of the imperial regime around the turn of the millennia. However, some client states like Nabataea still existed in AD 100 (for overviews see Millar 1993; Ball 2000; Butcher 2003; Sartre 2005). The Middle Euphrates, in what is now eastern Syria, lay outside Roman control, although it is unclear to what extent Dura and its region—part of Mesopotamia, and Parapotamia on the west bank of the river—were effectively under Arsacid control before the later first century AD. For some decades, Armenia may have been the dominant regional power (Edwell 2013, 192–5; Kaizer 2017, 70). As the Roman empire increasingly crystallized into clearly defined, directly ruled provinces, the contrast with the very different Arsacid system became starker. The ‘Parthian empire’, the core of which comprised Iran and Mesopotamia with a western royal capital at Ctesiphon on the Tigris, was a much looser entity (Hauser 2012).
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Bradley, Richard, Colin Haselgrove, Marc Vander Linden i Leo Webley. "Total Landscapes (250 BC to the Early Roman Period)". W The Later Prehistory of North-West Europe. Oxford University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199659777.003.0012.
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By the late first century BC, most of north-west Europe had been incorporated into the Roman Empire or had fallen under its shadow. This has profoundly affected how the late Iron Age is perceived and studied. Being able to view peoples and places through written sources and coin inscriptions means that the archaeology of the period is often approached very differently to those discussed in previous chapters, with greater emphasis on historical events and causality. The chronology encourages this. Late La Tène sites on the Continent can now be dated to within a generation or so, anchored by a growing number of dendrochronological fixed points (Kaenel 2006; Durost and Lambert 2007), although similar precision is rarely attainable in northern Europe or in Ireland and northern Britain, which rely largely on radiocarbon dating. The prevailing narrative for the late Iron Age in central Europe, Gaul, and southern Britain—essentially the areas that later became part of the Roman empire—is one of increasing hierarchy, social complexity, political centralization, urbanization, and economic development. These changes are seen as bound up with increasing contact with the Mediterranean world, leading up to the Roman conquests of the first centuries BC and AD. This is contrasted with the situation in northern Britain, Ireland, and ‘Germanic’ northern Europe, which are assumed to have been more tradition-bound and resistant to change. As we shall see, recent excavations do not necessarily contradict this narrative, but they do suggest that the picture is far more complex. Not all developments can be fitted into the story of growing social complexity, whilst to assume that Roman expansion was the most important factor at work at this period is to see events through the eyes of Classical writers (Bradley 2007). It is important to understand late Iron Age societies in their own terms, rather than just as precursors to provincial Roman societies. Many influential approaches to the period—from core–periphery models to the current emphasis on the agency of client rulers (Creighton 2000)—suffer from teleology as a result of having been constructed with half an eye to explaining the pattern of Roman expansion.
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Giardina, Andrea. "Marxism and Historiography: Perspectives on Roman History". W Marxist History-writing for the Twenty-first Century. British Academy, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264034.003.0002.
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Marxism has slowly declined in recent literature on the economic and social history of the ancient world. If one happens to run into the name of Marx or the term Marxism, it is generally within the context of polemical remark. In spite of recurrent attempts to resuscitate it as an ideal foil for anti-Communist polemic, Marxism made its final exit from the field of ancient historical studies in the 1960s, when new Marxist and Marxist-inspired historiography came to the fore. This chapter discusses the changing role of Marxism in Italian history-writing. It focuses on the historians who claim themselves as Marxists, and those who employ Marxist categories and draw on Marxist theory yet refuse to be defined as Marxists. The chapter examines the debates of the different groups on the historiographic phase marked by the circulation of Marxist concepts, analytical tools, and models outside the strictly Marxist milieu. One of the most striking aspects of this phase is the existence of a trend for the formation of research groups that shared not only an affinity or ideological adherence to Marxism, but also an interest in historical theory and a similar orientation in cultural politics. These interdisciplinary approaches stimulated the confluence of individual competences in group projects aimed at singling out new topics and developing investigational strategies. This historiographic phase also reflected a sense of community, a refusal of traditional academic hierarchies, a wish to keep individualism in check, and the rejection of erudite isolation. In Italy, these forms of association served as a means for ethical and political self-representation of cultural hegemony.
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Owen, John M. "Ideologies Are (Usually) Not Monolithic". W Confronting Political Islam. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691173108.003.0003.
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This chapter considers the second lesson that is relevant to political Islam and secularism today: ideologies are (usually) not monolithic. It first considers the situation in Europe in the early nineteenth century, when European conservatives claimed that the divide between republicanism and constitutional monarchism was a distinction without a difference. It then examines the dilemma faced by the House of Habsburg in Europe during the early seventeenth century: since Protestantism seemed to be polylithic, should they try to exploit divisions among the Protestants? The chapter proceeds by discussing the fault lines separating communists and socialists in the twentieth century before concluding with some reflections on the lessons that can be drawn from Western history for the United States in dealing with Islamists today. It suggests that whether Islamism is monolithic or polylithic is a question that matters, especially for U.S. foreign policy.
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Diamantides, Marinos, i Anton Schütz. "From Sovereignty to Negeschatology". W Political Theology. Edinburgh University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9780748697762.003.0002.
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In this chapter we argue, first, that, since early modernity and its political innovation (absolutism), the model and basis of any sovereign power that has been taken as just and trustworthy is built upon a precisely circumscribed postulate: the double fixture between a mundane potential to reign in emerging challenges and a spiritual belief that this super-power happens to be in the right hands, or on ‘the right side of history’. Secondly, we show how this occurred in a manner directly informed by the medieval religious canon's outline of the events due to take place at the end of times (eschatology, the doctrine of the Last Things). Comparing with the situation at the beginning of the 21st century, we find that this correlation has been done away with and, in its place, another, secularised paradigm has been put into place: one of permanent crisis and of mere coping with contingency by momentary measures accepted even before their specific features have been elucidated. Everything looks as if this new paradigm revoked the previous eschatological promise of something that holds out beyond the present horizon.
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Rüpke, Jörg. "Individual Decision and Social Order". W On Roman Religion. Cornell University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501704703.003.0003.
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This chapter looks at examples of individual interpretations of traditional priestly roles from the third until the first century BC. There was innovative behavior not only on the part of the plebeian Pontifices Maximi; among the patricians, there were also individuals who interpret a priestly role not in the traditional way but as a specifically religious role. Both case types demonstrate highly individual behavior. It seems that the actors intended to problematize the relationship between their priestly and political offices or to privilege a specific religious obligation over a political role. In each case, they did this by asserting the obligation of perfect religious performance. Basic, however, to these individual attempts to further develop given roles was a shared conviction: the religious framework of the Roman polity was to be provided by its patrician members in particular.
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ZUBAR, V. M. "Roman Military Units in Olbia". W Classical Olbia and the Scythian World. British Academy, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197264041.003.0013.
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Around the middle of the first century, Olbia was under siege from the Getae. It was either destroyed or abandoned shortly before its destruction. It was only inhabited at the turn of the first century AD. It is assumed that Roman interest over Olbia only started after the middle of the first century. This chapter discusses the existence of Roman military units in Olbia during the years AD 106–111. These military units were believed to be present in Olbia to protect the city from barbarian intrusion. This assumption is established by the existence of inscribed grave-monuments and epitaphs belonging to Athenocles, and the Bosporans: indications of the attempts of the Rome to maintain its political strength and to defend the city from barbarians. Accordingly, after the collapse of the Olbian-Samartian alliance, the Roman Empire provided occasional military aid to Olbian during the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian. Other evidences that provide proof of the dependence of Olbia to the military aid given by the Roman military units are the presence of a Roman legionary garrison in Olbia including Thracian dedicatory reliefs.
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Ershov, Bogdan. "Socio-Economic Situation in Russia in the 19th-Early 20th Centuries". W Political, Economic, and Social Factors Affecting the Development of Russian Statehood, 47–60. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-9985-2.ch003.
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This chapter discusses the processes of capitalization of Russia in the 19th century. It is shown that during the period of imperialism, quantitative and qualitative changes occurred in the composition and position of the Russian bourgeoisie. The economic face of the Russian bourgeoisie, as well as the bourgeoisie of other developed capitalist countries, revealed the most advanced forms of capital organization. But the structure of the upper strata of the Russian bourgeoisie was different from the Western European segment. Before the First World War, two types of Russian capitalists were distinguished, both in origin and in the form of exploitation and organization of capital. During the period of imperialism, Moscow gradually became monopolistic. The Moscow capitalist elite has not yet become a financial oligarchy, it has not created large corporations, and financial and industrial groups.
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Carbonneau, C.P., Robert E. "Gospel Zeal: Missionary Citizens Overseas and Armchair Missionaries at Home; American Catholic Missions in China, 1900–1989". W Roman Catholicism in the United States, 150–72. Fordham University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823282760.003.0008.
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This chapter deals with the American Catholic missionary movement in the twentieth century, which was dominated by a gospel-driven zeal to convert the Chinese. It examines two interlocking cohorts operating throughout the first half of the twentieth century. One group is the American citizens serving as missionaries in China. In addition to their national passports, spiritual citizenship in conjunction with the Holy See proved to be of paramount influence in the evangelization process. Oftentimes contentious, this fostered encounters between bishops and diplomats, priests, sisters, and laity and the local transnational political actors in China. The second group is the armchair missionaries. These important benefactors on the American home front first came to identify with associated events when they attended the dramatic departure ceremonies for missionaries proceeding on to China.
Streszczenia konferencji na temat "First century Roman political situation"
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Brych, Yaroslav, Taras Vasylenko i Maksym Pryhoniuk. "POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC SITUATION OF THE MUGHAL EMPIRE IN THE FIRST HALF OF THE XVI CENTURY". W MODALITĂȚI CONCEPTUALE DE DEZVOLTARE A ȘTIINȚEI MODERNE. European Scientific Platform, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/20.11.2020.v4.31.
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Natsvaladze, Mamuka. "“GREEK PROJECT” – CLUE TO THE HISTORY OF GEORGIA 50-90-IES OF XVIII CENTURY". W Proceedings of the XXIII International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25112020/7247.
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Global international project of the 70-80-s of the XVIII century envisaging a new distribution of Europe based on the areas of the Ottoman Empire is reviewed in the article. This topic acquires a final feature in a conceptual form in the correspondence between Catherine II and the Emperor of Austria and the Holy Roman Empire Josephus II under the name of "Greek Project". The article is a scientific fragment of a monograph, reviewing the Greek Project in regard of the Caucasus for the first time in historiography. Initially, Soviet historiography strictly separated itself from the Greek Project, since the objective research of the latter would ensure presenting the Russian Empire as an aggressive state. Afterwards, the research of this project was converted into a narrow political framework and presented as a plan to conquer Crimea. The Greek Project can be unequivocally considered as a key to the history of Georgia of 50-80-ies of the XVIII century. A number of studies have shown that numerous problematic questions remain unanswered until the present day without considering the Greek Project. Patience and tolerance shown by the King of Kartli - Kakheti Erekle II towards the Russian intrigues cannot be explained without the Greek Project. Georgia acquires qualitatively different and desired form of all time through the implementation of the Greek Project. The Greek Project is an attempt to create a Christian global political model, a political background that can serve as a precondition for the restoration of a real united Caucasian Home, ensuring a guarantee of irreversible development and security for all royal principalities and khanate in the Caucasus. This is the reason, the state oriented thinker Erekle II, avoids responding with aggression to the permanent intrigues of Russia. Erekle II tries to get involved in this great political game as a sovereign of a full-fledged political entity. Such attitude of Erekle is a guarantee of success for the Imperial Court of St. Petersburg. However, Russia chooses a completely different way - confronting Erekle's benevolent alliance with hostile, imperial sentiments. The main message of these sentiments is that a united Caucasus, independent Georgian kingdoms for Russia is considered to be an anti-Russian phenomenon. This consistent and hostile attitude towards the Caucasus became the reason for the failure of Russian policy - it could neither establish a model of Christian globalization nor neutralize the Ottomans. Therefore, the study and understanding of the referred problem is rather important to determine the directions and priorities of modern political processes.
Raporty organizacyjne na temat "First century Roman political situation"
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Tymoshyk, Mykola. LONDON MAGAZINE «LIBERATION WAY» AND ITS PLACE IN THE HISTORY OF UKRAINIAN JOURNALISM ABROAD. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, luty 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11057.
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One of the leading Western Ukrainian diaspora journals – London «Liberation Way», founded in January 1949, has become the subject of the study for the first time in journalism. Archival documents and materials of the Ukrainian Publishing Union in London and the British National Library (British Library) were also observed. The peculiarities of the magazine’s formation and the specifics of the editorial policy, founders and publishers are clarified. A group of OUN members who survived Hitler’s concentration camps and ended up in Great Britain after the end of World War II initiated the foundation of the magazine. Until April 1951, including issue 42, the Board of Foreign Parts of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists were the publishers of the magazine. From 1951 to the beginning of 2000 it was a socio-political monthly of the Ukrainian Publishing Union. From the mid-60’s of the twentieth century – a socio-political and scientific-literary monthly. In analyzing the programmatic principles of the magazine, the most acute issues of the Ukrainian national liberation movement, which have long separated the forces of Ukrainian emigration and from which the founders and publishers of the magazine from the beginning had clearly defined positions, namely: ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, the idea of unity of Ukraine and Ukrainians, internal inter-party struggle among Ukrainian emigrants have been singled out. The review and systematization of the thematic palette of the magazine’s publications makes it possible to distinguish the following main semantic accents: the formation of the nationalist movement in exile; historical Ukrainian themes; the situation in sub-Soviet Ukraine; the problem of the unity of Ukrainians in the Western diaspora; mission and tasks of Ukrainian emigration in the context of its responsibilities to the Motherland. It also particularizes the peculiarities of the formation of the author’s assets of the magazine and its place in the history of Ukrainian national journalism.