Gotowa bibliografia na temat „Family policy – history”

The article analyzes the changes in the state policy towards women in the Republic of Uzbekistan and its main stages, the creation of the necessary legal and social guarantees for women, as well as state measures to solve social problems among women. It also highlights the responsibilities of the Mahalla and Family Support Ministry towards women.

This article suggests that Weber's cosmopolitan dimension has much to do with his extended family history, which has been relatively neglected even though it influenced his world view and oeuvre in significant respects. It first sketches the cosmopolitan family context and then turns to Weber's political and scholarly agenda, especially the little-known story of his strong political and professional engagement in the battle over exchange reform in the eighteen-nineties.

The article deals with the analyses of the content and main directions of the struggle of the Soviet state security bodies against the so-called anti-Soviet element in 1944-1953 based on declassified archival documents. On the example of Jolea’s family from the city of Izmail, Izmail region, is represented a multifaceted picture of the life of the average family of the region in the postwar punitive and repressive policy of the Soviet government, which caused many human tragedies: loss of relatives, forcible severance of family ties, destruction of established way life. The consequences of these repressions for decades in advance determined complex and contradictory processes and significantly affected the psychology of the post-war generations of Izmail region.

A country's family policy reflects, either directly or indirectly, the attitude of government, parliament and society to the family as an institution. The way in which a government deals with families, whether it gives them financial support, and why and how it does so, reveals the objectives of its family policy, and also ultimately its population policy.

Family history has become a matter of concern for both academics and policy makers in recent years. During the same period oral history has emerged as a method used in many scholarly studies. For some it is a discipline in its own right, for some it is a technique to be used field by field, while for others it is viewed as a part of the popular culture. After the television adaptation of Alex Haley's somewhat controversial but highly influential book, Roots, use of genealogical materials at the Library of Congress increased markedly, giving a real boost to the popular pursuit of the past. This article will discuss the role of oral history in the documentation and interpretation of family history.

Every single government which accepts the reality that “healthy nations comprise of healthy citizens” choose to make reforms in the healthcare systems that they are responsible to govern, in the frame of policies they have adopted. The most extensive action in the last 20 year of Turkish Republic in this context is Health Transformation Programme (HTP). “Family Physician Model” is one the significant steps through the purpose of abolishing the obstacles in front of access to health care services, which is one of the main aims of HTP. In this study, it is aimed to present a critical perspective by revealing the main reasons to adopt family medicine as a fundamental political choice, taking a glance at the history of family medicine, examining the changes created by family medicine and giving place to the views of shareholders.Keywords: family physician, healthcare, health policies, primary health care services, policy analysisÂ

History
Ph.D.
Prior to World War II, the typical American Soldier was young and unmarried. As the old saying in the service went: if they wanted you to have a wife, they would have issued one to you. Today’s servicemember is most likely married and we customarily thank our military families in the same breath as those who wear the uniform. This dissertation is the story of how “support our troops” came to encompass the broader community of military families and how this fundamentally changed the military. Rooted in cultural and gender history, my dissertation argues that changing gender roles in the domestic sphere (i.e., fatherhood, motherhood, breadwinner, and homemaker) had a profound impact on martial roles in the military world, and vice versa. In the postwar era, as domestic roles were beginning to change, more and more married men enlisted in the Army and the Marine Corps, forcing the services to craft policies to accommodate families. Large numbers of married men in uniform was a new development in the United States, and my dissertation shows how marriage transformed civil-military relations. My dissertations addresses questions that are crucial to both the history of the military as well as American cultural life in the second half of the twentieth century. Just as military life became more family friendly, and as the services expanded opportunities for women, far fewer Americans overall chose to share in the burden of national service. Although military policymakers crafted policies to make military life more attractive, they contributed to its further isolation from the broader population by providing generous social services for military families increasingly inaccessible to other American families. Embedded within these contradictions is the story of what it meant to be an American after the Vietnam War.
Temple University--Theses

The United States of America was founded on imperialist ideals that favoured European protestant values and blood. Meanwhile the Native peoples of the lands on which the very country was founded were treated as a “problem”. In times of conflict children are often the most vulnerable group, suffering great trauma and distress. This paper has outlined the origins of policies that would exploit and traumatise Native American children by removing them from their families, effectively violating their rights. Evidence is presented through historical analysis that these practices are so ingrained in the American political system that is was with relative easy that contemporary policies were passed, that would violate the human rights of Indigenous blooded immigrant children by forcibly separating them from their parents and subjecting them to subhuman conditions in migrant detention centers along the US-Mexico border.

The United States has one of the highest teen pregnancy rates among developed countries and ranks third overall in rates of teen pregnancy out of thirty countries in the Organization for Economic Cooperative Development, OECD (UNICEF, 2007). However, as a country we are spending an enormous amount of money on teen pregnancy prevention programs. For example, the Office of Adolescent Health has implemented grant funding opportunities for teen pregnancy prevention programs and provides approximately $105 million to states to design these programs. These programs include personal responsibility education and abstinence only education (http://www.hhs.gov/ash/oah/oah-initiatives/tpp). If we are spending this much on these programs, why do we still have one of the highest teen pregnancy rates among developed countries? Based on what we have learned from current prevention efforts, the goal of this dissertation is two-fold, to introduce alternative theoretical approaches for prevention design and test determinants and protective factors of sexual risk-taking in adolescence. To obtain these goals, this dissertation was written using the three paper option that contains a theoretical paper and two empirical papers that test hypotheses of determinants of sexual risk-taking in adolescence and possible factors that protect youth from engaging in sexual risk-taking, such as school-wide communication and sexual education. The theoretical paper introduces alternative theoretical approaches to not only target individual behavior that may be risky, but also target the contextual constraints in which teens are operating. The empirical papers analyze possible determinants and protective factors for sexual risk-taking in youth.

Rural society during the German National Socialist movement has been overlooked by most historians. Instead the urban elements are stressed. I have chosen to study the impact of National Socialism upon peasant families.Three major limitations exist for this project. First, only the peasant family itself is reviewed. Second, this project is concerned only with the years from 1925 through 1339. Third, this project limits its review to only that territory comprising Germany after World War I. This was done to allow for a more equal comparison of agricultural statistics.The construction of this project remains simple. Three major chapters exist. Chapter One reviews the Republic: its politics, economy, and the problems of the peasant family. The remaining chapters then review these problems as they were resolved by the National Socialists. Chapter Two reviews the family itself: family size, health, inheritance, and social status. Chapter Three reviews farm-management: production, mechanization, labor, and prosperity. Both chapters are divided into two parts: part one reviews the new policies; part two reviews the impact.The findings of this project were different than expected. I had expected to find minimum improvement in the condition of peasant families. Instead, I discovered that, in general, these policies failed in their objectives. The reasons for these failures differed. But much of the blame rests in faults of the laws themselves. Final results, however, were mixed. Farm-management improved slightly, but the family itself witnessed reduced health. The average family was not destitute, but neither did it prosper.
Department of History

The Title X Family Planning Program (Public Law 91-572), enacted by President Richard Nixon in 1970, provides federal funds for voluntary, confidential family planning services to all women, regardless of their age or economic status. This federal legislation aspired to prevent unintended pregnancies and poor birth outcomes to those in most need. However, over the past three decades, Title X has faced political, financial and social challenges. Despite its enormous success in improving the health and well-being of women and children by decreasing unintended pregnancies, the need for abortions and providing key comprehensive preventive services, without a newfound political will similar to that during which it was conceived, the future of Title X may be in jeopardy. This study grounded theoretically and methodologically in a feminist policy analysis approach, critically examined the maturation of Title X by employing a mixed methodology design that consisted of a thematic analysis on Title X's legislative history and the conduction and analysis of oral histories. In Phase I, themes were extracted from the federal bills included in Title X's legislative history, which assisted in the identification of the issues that this policy has endured. In Phase II, a semi-structured interview guide was developed based upon the themes and findings from the thematic analysis as well as from pre-determined constructs from McPhail's Feminist Policy Analysis Framework, to explore key informants' perceptions, recollections and experiences regarding the Title X program. By examining Title X through a feminist lens, various issues were exposed and critically examined, including issues that are typically ignored by traditional policy analyses. Moreover, understanding the historical underpinnings and evolutions of a policy and recognizing past failures and achievements are necessary in order to make informed future decisions. Implications for research, practice and policy are discussed.

The purpose of this study has been to find out if the Christian Democratic Party of Sweden have changed their policy in their fundamental questions of value. In order to do this, I have based my study upon the following two questions: 1. How did the Christian Democracy's view and politics look at the issue of abortion? 2. How did Christian Democracy's family policy and view of family look like? The reason for choosing these two issues – the Christian Democratic Party’s abortion stance and family policy – is because these two issues are the founding core of the ideology that is known as Christian democracy – family and dignity. In order to answer my questions, I have chosen to go through parliamentary bills at the website of the swedish parliament. There I found bills from the Christian Democratic Party in the issues of abortion and family between the years 1985 and 1998. I have chosen a qualitative method and with that method dived into the archives of the swedish parliament. The reason for chosing a qualitative method has been because that method relies on the possibility of reaching results by analyzing words rather than numbers, which is preferable as this study intends to analyze and interpret what Christian Democratic MPs have written in their parliamentary bills. With the qualitative method, I have gone through the motions and focused on writing about abortion legislation and the right to life when it comes to abortion, and staying in daycare versus children in home care when it comes to family policy. The study shows that the Christian Democratic Party of Sweden did infact radically change in some core issues like the abortion stance when, for example, they supported the abortion legislation. They have also increasingly come to focus on the abortion and pregnancy prevention work. The Christian Democratic family policy, however, has proved to be more consistent, although here too, some pragmatism has been shown, for example when it comes to testing the need for child allowance for certain groups.

Habilitacijos procedūrai teikiamų mokslo darbų tikslas – apibendrinti istorinius tyrimus, kuriuose analizuojamos ideologijos, turėjusios esminį poveikį lietuvių šeimos raidai nuo XIX a. pradžios iki XX a. 8-ojo dešimtmečio. Tyrimuose nesiekiama nuodugniai išanalizuoti teorinių ideologijos aspektų. Darbuose ji suprantama kaip dominuojanti konkretaus istorinio laikotarpio vertybių sistema, įtvirtinanti ir įteisinanti tam tikras šeimos gyvenimo ir tarpasmeninių santykių normas. Tyrimuose pristatomos trys šeimos gyvenimo vertybių sistemos, kurias propagavo XIX a. tradicinės lietuvių bendruomenės normos, XIX a. pab.–XX a. pr. nacionalistinė lietuvių šeimos ideologija ir 1944–1970 m. Lietuvoje vykdyta sovietinė šeimos politika. XIX a. lietuvių bendruomenėje tokia vertybių sistema buvo glaudžiai susijusi su paprotine teise, patriarchaliniu kaimo gyvenimo būdu ir Katalikų bažnyčia. Jų poveikyje iki pat XIX a. 9-ojo dešimtmečio pradžios lietuvių bendruomenėje dominavo visuotinai pripažįstama ir vertinama privataus gyvenimo forma – santuoka su tos pačios socialinės ekonominės grupės nariu ir sėslus žemdirbio šeimos gyvenimas. XIX a. pab.–XX a. pr. lietuvių nacionalizmas atvėrė naujas asmeninio ir privataus gyvenimo lietuvių bendruomenėje galimybes. Tačiau jei XIX ir XX amžių sandūroje Vakarų Europos valstybėse buvo diegiama pronatalistinė šeimos politika, tai lietuvių nacionalistams rūpėjo tautiškai susipratusių partnerių šeima. Tuo tarpu 1944–1970 m. sovietinė ideologija diegė šeimos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
The aim of the research is to analyze the most important ideologies of Lithuanian family since the beginning of the XIXth century to the 80s of the XXth century. Ideology is understood here as a value system that has crucial impact on family and interpersonal relations, and is internalized by the family. Accordingly, three family value systems are under the research scrutiny. The first one was related to the XIXth century traditional Lithuanian family. The second one evolved as a consequence of Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century. Finally, the third family ideology was based on the Soviet family policy during the period 1944–1970. Family life in the XIXth century Lithuanian community was based on the Lithuanian common law, the teachings of Catholic Church and patriarchalism as a way of living. These norms influenced interpersonal realtionships in the traditional Lithuanian community and legitimized the only possible way of living, that of marriage with a partner from the same social group and a sedentary life of a farmer. On the other hand Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century led to new ideas of family life and interpersonal relationships. Hovewer, even though Lithuanian nationalists desired to promote a nationally “pure” family, they did not treat it as an exclusively reproductive institution. Lithuanian ideology emphesized interpersonal relationships within the family instead of reproduction. Lithuanian nationalists believed that the... [to full text]

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In 1994, Campina Grande-PB was one of the first municipalities in Brazil to implement the Family Health Program. Years later became the Family Health Strategy to be recognized as important for the construction of a new model of health care from the reorganization of primary care services. This study aimed to reveal the impressions of professional pioneers of the Family Health Program in Campina Grande, in the light of oral history. This is a qualitative research method was used to oral history. Participated as ten professional staff, top-level teams of five members of the pioneering Family Health Program in Campina Grande-PB. After Corpus analysis four themes emerged: The pioneering teams and the hope of realizing the SUS by the family health strategy; The development of the PSF in Campina Grande - 1994 to 2006; PT management in the health and viability of the Health Family as a model of attention, desires, achievements and limitations; The Family Health Strategy after PT management: from disillusionment to hope. Through the analysis it was observed that the pioneer group of Family Health of Campina Grande had the brand of militancy in defense of the NHS and the principles of health reform, coupled with political and ideological training. Chasing the utopia of turning into a family health care model. This hope was strengthened by the reversal of some epidemiological indicators. In the second main theme was possible to recognize an intense mobilization of professionals. With his performance created the Association of Professional Family Health of Campina Grande, implanted the local health councils and built expectations of achieving social rights arising from social pressure. The strengthening of the category could be in parallel with the conflict with the managers on behalf of Family Health. These conflicts directly involved managers who just showed up prepared and knowledgeable family health project. In the third thematic area it was found that the entry of a health worker in the office of secretary of health professionals had revitalized their hopes of advancing to the Family Health and SUS. Despite advances employees show the limits of the management PT. The fourth theme is the cooling of the class forces, the dismantling of the professionals and significant decrease of the coping capacity of local government. After more than a decade of struggle employees express disenchantment with the current health management. However, most appear to be hopeful about the progress of SUS and Family Health. In designing a new health history in the city expects to rely on the strength of the new professionals working in family health teams and with the support of the population.
Em 1994, Campina Grande-PB foi um dos primeiros municípios do Brasil a implantar o Programa Saúde da Família. Anos mais tarde tornou-se Estratégia Saúde da Família por ser reconhecida como importante para a construção de um novo modelo de atenção à saúde a partir da reorganização dos serviços da atenção básica. Este estudo teve por objetivo revelar as impressões dos profissionais pioneiros da Estratégia Saúde da Família em Campina Grande, à luz da história oral. Trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa que utilizou como método a história oral temática. Participaram como colaboradores dez profissionais, de nível superior, integrantes das cinco equipes pioneiras do Programa Saúde da Família do município de Campina Grande-PB. Após a análise do corpus documental emergiram quatro eixos temáticos: As equipes pioneiras e a esperança da concretização do SUS por meio da estratégia saúde da família; O desenvolvimento do PSF em Campina Grande – 1994 a 2006; A gestão petista na saúde e viabilização do Saúde da Família como modelo de atenção: desejos, avanços e limitações; A Estratégia Saúde da Família após a gestão petista: do desencanto à esperança. Mediante a análise observou-se que o grupo pioneiro do Saúde da Família de Campina Grande teve a marca da militância em defesa do SUS e dos princípios da Reforma Sanitária, somados à formação político-ideológica. Perseguiam a utopia de transformar o Saúde da Família em um modelo de atenção. Essa esperança se fortaleceu com a reversão de alguns indicadores epidemiológicos. No segundo eixo temático foi possível reconhecer uma intensa mobilização dos profissionais. Com sua atuação criaram a Associação de Profissionais de Saúde da Família de Campina Grande, implantaram os conselhos locais de saúde e construíram expectativas de alcançar os direitos sociais, decorrentes da pressão social. O fortalecimento da categoria dava-se em paralelo com os conflitos com os gestores em defesa do Saúde da Família. Esses conflitos envolviam diretamente os gestores que pouco se mostravam preparados e conhecedores do projeto saúde da família. No terceiro eixo temático verificou-se que a entrada de um sanitarista no cargo de secretário de saúde os profissionais tiveram revitalizadas as suas esperanças em fazer avançar o Saúde da Família e o SUS. Apesar dos avanços os colaboradores mostram os limites da gestão petista. O quarto eixo temático trata do arrefecimento das forças da categoria, a desarticulação dos profissionais e a significativa queda da capacidade de enfrentamento do poder local. Depois de mais de uma década de luta os colaboradores expressam o desencanto com a gestão da saúde atual. Porém, a maioria mostram-se esperançosas em relação aos avanços do SUS e do Saúde da Família. No desenho de uma nova história da saúde no município esperam contar com a força dos novos profissionais que atuam nas equipes de saúde da família e com o apoio da população.

AbstractChild support policies aim to ensure separated parents continue to pay for the upkeep of their children until they reach adulthood. This is a laudable aim, often related to alleviating poverty in single parent families following relationship breakdown. There is a long policy history of this in most Western countries, but the institutional and operational challenges are considerable as policies try to keep pace with changes in family relationships, household structures, and gendered patterns of employment and childcare. Tracking changes in parents’ earning and caring responsibilities therefore matter in determining child support liabilities. The question is, how well are child support systems doing in adapting to social changes and norms of gender equality? To answer that, this chapter presents an analysis of the latest data from a comparative study of 15 countries using national informants’ accounts of the key policy principles and operational features of their child support systems.

AbstractThe size, structure, and productivity of populations have been major issues in politics since the emergence of the state in history. When the now-developed countries experienced the first wave of fertility decline, they reacted with population policy, including family policy, to counteract the looming reduction of national populations. After World War II, the opposite fear of global overpopulation started to dominate international discourse and population control became a model for national development. In our chapter, we ask whether this paradigm left room for a family policy. We analyse three major UN population conferences as platforms of interdependence and sketch how the two contrasting cases of China and Kenya have signalled commitment, criticism, or distance from global norms and whether their national policies mimicked global models.

AbstractOver the past 3,000 years, speakers of the Ateker family of languages in East Africa chose various strategies to respond to periods of climate change including the end of the African Humid Period and the Medieval Climate Anomaly. Some Ateker people made wholesale changes to food production, adopting transhumant pastoralism or shifting staple crops, while others migrated to wetter lands. All borrowed new economic and social idea from neighbors. These climate-induced changes in turn had profound social and political ramifications marked by an investment in resilient systems for decentralizing power, such as age-classes and neighborhood congresses. By integrating evidence from historical linguistics and oral traditions with paleoclimatological data, this paper explores how a group of stateless societies responded to climate change. It also considers whether these cases complicate concepts such as “collapse” and “resilience” that are derived from analyses of mostly state-centric climate histories.

Abstract This chapter aims to discuss the link between migration and welfare in Bulgaria. Firstly, it presents the main characteristics of the Bulgarian welfare system and discusses access to social benefits for resident and non-resident nationals, and resident non-nationals. Secondly, it examines Bulgaria’s migration history and key migration policy developments. Finally, the chapter provides a detailed analysis of access to social benefits of these different groups across five policy areas – unemployment, health care, family benefits, pensions, and guaranteed minimum resources – and the links to Bulgaria’s migration policy.

Abstract This chapter presents the main characteristics of the Italian social security system, on the one hand, and Italian migration history and key policy developments, on the other hand, in order to analyze the principal eligibility conditions for accessing social benefits (unemployment, health care, pensions, family benefits and guaranteed minimum resources) for national residents, non-national residents and non-resident nationals.

The problem of banning induced abortion as one of the tools of Stalin’s demographic policy attracted the attention of many researchers studying the demographic history of the USSR. The bulk of historians and demographers have come to a unanimous conclusion about the harshness, ineffectiveness and harmfulness of the ban. At the same time, such a complex problem as communication between civil society and the political regime in the field of demographic dynamics is left unattended. This study reveals a latent, but still acute conflict between civil society and the political regime, disclosing the mechanism of civil society resistance to the prohibition of artificial termination. The indisputable victory of the family as the key element of civil society is demonstrated.

Recognition of the growing homogeneity of the Irish teaching body (Keane & Heinz, 2016), and increasing awareness of the positive impact a more diverse teaching population have on disadvantaged and diverse students’ educational engagement, has precipitated an Irish policy response which has included funding a university foundation course (FC) which supports students who are underrepresented in teaching, to progress into initial teacher education (ITE).There is a dearth of empirical research on who is accessing these interventions, and how these students differ from those who ‘usually’ apply to and enter ITE directly. Consequently, in September 2018, twenty FC students and eighteen students from the direct entry group completed an on-line survey in order to compare the demographic make of both groups.The results of the descriptive analysis indicate that students utilising the ITE FC are more diverse in ethnicity, disability status and academic history, and have greater levels of disadvantage in terms of family history of education and family occupation than those entering ITE directly. These results highlight the value of utilising alternative entry routes to ITE, and their potential to support those disadvantaged and underrepresented to take the initial step into ITE.

В статье рассматриваются вопросы истории изучения памятника изобразительного искусства Речи Посполитой раннего Нового времени, историографически связанного с Тверским княжеским домом. The article raises questions related to history of studying a piece of fine art made in the Polish– Lithuanian Commonwealth in the early modern period which has historiographic relation to Tver princely family.

<p>Following the first prize in a two-stage limited design competition, the Anglo-German team of Knight Architects and Schüßler-Plan Berlin have developed two new bridges which will be the central part of the Berlin-Kostrzyn-Gorzów railway modernisation programme: one is over the River Odra crossing the German- Polish border and the other crosses the river floodplain on the German side.</p><p>The team’s solution for the main crossing is an elegant network arch spanning 130m. The majestic steel structure, with its crown positioned above the axis of the state border, will be a landmark that will not only highlight the importance of the location but will be also a welcoming gesture to everyone traveling between the countries. The smaller “Odervorflut” bridge, located 500m west uses the same architectural language as the main bridge creating a family of slender and elegant structures.</p>

This study endeavours to investigate the impact of economic contexts on the resilience strategies adopted by family businesses in Italy and Poland. Through a comparative analysis of these two countries' family-owned enterprises, the research aims to elucidate the divergent approaches to achieving organizational resilience amidst varying economic landscapes, thereby uncovering the underlying mechanisms driving resilience in both developed and transitioning economies. Drawing on data collected from 30 Italian and 30 Polish companies, this study examines the similarities and differences in the configurations of past firm performance, organizational unlearning, slack resources, innovation, and environmental dynamism, employing the fsQCA approach. The findings highlight distinct patterns in the factors shaping organizational resilience within each context. In Italian companies, the study reveals that heightened organizational resilience is primarily linked to the ability to discard outdated processes through effective organizational unlearning, alongside the presence of ample slack resources. Conversely, in Polish companies, a multifaceted approach encompassing adaptability to dynamic environments, effective unlearning practices, innovation initiatives, and a history of strong past performance emerges as crucial for fostering resilience.

In the contemporary era, the intersection of history, technology, and the politics of memory has grown increasingly vital. Nations with technological prowess wield history as a potent tool to shape present ideologies. This dynamic has intensified ideological battles in the digital domain, where virtual policies can diverge from reality. Memory institutions, governmental and private, have harnessed digital platforms to disseminate their interpretations of history, often linked to political agendas. While these institutions hold significant sway, they remain underexplored in Russian academia. Developing post-Soviet states have established institutions such as the Polish Institute of National Remembrance and the Hungarian Historical Service to shape historical narratives. These entities emerged after the USSR's dissolution or the EU's formation, infusing an anti-Soviet stance into the politics of memory. This has led to the rise of "post-truth" journalism, distorting historical truths for narrative purposes. However, the need for similar institutions in Russia remains an underexplored topic in academic circles. Visual documents play a crucial role in sociological exploration, offering glimpses into historical realities. While often overlooked within Russia, they have been used abroad for political and ideological purposes. Addressing this void, the State Archive Service of the Samara Region published a two-volume documentary collection on the 1921-22 famine, providing a crucial resource for scholars. Russian researchers possess a distinct advantage in accessing archival materials, enabling them to counter myths and influence memory politics. Their engagement safeguards historical memory and shapes societal values. Western researchers, despite challenges, employ digital platforms extensively, influencing narratives disproportionately.

When after WWI Poland regained its independence, in the need to repair war damage the young state saw an opportunity to modernize and visually unify the country after a century of tripartite partitions. The difficult housing conditions severely affected the officers and non-commissioned officers (NCO’s), as the garrisons were established anew and the personnel did not have lodgings from the pre-war times and did not have the funds to purchase them. In 1925, an act was passed establishing the Military Housing Fund with a budget of 140 million polish zotych. In the years 1927-1934, the Fund built 542 houses. One of the mottos of the organization was: to provide sunlight, water supply, sewage systems and bathrooms in all apartments. This guiding principle about hygienic living and the strict economic requirements naturally put military construction on the path of modernism. Modernism was also deprived of any historic connotations and internationally popular, making it the ultimate tool of Europeanization - reducing the difference between Poland and Western Europe.Due to the rank of the institution and the propagandist significance of its investments, the Ministry of Military Affairs often had prestigious locations at its disposal. Many of the designs for these plots were selected through open competitions, leading to the selection of top-class solutions, thanks to the participation of the most important polish modernist architects of the interwar period: R. Gutt, J. Szanajca and B. Lachert. The campaign of housing construction was concentrated mainly in Warsaw, where the percentage of officers and NCO’s in the garrison was high - due to the tasks performed in the Ministry. Guided by the principle of economics of house construction and space ergonomics in the arrangement of apartments, in Warsaw the Fund built mainly multi-family buildings bearing fruit in the form of solutions that have ever since been cited as the canon of Polish modernism. Adhering to these standards typical layouts were worked out for swift and healthy construction and repeated throughout the country. This way, the best cosmopolitan patterns in the second half of the 1930s, when the construction was booming, were also transferred to smaller garrisons, contributing to the modernization of the deep provinces.Apart from the lack of housing, the military and their families suffered from pulmonary diseases and rickets resulting from poor living conditions. In order to remedy these problems, the Fund also dealt with the construction of sanatoriums, hospitals, physical education centers, as well as holiday homes for military personnel.The emerging democratic structures of the reviving state also wanted to be perceived as forward thinking, ordering designs from the Fund. Modernism was well suited for the design of the remaining garrison and state buildings, as they also needed to be functional, affordable to build, easy in maintenance and ergonomic. The influential period journal “Architecture and Construction” mentions such investments as airports, ministry offices, barracks, commanders' villas, etc. all adding up to an image of army as a forward thinking engine of progress.

Harold F. Pitcairn, American aviation and Autogiro pioneer, died from a single gunshot wound to the head in the late evening hours of April 23, 1960 at the age of 62 after a gala evening at which he presided over a celebration attended by more than 450 guests for his brother's Raymond's 75th birthday. Initially labelled a suicide by the press, Pitcairn's widow Clara declared that "she never wanted to hear another word about the tragedy", while friends and friendly local authorities made the argument, duly reported by Frank Kingston Smith in Legacy of Wings, his devotional Pitcairn biography (subsidized by the Pitcairn family), that the death was accidental because "there was no note, no indication of depression or unhappiness" and "the police investigation disclosed that two shots had been fired; one had penetrated the ceiling directly over the desk in the first floor study, another had struck Pitcairn in the eye" and that "the next morning it was discovered the semi-automatic pistol was defective: when cocked, it had a supersensitive "hair trigger," and it had a faulty disconnector so that it would fire more than one shot at a time, a condition known as "doubling."" The Pitcairn families, prominent and powerful, prevailed upon the local authorities to declare the death accidental and Kingston Smith's 1981account became the de facto authoritative story of the death of Harold F. Pitcairn. With the perspective, however, of six decades, it appears far more likely that Pitcairn's death was a suicide for reasons that were not readily evident, minimized, unappreciated or deliberately ignored at the time to craft a result that met the needs of Clara Pitcairn and her surviving family. These included the fact that while the claim was made that Pitcairn was making his nightly rounds to check on the estate’s ground-level windows (and had been doing so since the Lindbergh kidnapping in 1932), he actually died at his desk; that those in the house only reported a single shot; the 1907 Savage pistol had no reputation for a hair-trigger, and had not evidenced such a flaw in almost three decades of Pitcairn's nightly ritual; that even though Pitcairn had been assured that his almost-decade-long lawsuit against the United States government for Patent infringement of his Autogiro patents was going well, he was concerned about the impact this lawsuit was having on his aged associates who had been called to give depositions and he had voiced the sentiment that "if he had known that he would have to sue the government, he would not have gone into the Autogiro business"; that the lawsuit, itself intended as a vindication of Pitcairn's contribution to aviation was dragging on and would reach its first legal conclusion in 1967, and not finally conclude upon appeal until 1977; and most importantly, those who deny suicide and point to Pitcairn’s state-of-mind, have failed to take into account when the death occurred or ready evidence of his 'state of mind' To fail to see the tragic end of Harold F. Pitcairn is to forget that 29 years and one day earlier, he had been recognized for "the greatest achievement in aeronautics or astronautics in America, with respect to improving the performance, efficiency, and safety of air or space vehicles, the value of which has been thoroughly demonstrated by actual use during the preceding year." The memory of that day on the White House back lawn with the President was the high point of his life even as Pitcairn prepared to celebrate his older brother's achievements. The evidence, when marshalled and documented, conclusively points to suicide - a death of an American aviation pioneer before his contributions were vindicated in the largest patent infringement judgement against the United States in history. To fail to see the tragic end of Harold F. Pitcairn is to forget that 29 years earlier, he had been recognized for "the greatest achievement in aeronautics or astronautics in America".

Aim/Purpose: This paper provides the results of the preliminary analysis of the findings of an ongoing study that seeks to examine the social media use, cultural and political awareness, civic engagement, issue prioritization, and social activism of Gen Z students enrolled at four different institutional types located in the Mid-Atlantic region of the United States. The aim of this study is to look at the group as a whole as well as compare findings across populations. The institutional types under consideration include a mid-sized majority serving or otherwise referred to as a traditionally white institution (TWI) located in a small coastal city on the Atlantic Ocean, a small Historically Black University (HBCU) located in a rural area, a large community college located in a county that is a mixture of rural and suburban and which sits on the border of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and graduating high school students enrolled in career and technical education (CTE) programs in a large urban area. This exploration is purposed to examine the behaviors and expectations of Gen Z students within a representative American region during a time of tremendous turmoil and civil unrest in the United States. Background: Over 74 million strong, Gen Z makes up almost one-quarter of the U.S. population. They already outnumber any current living generation and are the first true digital natives. Born after 1996 and through 2012, they are known for their short attention spans and heightened ability to multi-task. Raised in the age of the smart phone, they have been tethered to digital devices from a young age with most having the preponderance of their childhood milestones commemorated online. Often called Zoomers, they are more racially and ethnically diverse than any previous generation and are on track to be the most well-educated generation in history. Gen Zers in the United States have been found in the research to be progressive and pro-government and viewing increasing racial and ethnic diversity as positive change. Finally, they are less likely to hold xenophobic beliefs such as the notion of American exceptionalism and superiority that have been popular with by prior generations. The United States has been in a period of social and civil unrest in recent years with concerns over systematic racism, rampant inequalities, political polarization, xenophobia, police violence, sexual assault and harassment, and the growing epidemic of gun violence. Anxieties stirred by the COVID-19 pandemic further compounded these issues resulting in a powder keg explosion occurring throughout the summer of 2020 and leading well into 2021. As a result, the United States has deteriorated significantly in the Civil Unrest Index falling from 91st to 34th. The vitriol, polarization, protests, murders, and shootings have all occurred during Gen Z’s formative years, and the limited research available indicates that it has shaped their values and political views. Methodology: The Mid-Atlantic region is a portion of the United States that exists as the overlap between the northeastern and southeastern portions of the country. It includes the nation’s capital, as well as large urban centers, small cities, suburbs, and rural enclaves. It is one of the most socially, economically, racially, and culturally diverse parts of the United States and is often referred to as the “typically American region.” An electronic survey was administered to students from 2019 through 2021 attending a high school dual enrollment program, a minority serving institution, a majority serving institution, and a community college all located within the larger mid-Atlantic region. The survey included a combination of multiple response, Likert scaled, dichotomous, open ended, and ordinal questions. It was developed in the Survey Monkey system and reviewed by several content and methodological experts in order to examine bias, vagueness, or potential semantic problems. Finally, the survey was pilot tested prior to implementation in order to explore the efficacy of the research methodology. It was then modified accordingly prior to widespread distribution to potential participants. The surveys were administered to students enrolled in classes taught by the authors all of whom are educators. Participation was voluntary, optional, and anonymous. Over 800 individuals completed the survey with just over 700 usable results, after partial completes and the responses of individuals outside of the 18-24 age range were removed. Findings: Participants in this study overwhelmingly were users of social media. In descending order, YouTube, Instagram, Snapchat, Twitter, Facebook, Pinterest, WhatsApp, LinkedIn and Tik Tok were the most popular social media services reported as being used. When volume of use was considered, Instagram, Snapchat, YouTube and Twitter were the most cited with most participants reporting using Instagram and Snapchat multiple times a day. When asked to select which social media service they would use if forced to choose just one, the number one choice was YouTube followed by Instagram and Snapchat. Additionally, more than half of participants responded that they have uploaded a video to a video sharing site such as YouTube or Tik Tok. When asked about their familiarity with different technologies, participants overwhelmingly responded that they are “very familiar” with smart phones, searching the Web, social media, and email. About half the respondents said that they were “very familiar” with common computer applications such as the Microsoft Office Suite or Google Suite with another third saying that they were “somewhat familiar.” When asked about Learning Management Systems (LMS) like Blackboard, Course Compass, Canvas, Edmodo, Moodle, Course Sites, Google Classroom, Mindtap, Schoology, Absorb, D2L, itslearning, Otus, PowerSchool, or WizIQ, only 43% said they were “very familiar” with 31% responding that they were “somewhat familiar.” Finally, about half the students were either “very” or “somewhat” familiar with operating systems such as Windows. A few preferences with respect to technology in the teaching and learning process were explored in the survey. Most students (85%) responded that they want course announcements and reminders sent to their phones, 76% expect their courses to incorporate the use of technology, 71% want their courses to have course websites, and 71% said that they would rather watch a video than read a book chapter. When asked to consider the future, over 81% or respondents reported that technology will play a major role in their future career. Most participants considered themselves “informed” or “well informed” about current events although few considered themselves “very informed” or “well informed” about politics. When asked how they get their news, the most common forum reported for getting news and information about current events and politics was social media with 81% of respondents reporting. Gen Z is known to be an engaged generation and the participants in this study were not an exception. As such, it came as no surprise to discover that, in the past year more than 78% of respondents had educated friends or family about an important social or political issue, about half (48%) had donated to a cause of importance to them, more than a quarter (26%) had participated in a march or rally, and a quarter (26%) had actively boycotted a product or company. Further, about 37% consider themselves to be a social activist with another 41% responding that aren’t sure if they would consider themselves an activist and only 22% saying that they would not consider themselves an activist. When asked what issues were important to them, the most frequently cited were Black Lives Matter (75%), human trafficking (68%), sexual assault/harassment/Me Too (66.49%), gun violence (65.82%), women’s rights (65.15%), climate change (55.4%), immigration reform/deferred action for childhood arrivals (DACA) (48.8%), and LGBTQ+ rights (47.39%). When the schools were compared, there were only minor differences in social media use with the high school students indicating slightly more use of Tik Tok than the other participants. All groups were virtually equal when it came to how informed they perceived themselves about current events and politics. Consensus among groups existed with respect to how they get their news, and the community college and high school students were slightly more likely to have participated in a march, protest, or rally in the last 12 months than the university students. The community college and high school students were also slightly more likely to consider themselves social activists than the participants from either of the universities. When the importance of the issues was considered, significant differences based on institutional type were noted. Black Lives Matter (BLM) was identified as important by the largest portion of students attending the HBCU followed by the community college students and high school students. Less than half of the students attending the TWI considered BLM an important issue. Human trafficking was cited as important by a higher percentage of students attending the HBCU and urban high school than at the suburban and rural community college or the TWI. Sexual assault was considered important by the majority of students at all the schools with the percentage a bit smaller from the majority serving institution. About two thirds of the students at the high school, community college, and HBCU considered gun violence important versus about half the students at the majority serving institution. Women’s rights were reported as being important by more of the high school and HBCU participants than the community college or TWI. Climate change was considered important by about half the students at all schools with a slightly smaller portion reporting out the HBCU. Immigration reform/DACA was reported as important by half the high school, community college, and HBCU participants with only a third of the students from the majority serving institution citing it as an important issue. With respect to LGBTQ rights approximately half of the high school and community college participants cited it as important, 44.53% of the HBCU students, and only about a quarter of the students attending the majority serving institution. Contribution and Conclusion: This paper provides a timely investigation into the mindset of generation Z students living in the United States during a period of heightened civic unrest. This insight is useful to educators who should be informed about the generation of students that is currently populating higher education. The findings of this study are consistent with public opinion polls by Pew Research Center. According to the findings, the Gen Z students participating in this study are heavy users of multiple social media, expect technology to be integrated into teaching and learning, anticipate a future career where technology will play an important role, informed about current and political events, use social media as their main source for getting news and information, and fairly engaged in social activism. When institutional type was compared the students from the university with the more affluent and less diverse population were less likely to find social justice issues important than the other groups. Recommendations for Practitioners: During disruptive and contentious times, it is negligent to think that the abounding issues plaguing society are not important to our students. Gauging the issues of importance and levels of civic engagement provides us crucial information towards understanding the attitudes of students. Further, knowing how our students gain information, their social media usage, as well as how informed they are about current events and political issues can be used to more effectively communicate and educate. Recommendations for Researchers: As social media continues to proliferate daily life and become a vital means of news and information gathering, additional studies such as the one presented here are needed. Additionally, in other countries facing similarly turbulent times, measuring student interest, awareness, and engagement is highly informative. Impact on Society: During a highly contentious period replete with a large volume of civil unrest and compounded by a global pandemic, understanding the behaviors and attitudes of students can help us as higher education faculty be more attuned when it comes to the design and delivery of curriculum. Future Research This presentation presents preliminary findings. Data is still being collected and much more extensive statistical analyses will be performed.

Discussions of migration and urbanization in Canada and many other nations typically focus on the experiences of individuals. By doing so, the importance of their family relationships and circumstances may be overlooked. A failure to account for broader family networks has wellbeing consequences for both the people who migrate and/or move to urban locations and their family members who have stayed behind. Beyond the individual-level focus, policies related to migration are usually developed as population-level initiatives. This means that families that are considered vulnerable or at-risk due to certain health and/or demographic factors can remain unnoticed and their special needs unaccounted for. The experiences of these families during migration and urbanization merit greater attention so that policy makers and support services can ensure more equitable opportunities and better family wellbeing outcomes. This paper explores migration and urbanization in Canada in relation to family wellbeing with attention to two at-risk population groups: families with a member who has a disability and families that identify as Indigenous. Both groups experience exclusion, that is, systematic actions resulting in being overlooked, ignored, and at-risk. Indigenous families have endured a long history of colonialism, racism, and oppression (Saul, 2014), resulting in a legacy of grievous harm to families and the chronic underfunding of support services such as healthcare, housing, and child welfare (Government of Canada, 2018a; Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada, 2015). Families in which there is a member with a disability1 require ready access to affordable healthcare and related services to ensure appropriate support, which is linked to the wellbeing of all family members.

This paper explores the relevance of international debates to the realities of the Middle East, an important but understudied region that has often been subject to stereotyping. The region’s wealth of traditions and diverse contemporary experience offer insights to those who venture beyond the surface appearance. This paper provides a broad introduction to the connections between family, gender, and population policy in the Middle East. It is based on studies by a diverse group of Middle East scholars and the discussions they generated in Cairo at an international symposium sponsored by the Population Council in February 1994. The paper was written prior to the historic UN International Conference on Population and Development in Egypt, in the hope both of increasing understanding of an important region of the world and refining our grasp of international issues.

As a leading funder of global health programs, the United States has the power to make a tremendous impact on people’s sexual and reproductive health and rights. But restrictions on funding that target abortion care internationally have had broad, detrimental impacts on reproductive health care systems, advocacy and outcomes. Such is the case with the so-called global gag rule, a policy that conditions US global health assistance on nongovernmental organizations’ agreement not to provide or promote abortion. Our multiyear research study in Uganda and Ethiopia examines the impact of this policy in two countries that rely on US assistance for their family planning programs but where the legal context around abortion differs—highly restrictive in Uganda and liberal in Ethiopia. Until now, no research has fully captured the effects of the most recent implementation of the global gag rule, which, during the four-year Trump administration, was the greatest expansion of the policy in its history. The research shows how, in both countries, the gag rule stalled and even reversed progress toward expanded access to modern contraception, impacting the countries’ reproductive health outcomes, the ability of people to decide whether and when to have children, and overall bodily autonomy. Abortion care cannot be separated from reproductive health care; evidence clearly demonstrates that the US government’s attempts to limit abortion care through the gag rule also limit access to other essential sexual and reproductive health services. Although the gag rule is currently not in effect, the risk of an anti-abortion president reinstating and expanding the gag rule and causing significant harm to reproductive health progress globally remains. And even after the gag rule is rescinded, its effects persist. The time for a permanent end to the global gag rule is now.

This paper explores the relevance of international debates to the realities of the Middle East, an important but understudied region that has often been subject to stereotyping. The region’s wealth of traditions and diverse contemporary experience offer insights to those who venture beyond the surface appearance. This paper provides a broad introduction to the connections between family, gender, and population policy in the Middle East. It is based on studies by a diverse group of Middle East scholars and the discussions they generated in Cairo at an international symposium sponsored by the Population Council in February 1994. The paper was written prior to the historic UN International Conference on Population and Development in Egypt, in the hope both of increasing understanding of an important region of the world and refining our grasp of international issues.