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OLIVEIRA, Emerson Ademir Borges de, i Marisa ROSSIGNOLI. "FEDERALISMO FISCAL NO BRASIL: DA TEORIA FEDERALISTA À CRISE ECONÔMICA". Revista Juridica 1, nr 54 (29.03.2019): 395. http://dx.doi.org/10.21902/revistajur.2316-753x.v1i54.3315.
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RESUMOEste trabalho objetiva discutir importantes momentos do federalismo brasileiro e apontar alguns elementos para o debate sobre as questões federativas em momentos de crise e queda da arrecadação conforme o vivenciado pelo Brasil. Primeiramente, prima por explorar a teoria federalista, seguida de um aprofundamento quanto ao federalismo fiscal brasileiro. Oportunamente, passa a estabelecer críticas ao modelo de federalismo fiscal centrífugo, mormente no contexto atual de crise econômica. Reconhece no sistema fiscal brasileiro um significativo impeditivo a um federalismo de equilíbrio, com a necessidade de busca de recursos pelos entes federativos em relação à União, situação geradora de distúrbios democráticos e problemas institucionais. O método é o dedutivo e a pesquisa bibliográfica. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Crise econômica; Distribuição vertical de recursos; Federalismo Fiscal. ABSTRACTThis paper aims to discuss important moments of Brazilian federalism and to point out some elements for the debate on federative issues in times of crisis and fall in revenue as experienced by Brazil. First of all, it is necessary to explore federalist theory, followed by a deepening of Brazilian fiscal federalism. It is expanded by considerations of revenue breakdowns, revenue unbundling, contribution creation, fiscal warfare, corrupting effects of the federal tax system, and taxpayer legal uncertainty. It recognizes in the Brazilian tax system a significant impediment to a balanced federalism, with the need to seek resources from the federative entities in relation to the Union, a situation that generates democratic disturbances and institutional problems. Opportunely, it begins to criticize the centrifugal fiscal federalism model, especially in the current context of economic crisis. The method is deductive and bibliographic research.KEYWORDS: Economic crisis; Vertical distribution of resources; Fiscal Federalism.
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Bobbio, Norberto. "Luigi Einaudi, Federalista / Luigi Einaudi, Federalist". Brazilian Journal of International Relations 3, nr 3 (4.11.2020): 548–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2014.v3n3.p548-565.
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O texto analisa o pensamento de Luigi Einaudi sobre o tema do federalismo europeu, tanto do ponto de vista dos diversos escritos einaudianos sobre o assunto quanto do ponto de vista da tradição do pensamento federalista europeu. Abstract: This paper analyzes the thought of Luigi Einaudi on the subject of European federalism, both from the point of view of various einaudianos written on the subject and from the point of view of the tradition of European federalist thought.
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Sousa, Karla Cristina Silva, i Alda Maria Duarte Araújo Castro. "Federalismo Cooperativo e Plano de Ações Articuladas (PAR) – algumas aproximações teóricas". Revista Educação e Emancipação 10, nr 1 (13.06.2017): 208. http://dx.doi.org/10.18764/2358-4319.v10n1p208-230.
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O artigo discute o federalismo brasileiro a partir da matriz teórica self rule plus shared rule, ou seja, o federalismo enquanto pacto. A partir desta matriz teórica defende-se que a política educacional voltada para dinamizar o pacto federativo na área educacional por meio do regime de colaboração por ora denominada de Plano de Ações Articuladas (PAR) constitui-se na realidade um mecanismo de center constraining aos subgovernos nacionais em que a União situa-se como a grande demos constraining do federalismo brasileiro, caracterizando-se um pacto incompleto.Palavras-Chave: Federalismo Cooperativo. Plano de Ações Articuladas. Pacto federativo.Federalism Cooperative and Action Plan Articulated (PAR) – some theoretical approachesABSTRACTThe article discusses the Brazilian federalism from the theoretical matrix self rule plus shared rule, ie federalism while pact. From this theoretical framework it is argued that the educational policy to streamline the federal pact in education through collaboration scheme now called Articulated Action Plan (PAR) constitutes in fact a center constraining mechanism to sub governments national where the Union stands as the great demos constraining the Brazilian federalism, characterizing na incomplete agreement.Keywords: Cooperative Federalism. Plan Linked Shares. Federal pact.Federalismo Cooperativo y Plan de Acciones Articuladas (PAR) – algunos enfoques teóricosRESUMENEl artículo discute el federalismo brasilero a partir de la matriz teórica self rule plus shared rule. O sea el federalismo como pacto. A partir de esta matriz teórica se defiende que la política educacional está encaminada para dinamizar el pacto federativo en el área educacional por medio del régimen de colaboración por ahora denominado Plan de Acciones Articuladas (PAR) se constituye en una realidad, un mecanismo de center constraining a los subgobiernos nacionales donde la unión se sitúa como la grande demos constraining del federalimo brasilero, caracterizándose un pacto incompleto.Palabras Clave: Federalismo cooperativo. Plan de Acciones Articuladas. Pacto federativo.
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Wagner, Richard E., i Akira Yokoyama. "Polycentrism, Federalism, and Liberty: A Comparative Systems Perspective". Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 31, nr 1 (1.04.2013): 179–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569213x15664519748668.
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Abstract Federalism is commonly thought to be a pro-liberty system of government, in contrast to a unitary system. Within a unitary system, people face but a single government that taxes and regulates. Within federal systems, however, people face two or more governments that tax and regulate. In light of this multiplicity of independent governments, it is reasonable to wonder why federalism is widely thought to be favorable to liberty. Whether federalism is or is not favorable to liberty depends on some institutional features of a federalist system. In particular, we distinguish between two systems of federalist governance: competitive federalism and cartel federalism. Where competitive federalism entails competition among all units of government, cartel federalism entails collusion among governments. Competitive federalism has a polycentric structure where no single government dominates the other governments. In contrast, cartel federalism has a monocentric structure that is dominated by the cartelizing unit of government.
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Herbert, Eti Best. "Application of Electricity Federalism in Nigeria: Drawing Inspiration from America". African Journal of International and Comparative Law 29, nr 2 (maj 2021): 223–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2021.0361.
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This paper examines the theory and practice of electricity federalism in the Nigerian federation. Although Nigeria is an American-styled federal entity, its practice does not reflect the true principles of federalism as practiced in America. Nigeria's electricity sector is a reflection of its imperfect practice of federalism. The effect is felt in the poor performance of the electricity sector, especially off-grid undertakings. Thus, this study turns to the practice of electricity federalism in the United State of America as a model federalist system from which Nigeria can draw inspiration towards a better practice of electricity federalism. Evidence from America demonstrates how fiscal federalism led to a robustly developed power sector. It is argued that, although constituent states of Nigeria have the legal capacity, they lack the wherewithal to develop robust off-grid electricity undertaking under the current federalist system. Hence, political restructuring that would ensure fiscal federalism is needful in Nigeria.
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López Chan, Oscar. "Análisis de diseño de políticas nacionales concurrentes desde la perspectiva del federalismo". Revista del CLAD Reforma y Democracia, nr 66 (1.01.2016): 67–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.69733/clad.ryd.n66.a119.
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The document proposes a focus to analyze the conformity of policy making of a national concurrent policy with the federalism. Two basic elements to the analysis are the categories structure y operating, furthermore the federal theory. The first is the formal structure of a federal system, and the second is its expected operating as federalism. This understanding allows identifying the features of policy making of national concurrent policies in a federal system, and building a policy design analysis model, called federalist perspective. The argued thesis is that in a federal system, the federated entities, as recognized partners, by own right can participate in the making of national concurrent policies. This participation is crucial to call its federals.
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Gluck, Abbe R., i Nicole Huberfeld. "Health Care Federalism and Next Steps in Health Reform". Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 46, nr 4 (2018): 841–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1073110518821977.
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The next steps in health reform, like all such efforts before it, will have to engage the issue of American health care federalism – the relationship between the federal and state governments in the realm of health law and policy. Since its enactment in 2010, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (ACA) has offered a robust example of modern federalism and revealed new complexities. This article recounts the findings of our five-year study of the federalist and nationalist features of ACA implementation. Contrary to the claims of ACA opponents that the law marked a federal “takeover,” the ACA's governance structures have advanced rather than suppressed state power. But we also found that the advances in state power occurred seemingly independently of the statute's structural arrangements; that is, the ACA's nationalist and federalist features both enhanced state power over health policy. These findings raise questions about whether cherished American federalism values are unique to federalist structures; they also raise the question of what exactly health care federalism is for, and why we continue to design health policy with federalism front and center. It is not clear that enhanced state power has brought better health policy. If it has not, is federalism for its own sake worth the trade-off?
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Liziero, Leonam Baesso da Silva. "Perspectivas do federalismo: contrastes entre o formalismo e a abordagem sociopolítica". Revista Justiça do Direito 31, nr 3 (23.01.2018): 506. http://dx.doi.org/10.5335/rjd.v31i3.7243.
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Perspectivas do federalismo: contrastes entre o formalismo e a abordagem sociopolítica
Resumo: Este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar o contraste entre a perspectiva jurídica do federalismo, essencialmente formalista, e perspectivas não-formalistas, como a sociológica e a política, aqui tratadas no mesmo conjunto. Deste modo, serão apresentadas, na perspectiva jurídica, considerações sobre as abordagens realizadas por Jellinek e Kelsen. Sob este ponto de vista, o federalismo é uma questão do direito constitucional de cada federação. Posteriormente, são apresentadas considerações teóricas desenvolvidas por Sidgwick e Riker, para os quais a questão do federalismo é política, bem como a de Livingston, para quem a abordagem sobre o federalismo deve ser antes de mais nada sociológica.
Palavras-chave: Estado federal. Federalismo. Formalismo. Jellinek. Kelsen. Livingston.
Federalism perspectives: contrasts between formalism and the socio-political approach
Abstract: This article aims to present the contrast between the juridical perspective of federalism, essentially formalist, and non-formalist perspectives, such as a sociological and a political one, treated here in the same set. In this way, we present, from a legal perspective, considerations on the approaches taken by Jellinek and Kelsen. From this point of view, federalism is a question of the constitutional law of each federation. Subsequently, theoretical considerations developed by Sidgwick and Riker, for which they are questionable by the federal government, as well as by Livingston, for whom an approach on federalism is first and foremost sociological.
Keywords: Federal State. Federalism. Formalism. Jellinek. Kelsen. Livingston.
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ZHENG, YONGNIAN. "Explaining the Sources of de facto Federalism in Reform China: Intergovernmental Decentralization, Globalization, and Central–Local Relations". Japanese Journal of Political Science 7, nr 2 (23.06.2006): 101–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109906002222.
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China does not have a federalist system of government. Nevertheless, with deepening reform and openness, China's political system in terms of central–local relations is functioning more and more like federalism. Federalism as a functioning system in China has been understudied. This paper defines the political system existing in China as de facto federalism, and attempts to explore the sources and dynamics of this de facto federalism. China's de facto federalism was mainly driven by two related factors, i.e. decentralization and globalization. This paper argues that while economic decentralization in the 1980s led to the formation of de facto federalism, globalization since the 1990s has accelerated this process and generated increasingly high pressure on the Chinese leadership to institutionalize existing de facto federalism.
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Fusco, Isabella Rose. "The Evolution of Canadian Federalism". Federalism-E 20, nr 1 (17.04.2019): 85–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v20i1.13175.
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Canadian federalism is the division of powers between the federal and provincial governments. This article will outline how over the course of almost 150 years federalism in Canada has evolved from centralized power in the federal government to equal voices between the federal and provincial states. The article will being by looking at the institutionalized authority of federalism within the constitution. The arguments to follow will examine how Canadian federalism slowly went from completely centralized power to equal authority amoungst the provinces. Outlining the evolution of Canadian federalims within Canada.
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Korolyov, G. "Slavic Federation and “Free Union”, or Ukrainian Debates on Federalism in the “Long XIX Century”". Problems of World History, nr 4 (8.06.2017): 86–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-6.
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The article describes the development and perception of federalism by Ukrainian intellectuals in the “long XIX century”. The genesis of federalist ideas in East Central Europe is highlighted under the influence of the Great French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars. Federalist projects of Masonic and Decembrist organizations were analyzed, which had a decisive influence on the Ukrainian debate on federalism; considered the interpretation of federalist utopias of the Cyril and Methodius’ Brotherhood, particularly his ideologist M. Kostomarov. The thesis on the intellectual interactions between various federalist ideas of Ukrainian intellectuals was proved. The federalist views of M. Dragomanov, who became one of the most outstanding federalist speakers in Europe, are highlighted in the context of nation-building. His project “Vilna Spilka-Volny Soyuz” (“Free Union”) is regarded as a classical federalist utopia.
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Nohr, Liam. "Reconciliatory Federalism". Federalism-E 24, nr 1 (28.04.2023): 4–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/federalism-e.v24i1.16267.
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In 2015, Canada saw a Liberal government form under the young and energetic leadership of Justin Trudeau. After a Conservative government under Stephen Harper, Trudeau set out to bring a ‘fresh and exciting’ vision of Canada that prioritized reconciliation with Indigenous peoples. Thus “reconciliatory federalism” was born. Since then, discussions between Indigenous leaders and the federal government have increased exponentially, yet the undertones of Canada’s colonial history still play an evidentiary role in Canadian federalism. This paper seeks to evaluate Trudeau’s “reconciliatory federalism” in relation to the scholarly literature pertaining to Indigenous self-determination and Canadian federalism. Moreover, using definitions of Kiera Ladner’s treaty federalism and Martin Papillon’s multi-level governance as a theoretical framework, I seek to investigate if Trudeau’s vision of reconciliatory federalism can bridge the two scholarly camps together. While treaty federalism argues for a top-down approach to establish a nation-to-nation relationship between Indigenous peoples and the state, multi-level governance argues for a bottom-up approach in which Indigenous peoples find multiple avenues within the existing federalist structure to integrate into. Using the examples of the Wet’sewet’en Cree First Nation and the Manitoba Métis Federation, I seek to contextualize the implications of reconciliatory federalism in relation to the two scholarly camps.
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Kincaid, John, i J. Wesley Leckrone. "Partisan Fractures in U.S. Federalism’s COVID-19 Policy Responses". State and Local Government Review 52, nr 4 (grudzień 2020): 298–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160323x20986842.
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The comparatively poor U.S. response to COVID-19 was not due to federal inaction or a flawed federal system per se but to party polarization and presidential and gubernatorial preferences that frustrated federalism’s capacity to respond more effectively. The U.S. response is examined in terms of four models: coercive or regulatory federalism, nationalist cooperative federalism, non-centralized cooperative federalism, and dual federalism--finding that state-led dual federalism was the predominant response. The crisis also raised questions about interpretations of “federal inaction” because party divisions led some to regard the federal government’s response as inadequate while others viewed it as appropriate.
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Masini, Fabio. "Perroux's 1949 Note sur la Politique Économique du Fédéralisme". HISTORY OF ECONOMIC THOUGHT AND POLICY, nr 1 (czerwiec 2024): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/spe2024-001004.
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L'Europe sans rivages, published in 1954 mostly as a reaction against Monnet's idea of functional Europe, is considered Perroux's most relevant (critical) contribution to European integration. Its final section contains critiques to unionism, functionalism, and federalism. His skepticism towards a functional strategy towards a federal Europe, though, was dependent upon the specific attitude of the most renown (especially French) federalist intellectuals to build a supranational actor that might become, in Perroux's eyes, protectionist and inward-looking, thus jeopardizing the perspectives for a genuine world integration. Perroux's book was allegedly targeting the Coal and Steel Community established in 1951 and the process towards a European Defense Community that, although unanimously agreed upon, would soon be failing the ratification process. An unpublished typewritten Note on the Economic Policy of Federalism dated February 9th, 1949, addressed to Alexander Marc (Secretary General of the Union of European Federalists) challenges this interpretation, and helps understanding that Perroux had been working on these arguments much earlier. Together with a letter that Perroux sent at the end of 1949 to Ambassador Eirik Labonne and Jacques Racine (both reproduced at the end), such archival material further highlights the role that federalism played in Perroux's reflection on the economics of dominance.
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TANRISEVER, OKTAY F. "Why Are Federal Arrangements not a Panacea for Containing Ethnic Nationalism? Lessons from the Post-Soviet Russian Experience". Japanese Journal of Political Science 10, nr 3 (30.10.2009): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109909990065.
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AbstractFederal arrangements have been considered by some thinkers as a panacea for containing ethnic nationalism in the ethnically defined regions. This article challenges this view by arguing that federal institutions may enable ethnic nationalists in the ethnically defined regions to consolidate their power through the guarantees that they receive from the federal centre. Although the post-Soviet Russian leadership under Boris Yeltsin sought to use federalism as a tool for containing ethnic nationalism, Russia's this experiment with federalism demonstrates that federalism may serve not to contain but to strengthen ethnic nationalism. Disillusioned with Yeltsin's failed use of federalism in containing ethnic nationalism, the overwhelming majority of the Russian people supported Vladimir Putin's anti-federalist reforms since 2000 which made federalism redundant in Russia. While undermining the basis for Western style democracy in Russia, Putin's centralism proved to be more effective than Yeltsin's federalism in containing ethnic nationalism.
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Chioke, Stephen Chinedu. "Anatomy of Nigerian Federalism: A Reflection of the Nagging Challenges and Prospects from A Cultural Relativist Perspective". PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, nr 2 (30.08.2021): 232–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i2.3237.
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There is a dearth of reliable literature that appropriately coined and conveyed the conceptual framework of federalism, scarcity of reliable information that analytically x-rayed the structural arrangement of Nigerian federalism, and challenges militating against the expected gains of federalism and the prospects thereof. The paper relied on qualitative methods like document analyses, personal experiences, key informant interviews, and discussions in generating relevant data that were thematically presented and resultantly analyzed using content analysis. The results show that there are works of literature that wrongly conceptualized federalism. Police brutality, political godfatherism, corruption, secession, revenue allocation problem, sectionalism, and conflicts were among the predominant challenges facing Nigerian federalism. Furthermore, the results show that sustainable development and efficient service delivery are part of the prospects. The paper concluded that many Nigerians do not have an adequate understanding of the nitty-gritty of federalism. As a corollary to this, destructive tendencies have troubled Nigerian federalism, making the center epileptic. The study for policy and practice implies that Nigeria, the largest populated country of Africa, has continued its federalist operations on the side of very low cohesion and unification of existing ethnic groups.
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Bresolin, Keberson, i Vitor Elias Sanches Gonçalves. "Federalism". Revista Opinião Filosófica 15, nr 1 (23.05.2024): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36592/opiniaofilosofica.v15n1.1133.
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The aim of this paper is to engage in a meticulous examination of Federalism as it manifests in the concrete socio-political landscapes of the United States, Brazil, and Germany, juxtaposed against its theoretical conceptual framework. To embark on such an ambitious endeavor, it is incumbent upon us to elucidate Federalism's etiological roots, multifaceted complexities, and operational mechanisms. In the course of this scrutiny, we shall assert that Federalism, despite the empirical heterogeneities that inherently characterize it, emerges as an indispensable paradigm for contemplating issues of pluralism, the devolution of authority, and the nurturing of regional identities. The corpus of this work is structured into five distinct segments: the first section is an exposition on the historical genesis of Federalism in the United States; the subsequent segment turns its focus to the conceptual underpinnings and philosophical provenance of Federalism; the third segment encompasses a detailed survey of Brazilian Federalism, sketching a historical trajectory that spans from the proclamation of the Republic to the post-military regime redemocratization; the fourth segment is consecrated to an analysis of the German model of Federalism. In our concluding remarks, we shall accentuate the intrinsic virtues of Federalism, extolling its capacity to expedite localized policy-making and administrative governance, safeguard regional and minority identities, and stymie the ascent of autocratic and dictatorial regimes. The first, third, and fourth sections engage in a jus-historical and philosophical inquiry, while the second and the ultimate sections tackle the normative-conceptual dimension and our interpretative exegeses, respectively.
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Hueglin, Thomas. "Federalism at the Crossroads: Old Meanings, New Significance". Canadian Journal of Political Science 36, nr 2 (czerwiec 2003): 275–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423903778639.
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Federalism has remained a contested concept. The constitutional certainties of the modern federal state are under attack from confederal practices of negotiated agreement. Such practices have their traditional roots in the political theories of Althusius and Montesquieu. The central argument of this article is that the American Federalists broke with that older tradition and deliberately misinterpreted Montesquieu along the way. Consequently, the predominant reading of federalism emphasizes federal supremacy over the idea of a social compact among equal partners, territorial representation dominates over the recognition of social community, and the allocation of divided powers is guided by national prerogatives rather than regionally differentiated policy needs. Recent trends towards a more collaborative form of federalism indicate that the old model of constitutional federalism may be replaced by new practices of treaty federalism.
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DEEG, RICHARD, i SUSANNE LÜTZ. "Internationalization and Financial Federalism". Comparative Political Studies 33, nr 3 (kwiecień 2000): 374–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414000033003004.
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In this article, the authors examine some effects of economic internationalization on state structures, especially in regard to the distribution of power and authority within federalist systems. Using an institutional rational choice model, they analyze changes in financial regulation and market structures in Germany and the United States. The focus is on the financial realm because of its high degree of internationalization and because, in both countries, financial markets and regulation have historically exhibited federalist traits. The findings indicate that internationalization has led to significant convergence in financial market structures and regulation across the two countries and that in each case this convergence has been accompanied by centralization of financial regulatory authority. Although both the German type of cooperative federalism and the U.S. model of competitive federalism proved to be vulnerable to the growing international pressures, the two countries took different paths of change that reflected differences in domestic institutions. Thus, the authors conclude that convergence is, and will likely remain, of a limited nature.
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Karapin, Roger. "Federalism as a Double-Edged Sword: The Slow Energy Transition in the United States". Journal of Environment & Development 29, nr 1 (12.11.2019): 26–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1070496519886001.
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Much literature on federalism and multilevel governance argues that federalist institutional arrangements promote renewable energy policies. However, the U.S. case supports a different view that federalism has ambivalent effects. Policy innovation has occurred at the state level and to some extent has led to policy adoption by other states and the federal government, but the extent is limited by the veto power of fossil fuel interests that are rooted in many state governments and in Congress, buttressed by increasing Republican Party hostility to environmental and climate policy. This argument is supported by a detailed analysis of five periods of federal and state renewable energy policy-making, from the Carter to the Trump administrations. The negative effects of federalism on national renewable energy policy in the United States, in contrast to the West European cases in this special issue, are mainly due to the interaction of its federalist institutions with party polarization and a strong domestic fossil fuel industry.
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LaCroix, Alison L. "Federalists, Federalism, and Federal Jurisdiction". Law and History Review 30, nr 1 (luty 2012): 205–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248011000654.
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Historians and legal scholars generally agree that during John Marshall's tenure as chief justice of the United States Supreme Court from 1801 to 1835, the federal judiciary expanded its power to interpret the Constitution and asserted with increasing force its authority to speak on behalf of the Union. This single story of judicial nationalism, however, contains two distinct and largely non-overlapping strands. Historians have tended to focus on the Supreme Court alone, to the exclusion of the lower federal courts, and have largely treated early national controversies over the lower federal courts as outgrowths of the political turmoil that accompanied the emergence of the first party system. Legal scholars in the fields of federal courts and constitutional law, meanwhile, have devoted significant attention to the lower federal courts but have largely neglected the history of how those courts developed beyond the key early moments of the Constitutional Convention and the First Congress.
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Zuckert, Michael P. "Federalism and the Founding: Toward a Reinterpretation of the Constitutional Convention". Review of Politics 48, nr 2 (1986): 166–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500038511.
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The issue of federalism at the Constitutional Convention was considerably more complex than it is normally taken to have been, and most of the prevailing understandings of the settlement of the federalism issue in the Constitution suffer from failing to appreciate that complexity. There were at least six rather distinct versions of federalism “on the table” in Philadelphia; most found embodiment in one or another of the major plans before the Convention, although two of the schemas that are especially important for understanding the final Constitution have gone almost entirely unrecognized because they were not incorporated in separate comprehensive plans. Neither the older view that the Constitution's federalism is a “bundle of compromises” nor the currently popular view that it is essentially a nationalist document with some few federal reservations holds up when examined in the light of the “federalisms” at the Convention.
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Bickerton, James. "Deconstructing The New Federalism". Canadian Political Science Review 4, nr 2-3 (8.10.2010): 56–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/2010225.
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The appearance or imminent arrival of a ‘new federalism’ has been a repeated theme in the study of federal-provincial relations in Canada and in the pronouncements of Canadian governments. At the same time, there clearly is a strong path dependency effect that acts as a check or limitation on the scope of change that federal governments can accomplish, leaving Canadian history littered with the corpses of ‘new federalisms’ that have never been realized. While there is much that separates recent scholarly interventions on the new federalism, all recognize the need to restore a greater measure of political legitimacy and functionality in federal-provincial relations by building consensus on rules and norms of behavior. This paper surveys the history of ‘the new federalism’ as a political strategy and program, and analyzes the competing interpretations of the concept that are currently on offer. I conclude that policy challenges looming on the horizon will demand a coordinated and multilevel response from governments, making it likely that whatever new federalism emerges will continue the trend toward shared jurisdiction and policy-making, rather than disentanglement.
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Monroy Hernandez, Claudia Liliana. "De Federalismo a Regeneración. El Paso de Estados Soberanos a Departamentos Político – Administrativos". HiSTOReLo. Revista de Historia Regional y Local 4, nr 7 (1.01.2012): 218–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/historelo.v4n7.12379.
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El artículo pretende mostrar cómo fue la transición de Estado Soberano de Boyacá a Departamento Político Administrativo durante la Regeneración entre 1886 y 1903. El proceso estuvo acompañado por una serie de reformas de carácter económico, político y social, que consolidaron un nuevo proyecto de unidad nacional a partir de la Constitución de 1886. La Regeneración se presenta como un proyecto político que transformó las relaciones entre el Estado y la sociedad, el cual afectó también la autonomía regional como consecuencia de una dependencia con el gobierno central. Es una fase donde se evidencia el paso de un sistema federalista a otro centralista, con miras a construir un modelo de ciudadano que respondiera al ideal de construcción de una nación unitaria. La autora se apoya en fuentes periodísticas como el Diario Oficial, El Boyacense, El Espectador, entre otros, y por una amplia bibliografía sobre el Federalismo y la Regeneración.Palabras clave: Federalismo, Regeneración, Unidad Nacional, centralización político–administrativa. From Federalism to Regeneration: From Sovereign States to Political and Administrative Department. Boyacá, 1886-1903AbstractThis paper aims to show the transition from Boyacá Sovereign State to Political and Administrative Department during the Regeneration period from 1886 to 1903. This process was accompanied by a set of economic, political and social reforms. These reforms consolidated a new national unity project based on the Constitution of 1886. The Regeneration was presented as a political project that changed the relations between State and society. This project also affected regional autonomy as a result of a dependency on central government. Regeneration is a stage where going from a federal system to a centralist one becomes evident, in order to build a model of citizen that responds to the dreamed construction of a unitary nation. The author bases her work on journalistic sources such as the Diario Oficial, El Boyacense, El Espectador, among others, and on a large bibliography on Federalism and Regeneration.Keywords: Federalism, Regeneration, National Unit, political and administrative centralization.
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Kochetkov, E. E., V. Tomić i E. V. Bestaeva. "Ethno-Federalism and Political Modernization in Malaysia". Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 12, nr 2 (31.05.2022): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2022-12-2-11-21.
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The subject of the article is the ability of ethno-federalism to effectively respond to the challenges of modernization. The authors refer to the case of Malaysia, one of the Asian countries that are relatively successful in practicing the principles of ethno-federalism in state administration. The scope of this work is to find out the adaptive capabilities of the Malaysian model of ethno-federalism to changing conditions and the intensity of political processes. We show the general institutional, historical, ethnopolitical, and social reasons for the inertial resistance to the growing tendencies to change the existing system of relations between the Federation center and the regions. We paid significant attention to the fundamental connection of the regime characteristics with the limitation of federalist practices, the stability of interethnic relations, and confessional consensus. We concluded that ethno-federalism in Malaysia has become a factor in maintaining political stability in the country and an obstacle to the avalanche-like process of liberalization of domestic policy.
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Liziero, Leonam Baesso da Silva. "O FEDERALISMO NO IMPÉRIO BRASILEIRO: DA CONSTITUIÇÃO DE 1824 AO ATO ADICIONAL DE 1834 / FEDERALISM IN THE BRAZILIAN EMPIRE: FROM THE 1824 CONSTITUTION TO THE ADDITIONAL ACT OF 1834". Revista Diorito 1, nr 1 (1.08.2017): 112. http://dx.doi.org/10.26702/rd.v1i1.25.
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RESUMOO artigo tem como objetivo demonstrar como o federalismo estava presente na Carta Imperial de 1824, ainda que formalmente o Brasil fosse um Estado unitário. Deste modo, demonstrará como alguns antecedentes desta Constituição foram determinantes para o desenvolvimento de instituições que caracterizaram o Estado constitucional brasileiro em sua gênese, com a tetrapartição dos poderes. Posteriormente, estudará algumas mudanças ocorridas a partir de 1831 que culminaram com a reforma de 1834, em que o Brasil assumiu uma estruturação próxima de um Estado federal. Neste sentido, será verificado se o federalismo estava presente enquanto essência nas instituições constitucionais, apesar de não estabelecido constitucionalmente. Trata-se, neste caso, de uma pesquisa ainda em andamento. Palavras-chave: Federalismo. Estado federal. Ato Adicional de 1834. ABSTRACTThe article aims to demonstrate how federalism was present in the Imperial Constitution of 1824, although formally in Brazil was a unitary state. In this way, it will demonstrate some antecedents of this Constitution were determinants for the development of institutions that characterize the Brazilian constitutional State in its genesis, with a tetrapartition of the powers. After, we will see some changes that have taken place since 1831, culminating in the 1834 reform, in which Brazil assumed a structure close to a federal state. In this sense, it will be verified whether federalism was present as an essence in constitutional institutions, although not established constitutionally. This is, in this case, a research still in progress. Keywords: Federalism. Federal State. Additional Act of 1834.
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Juhász, József. "Ethno-federalism: Challenges and opportunities". Medjunarodni problemi 57, nr 3 (2005): 245–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp0503245j.
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The study analyses the role of federalism in solving the national and ethnic conflicts. From this point of view it describes the main types of modern federal state: mononational (e.g. USA, FRG), multiethnic (Switzerland, present-day Russia) and multinational forms (former socialist federations, present-day Bosnia-Herzegovina). Hereafter the study outlines the most important views which appeared in the modern political thinking about the role of federalism in solving the national and ethnic conflicts. It refers to the messianistic federalist ideologies, to the French republican tradition, and to the American liberal approach. Furthermore it describes the main characteristics of socialist federations, briefly analyses the causes of their disintegration. Finally the study sums up the most important stabilizing factors of ethno-federations.
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Greene, Francis R. "Madison's View of Federalism in "The Federalist"". CrossRef Listing of Deleted DOIs 24, nr 1 (1994): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3330704.
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Leandro, José Geraldo. "Federalismo e Políticas Públicas: uma breve organização sobre a configuração federativa e o funcionamento da política de saúde no México". Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 10, nr 3 (23.12.2016): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v10i3.21861.
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Resumo Este trabalho objetiva apresentar um panorama geral sobre o processo de configuração do federalismo mexicano e suas implicações para a distribuição das competências entre os três níveis de governo do país. Abordamos os principais aspectos históricos de constituição das instituições federativas mexicanas, assim como sua configuração atual, e apresentamos o modo como a política pública de saúde está organizada, no que diz respeito às atribuições dos níveis de governo. De maneira específica, portanto, a problemática sobre a qual este texto se debruçou pode ser resumida com as seguintes perguntas: de que modo as responsabilidades e competências pelo desenho, financiamento e implementação desta política estão organizadas no âmbito do Estado Mexicano? As características federativas mais gerais do país contribuem para a configuração interfederativa desta política?Palavras-chave: Federalismo; Competências e Responsabilidades Intergovernamentais; Política de Saúde; México.***Federalism and Public Policy: a brief organization of the federative setup and operation of health policy in MexicoAbstractThis paper aims to present an overview of the configuration process of the Mexican federalism and its implications for the distribution of powers between the three levels of government in the country. We address the main historical aspects of the constitution of the Mexican federal institutions, as well as its current configuration, and present how the public health policy is organized, with regard to the tasks of government levels. Specifically, therefore, the issue on which this text is addressed can be summarized with the following questions: how the responsibilities and competencies for the design, financing and implementation of this policy are organized under the Mexican State? Do the more general federal characteristics of the country contribute to the interfederative configuration of this policy?Keywords: Federalism; Intergovernmental powers and responsibilities; Health policy; Mexico. ***Federalismo y Políticas Públicas: una breve organización de la configuración federativa y el funcionamiento de la política de salud en MéxicoResumenEste texto tiene como objetivo presentar una visión general del proceso de configuración del federalismo mexicano y sus implicaciones para la distribución de las funciones entre los tres niveles de gobierno en el país. Nos dirigimos a los principales aspectos históricos de la constitución de las instituciones federales de México, así como su configuración actual, y presentamos cómo la política de salud pública se organiza, con respecto a las tareas de los niveles de gobierno. En concreto, por lo tanto, la cuestión sobre la que se dirige este texto se puede resumir con las siguientes preguntas: ¿Cómo las responsabilidades y funciones para el diseño, financiación y ejecución de esta política se organizan en el marco del Estado mexicano? Las características federativas más generales del país contribuyen a la configuración interfederativa de esta política?Palabras clave: Federalismo; Competencias intergubernamentales y responsabilidades; Política de salud; México.
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Johnson, Summer. "Federalism, Federalism Everywhere". American Journal of Bioethics 8, nr 11 (11.12.2008): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15265160802565820.
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Schmidt, Vivien A. "France Between Étatiste Tradition and the American Federalist Model". Tocqueville Review 21, nr 1 (styczeń 2000): 73–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/ttr.21.1.73.
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Like it or not, the federalism that France, with its etatiste tradition, had so long eschewed is now gaining ground. Rather than coming from across the Atlantic, however, it results from the increasing encroachments of the European Union, which resembles the U.S. model of federalism both in its quasi-federal institutional structures and pluralist policymaking processes, although it is admittedly very much sui generis. And France, having so long resisted any federalist challenges to central authority from below, now finds it undermined from above, by the very European entity of which it was one of the principal architects.
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Suberu, Rotimi. "Does Federalism Matter in Africa?" Federal Governance 15, nr 2 (4.10.2019): 36–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fg.v15i2.13373.
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The academic study of federalism is somewhat unfashionable in Africa, where formal institutions are often regarded as superficial, ephemeral and ineffective, while informal norms, networks, processes and practices are considered to be the real bedrock and substance of politics. Indeed, for decades, a “neo-patrimonial theoretical framework” or “institution-less school” has been the prevailing paradigm for analyzing African governance and politics (Cheeseman 2018, 10-12). As a concept, neo-patrimonialism focuses on the pathologies of personal, “big man” rule, corruption, predation, patron-client networks and other informal ruling mechanisms in Africa. African structures of personalist rule and relations, in this neo-patrimonial conceptual framework, have little or no place for formal federalist institutions of self-rule, shared rule, and limited rule. Consequently, federalism is often regarded as irrelevant, unviable, or invariably doomed to degradation, extinction, and administrative, fiscal, and political recentralization in Africa’s neo-patrimonial governance eco-system. “In short,” in the words of a leading scholar of decentralization in Africa, “federalism can hardly matter where [formal] institutions themselves have little import” (Dickovick 2012, 3).
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Smith, Jennifer. "Canadian Confederation and the Influence of American Federalism". Canadian Journal of Political Science 21, nr 3 (wrzesień 1988): 443–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900056778.
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AbstractHow did the Fathers of Canadian Confederation understand United States federalism? What lessons did they presume to draw from it and how did they apply them to the Confederation project? In this article, James Madison's comprehensive test of federalism, as set out in the thirty-ninth paper ofThe Federalist, is used as a tool to examine the Canadians' views of American federalism, particularly in relation to the questions of state sovereignty and the role of an upper chamber. The article suggests that their preoccupation with the threat of state sovereignty led them to concentrate on division of powers issues and, as a result, to pay little attention to the federal possibilities of a second chamber. And it concludes that, because they were working with a parliamentary model of government, not a republican one, these possibilities were not—and are not now—as promising as some political scientists suggest.
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Fontes, Paulo Vitorino. "Amaral, Carlos E. P. (coord.) Federalismo em tempos de renacionalização. Coimbra: Edições Almedina, 2019, 305 p. ISBN: 978-972-408924-6". Mural Internacional 11 (15.09.2020): e53185. http://dx.doi.org/10.12957/rmi.2020.53185.
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Em tempos de novos nacionalismos e autoritarismos, surge esta obra coletiva, abrangente e interdisciplinar que nos apresenta o federalismo enquanto sistema político capaz de corresponder aos desafios da contemporaneidade. A proposta federal, que é pouco compreendida nos dias de hoje, poderá responder aos novos desafios, tanto a nível interno, na estruturação dos Estados, como a nível externo, europeu e internacional, na configuração de novas comunidades políticas.Palavras-chave: Federalismo; Estado; Europa.ABSTRACTIn times of new nationalisms and authoritarianisms, this comprehensive and interdisciplinary collective work presents federalism as a political system capable of corresponding to the challenges of contemporaneity. The federal proposal, which is poorly understood today, will be able to respond to new challenges at both an internal level, in the structuring of States, and an external, European and international one, in the configuration of new political communities. Key words: Federalism; State; Europe. Recebido em: 28 jul.2020 | Aceito em: 01 set.2020.
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Huberfeld, Nicole, Sarah H. Gordon i David K. Jones. "Federalism Complicates the Response to the COVID-19 Health and Economic Crisis: What Can Be Done?" Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 45, nr 6 (24.08.2020): 951–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/03616878-8641493.
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Abstract Federalism has complicated the US response to the novel coronavirus. States' actions to address the pandemic have varied widely, and federal and state officials have provided conflicting messages. This fragmented approach has surely cost time and lives. Federalism will shape the long-term health and economic impacts of COVID-19, including plans for the future, for at least two reasons: First, federalism exacerbates inequities, as some states have a history of underinvesting in social programs, especially in certain communities. Second, many of the states with the deepest needs are poorly equipped to respond to emergencies due to low taxes and distrust of government, leading to inadequate infrastructure. These dynamics are not new, but they have been laid bare by this crisis. What can policy makers do to address the inequities in health and economic outcomes that federalism intensifies? The first section of this article offers a case study of the Mississippi Delta to illustrate the role of federalism in perpetuating the connection between place, health, and economics. The second section examines challenges that safety net programs will face when moving beyond the acute phase of COVID-19. The final section explores near-, middle-, and long-term policy options to mitigate federalism's harmful side effects.
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Pla López, Rafael. "Solución Sistémica a los Conflictos Nacionales". Revista Internacional de Sistemas 21, nr 1 (20.02.2018): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/ris.21.1.10834.
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Resumen - Se analiza cómo desarrollar una solución sistémica a los conflictos nacional articulando autodeterminación y solidaridad a través de un federalismo fractal.Abstract – How to develop a systemic solution to national conflicts is analyzed by articulating selfdetermination and solidarity through a fractal federalism.
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Nathan, Richard P., Daniel J. Elazar, Donald F. Kettl, Paul E. Peterson, Barry G. Rabe, Kenneth K. Wong, J. Edward Benton i David R. Morgan. "Old Federalism/New Federalism". Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 7, nr 3 (1988): 565. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3323737.
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Young, Cheryl D., i Robert Stein. "Rejoinder to Hero". American Review of Politics 13 (1.07.1992): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1992.13.0.237.
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Rodney Hero’s discussion of “A Federalist Explanation of Municipal Elections” is filled with thoughtful comments and criticisms. Many of his assertions directly support our own pronouncements while others prompt us -- and, hopefully, our readers -- to rethink the idea of federalism and its relationship to municipal elections.
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Inman, R. P. "Federalism's Values and the Value of Federalism". CESifo Economic Studies 53, nr 4 (11.01.2008): 522–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cesifo/ifm018.
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Levy, Jacob T. "FEDERALISM AND THE OLD AND NEW LIBERALISMS". Social Philosophy and Policy 24, nr 1 (18.12.2006): 306–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052507070136.
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The transition from a relatively federal to a relatively centralized constitutional structure in the United States has often been identified with the shift from classical to welfare liberalism as a matter of public philosophy. This article argues against that distinction. The liberal argument for federalism is a contingent one, built on approximations, counterbalancing, and political power. A more federalist constitution is not automatically a freer one on classical liberal understandings of freedom. Neither is a more centralized constitution automatically a better match with the ideals of welfare liberalism. The article sketches a constitutional history of federalism from the founding, through an era in which centralization was aligned with skepticism about liberal constitutionalism (for both meanings of liberal), to an era in which centralization was aligned with increases in liberal freedom (for both meanings of liberal).
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Shahid, Zubair. "Federalism in Pakistan: Of Promises and Perils". Perspectives on Federalism 7, nr 1 (1.11.2015): 117–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2015-0006.
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Abstract This paper presents the case of Pakistan, which is also broadly illustrative of the issues concerning federalism and subnational empowerment in developing countries characterized by unconsolidated political systems and enhanced constitutionalism. In the course of the analysis, this paper examines the dynamics and determinants of federalist/subnational politics in Pakistan, the formal constitutional and ordinance frameworks stipulated in support of federalism and subnational governance. The analysis shall be focused on the Local Governments Ordinance of 2001 and the 18th Constitutional Amendment, as these have been the most substantive attempts at subnational constitutionalism that were instituted under opposing political systems, and the extent to which they have enabled greater prospects for a stable federation while also examining the challenges that the radical departure under the 18th Constitutional Amendment put forth.
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Meldolesi, Luca. "Una nota per la riforma dello Stato: quarta libertŕ e federalismo democratico". RIVISTA TRIMESTRALE DI SCIENZA DELL'AMMINISTRAZIONE, nr 1 (lipiec 2009): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sa2009-001002.
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- As a comment (on "The Forth Freedom", 2007) and anticipation (of "Democratic Federalism", 2009), this article, drawing from those monographies by the Author, carves its hypothesis out of a comparison between the European and the "New World" administrative traditions. Italy was largely imbued by the franco-prussian étatisme of the 18th and 19th centuries; and even developed a peculiar variety of it, based on "assistenzialismo" and the "theft and police" game. Since the end of the 19th century, however, and, more recently, since the second world war, Italy experienced a strong and rising tendency toward "autonomism" and regionalism, which eventually brought to a constitutional reform in 2001. According to it, Local Institutions and the central State should be considered on the same footing: a central proposition that may open the way to the development of "democratic federalism". The article addresses numerous policy issues (on cultural, pedagogic, administrative, outcome, working, benchmarking etc grounds) that rapidly may induce that desirable transformation.Key words: Public Innovation; Freedom; Federalism; Administrative Tradition; Western Autonomy; Local Government. Parole chiave: Innovazione pubblica; Libertŕ; Federalismo; Tradizione amministrativa occidentale; Autonomia; Regionalismo
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Ukomadu, Chidi, i Latoya Uzoukwu. "FEDERALISM IN NIGERIA: INTERROGATING THE STATUS OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT AS THE THIRD TIER OF GOVERNMENT". Social Science and Law Journal of Policy Review and Development Strategies 10, nr 1 (4.04.2023): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.48028/iiprds/ssljprds.v10.i1.04.
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Federalism which is the sharing of power between two or more levels of government but mostly between the centre and states in most mature federalisms of the world. Federalism in Nigeria has been at a cross-road, owing mostly to the long military interregnum with its centrist nature which made Nigeria’s federalism appear unitarist. This has affected the status of local government in Nigeria as an autonomous tier of government. This was compounded by the 1979 and 1999 Constitutions, bequeathed the nation by the retreating military governments of Olusegun Obasanjo and Abdulsalami Abubakar respectively, which gave the local governments autonomy with right hand and handed it over to the states with the left hand. This paper aims at critically interrogating the status of local government as a distinct and autonomous tier of government in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, the researchers adopted Content analysis, where they reviewed the works of other researchers, academics and experts in the concept of federalism and drew conclusions. Based on the findings available from the reviewed literature, the research concluded that the local government in Nigeria is not a tier of government but could at best be described as ‘a quasi tier’ of government, as it is neither autonomous financially, administratively or politically nor completely under the control of the states.
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Ackerman, Lucy. "Tenth Amendment". Federalism-E 20, nr 1 (17.04.2019): 44–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v20i1.13178.
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This paper argues that the Tenth Amendment was a beneficial compromise between the Federalists and the Anti-Federalists, and as a result the Amendment is not a truism, but instead integral to securing state sovereignty and protecting the integrity of federalism. The paper begins by describing the historical context for the inclusion of the Amendment and the framers’ reasoning for its inclusion. The paper continues on to evaluate the Amendment from its conception until present day. The paper refutes the Amendment as a truism, displaying how the Supreme Court has significantly developed the relevance and use of the Amendment through two major time periods: the interwar period and the years following the Supreme Court case Schechter Corp. v. United States. A variety of Supreme Court cases, peer reviewed articles, and recently published news articles are employed to illustrate the Amendment’s development and relevance to federalism in the United States.
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Robertson, James. "Imagining the Balkans as a Space of Revolution: The Federalist Vision of Serbian Socialism, 1870–1914". East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, nr 2 (4.04.2017): 402–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417701815.
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Between the years 1870 and 1914, leftist intellectuals in the Kingdom of Serbia theorized and promoted a project of Balkan Federation as a strategic priority in the social, economic, and political transformation of the region. This article offers a genealogy of these federalist ideas and places them in dialogue with rival projects of regional unification in the Balkans and Eastern Europe during the long nineteenth century. It begins by developing a typology of federalist projects in Europe, categorizing these according to the underlying models of sovereignty upon which they were founded. I identify four categories: revolutionary-republican, imperial-reformist, imperial-irredentist, and revolutionary-social. Instead of organizing these federalisms according to their authors’ ideological commitments (socialist, nationalist, pan-Slavic) or their geographic scope (Balkan, Danubian), the article argues that examining their respective models of sovereignty offers intellectual historians a more productive approach to identify the unexpected convergences and divergences of federalist projects during this period. The article then moves into a discussion of the development of Serbian socialist ideas of Balkan Federation, beginning first with the work of Svetozar Marković (1846–1875) and then turning to the writings of the fin de siècle Social Democratic Party in the decade before World War I. Situating this genealogy of socialist Balkan federalism in its broader European intellectual milieu, I use the above typology to identify the ways in which Serbian socialists converged and diverged from contemporary federalist projects, including the reformist ideas of the Austro-Marxists, the irredentist strategy of the Serbian Progressive Party, and the republican ideas of Karel Kautsky.
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Wagner, Richard E. "Design vs. Emergence in a Theory of Federalism: Toward Institutional Reconciliation". Journal of Public Finance and Public Choice 32, nr 1 (1.04.2014): 197–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251569214x15664520275138.
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Abstract It is common to think of federalism as a governmental arrangement that entails competition among governments. Thinking this way, however, is problematic. A competitive system is generally associated with the notion of polycentricity, as illustrated by a market system of free and open competition. The structure of such a system emerges through a competitive process and changes continually as that process operates. By contrast, a federalist system of governments is typically designed as against being emergent, and with that design involving some assignment of powers, duties, and competencies among the member governments. A genuinely competitive federalism must thus be designed in such a fashion as to mirror the workings of a spontaneously generated order. While it is comparatively easy to think of competition among a horizontal array of governments, it is more difficult to do that when those governments are nested within a vertical array of governments. Furthermore, the problem of the anti-commons comes into play in dealing with federal systems because the inalienability of property rights within governmental entities works to stifle the continual adaptation in governmental structure that a genuine system of competitive federalism requires.
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Chen, William. "The Impact of Canadian Federalism on Telecommunications Infrastructure Development". Federalism-E 21, nr 2 (1.05.2020): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v21i2.13993.
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This paper examines Canadian federalism's impact on broadband telecommunications infrastructure development in Canada by discussing the limits of the federal telecommunications regulatory sphere in relationship to provincial policy frameworks. I argue that the extensive centralization of federal regulatory powers over telecommunications has not been meaningfully leveraged to promote a national policy approach to telecommunications development. Telecommunications infrastructure development is further frustrated by vastly divergent regulation of right-of-way by provincial regulators and municipalities. As a consequence, telecommunications infrastructure development has become the domain of provincial governments. This paper further considers the emergence of a regime of competitive federalism and province-building through policy experimentation by provincial governments in the absence of meaningful fiscal and collaborative federalism.
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Chang, Felix B. "Roma Integration ‘All the Way Down’". Critical Romani Studies 1, nr 1 (13.04.2018): 62–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.29098/crs.v1i1.1.
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This article argues that critical Romani studies should examine the EU’s top-down policies of Roma integration as an exercise in federalism, since the EU’s quasi-federalist structure both accommodated and co-opted the fight for Roma rights. To bolster its analysis, this article draws comparisons to the actions of the United States (“U.S.”) federal government during Civil Rights. Of course, both Roma integration and Civil Rights are still inchoate projects. However, the longer arc with which scholars have assessed Civil Rights, including its periods of progress and retrenchment, can help develop a framework for predicting how Romani rights within the EU’s federalist system might fare during similar cycles. Three lessons flow from the comparison. First, integration policies spurred by the top rung of the federalist architecture can foment a populist backlash, especially if disparities in competence or enforcement prompt deficits in legitimacy. Second, governmental efforts are necessary for integration but not sufficient; they must work in tandem with advocacy at the grass-roots level. Finally, pushing federalism “all the way down” to incentivize local experimentation with Roma policies might counteract obstructionism to Roma integration at the national level, but this is not a panacea. Local experimentation might take the form of self-governing districts and economic set-asides, but they can just as easily permit local institutions to perpetuate exclusion and marginalization.
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LIEBERMAN, ROBERT C., i JOHN S. LAPINSKI. "American Federalism, Race and the Administration of Welfare". British Journal of Political Science 31, nr 2 (20.03.2001): 303–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123401000126.
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Recent studies of American federalism have emphasized the division of government functions between the national government and the states. But the effects of federalism depend not only on the balance of functional authority but also on the structure of federalist institutions. The institutional structure of Aid to Dependent Children, created by the Social Security Act of 1935, comprised a system of state operational control unhindered by federal supervision. The effect of this federal bargain was the exclusion of African-Americans from welfare benefits in the South. But the federal structure of the programme also shaped implementation in the North, where decentralization allowed its capture by urban machines, which used welfare as a political benefit. New techniques for ecological inference establish these results. Administrative institutions structured the entry of African-Americans into the American welfare state and created the conditions for the welfare ‘crisis’ of the 1960s and later.
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Korotina, Natalya. "Institutionalism of economic federalism relations". Socium i vlast 1 (2021): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/1996-0522-2021-1-32-40.
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Introduction. The article deals with the problem of institutionalism of economic federalism relations. The institutional approach to studying economic federalism makes it possible to study economic federalism as a complex structured institution based on describing the interaction of the existing institutions of federalism, its structures and mechanisms. The purpose of the article is to consider economic federalism from the standpoint of the institutional approach. Methods. In the article, the author uses general scientific methods of analysis and synthesis, deduction and induction in the context of applying the institutional approach when studying the economic federalism relations. Scientific novelty. In the article, for the first time, the author highlights the elements of institutional regulation of the economic federalism system; has introduced the criterion for dividing the economic federalism institutions into formalized and non-formalized ones. Results. The author justifies the possibility of using the institutional approach when studying economic federalism, formulates the concept of “institution of federalism”, discloses the content of the institutional regulation of federal relations, presents for the first time the institutional design of the economic federalism system in terms of identifying subject areas and functions of economic federalism institutions, the spheres of institutionalization of economic federalism and economic consequences of institutional regulation. The author introduces the criterion of universality, which makes it possible to divide the institutions of economic federalism into formalized and non-formalized ones. Conclusions. The system of economic federalism presupposes the presence of institutions as stable norms, rules, procedures, organizational mechanisms governing the interaction of federalism participants, which gives the relations of economic federalism an institutional setting. Institutions of federalism both restrict and stimulate the dayto-day action of its participants. For the effective functioning of the economic federalism system, it is necessary to search for the optimal ratio of formalized (universal) and non-formalized (electoral) federalism institutions.