Gotowa bibliografia na temat „European war, 1914-1915”

The problem of the Dobrujan land frontier between the Bulgarian and Romanian national states, which officially came up after the San Stefano and Berlin (1878) peace treaties and was aggravated by the Peace of Bucharest (1913), dominated the bilateral relations for a few decades. The hereby study focuses on the period August 1914 – September 1915, when both South-Eastern European states were neutral towards the Great War. This context led to various proposals, projects and scenarios concerning the Romanian-Bulgarian relations and implicitly related to the fate of Dobruja. Our effort deals with three levels: the positions of the Great Powers, their relations with Bucharest and Sofia, and the direct relations between the two South-Eastern European states. Chronologically, this period is divided into several stages, marked by the Ottoman Empire’s entry in the war (1 November 1914), the deadlock of the negotiations between Bulgaria and the Entente (March 1915), Italy’s option to renounce neutrality (23 May 1915) and the onset of the final talks concerning Bulgaria’s option to join the Central Powers (July 1915). Among the most relevant sources, we need to mention the Romanian Military Archives from Piteşti and the works of synthesis written by the Bulgarian historians Georgi Markov, Ivan Ilčev and Žeko Popov, dealing with the period 1913-1919.

The article examines and analyzes the portrayal of Austro-Hungary by correspondents of the Russian daily newspaper, “Russian Invalid,” during 1914–1915. This was a period when the Russian Empire was actively engaged in military conflict with the states of the Triple (and later, Quadruple) Alliance on the European front, with Austro-Hungary emerging as one of its primary adversaries on the Eastern Front. Established in February 1813, the “Russian Invalid” was the official print publication of the Military Ministry of the Russian Empire and served as a pivotal source of information on the empire’s foreign policies. This state-run newspaper was financed by the budget of Russia’s Military Ministry. In the early stages of World War I (1914–1915), the “Russian Invalid” correspondents devoted significant attention to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Only Germany, Britain, and France received more coverage in this publication. The majority of the information about Austro-Hungary appeared under sections titled “Military Chronicle,” “Feuilleton,” “War,” “Telegram,” and “Articles.” The study concludes that during World War I, the “Russian Invalid,” the daily newspaper of the Military Ministry of the Russian Empire, played a pivotal role in shaping public opinion within the empire. It crafted diverse images of the states involved in the early 20th century’s major military conflict, designating them as either “enemy,” “neutral state,” or “ally.” The Austro-Hungarian Empire was depicted as a nation that had significantly exhausted its economic, military-technical, and human resources in the initial two years of the war. Such depletion was foreseen to not only incite widespread national unrest but also accelerate the empire’s eventual disintegration, an entity long referred to as a “prison of nations.”

At the beginning of the twentieth century, many sectors of Russian industry were dependent on imports from European countries, including Germany. After Russia's entry into the First World War, the army began to experience shortages of fuel, transport, ammunition and medicines. Based on archival documents and periodicals, the article analyses the involvement of staff and students of higher educational institutions in the activities to overcome the supply crisis. Two periods of their participation in the work for defense purposes are distinguished: at the first stage (1914–early 1915) the assistance was mainly limited to the creation of infirmaries and sanitary teams to serve the needs of wounded and sick soldiers; from the spring of 1915 the military department began to actively use the scientific, methodological, material and personnel potential of higher education institutions. The author concludes that the work of higher educational institutions contributed not only to the provision of the army, but also to the liberation of domestic industry from foreign dependence.

This article analyzes Paul Scheerbart’s (1863–1915) fantastic literature, particularly his novel Lesabéndio (1913) and the utopian work Glasarchitektur (1914), focusing on the changes in visual culture from the nineteenth century onwards. As an author, Scheerbart stands on a cultural threshold, since the First World War marked a clear transition in European societies. The way that the panoramic view, glass architecture, and other attributes of nineteenth-century visual culture are present in Scheerbart’s works is illustrative of his position between the two forms of modernity before and after the war. The article also examines various readings of Scheerbart’s works, most importantly the remarks of Walter Benjamin. With its panoramas, dioramas, and eventually photography, twentieth-century visual culture was characterized by the significance of technology—a quintessential aspect of modernity that was examined by Benjamin. Scheerbart’s works entail key themes foregrounded by Benjamin, who develops them further into core motifs and concepts of his cultural theory.

<p class="EW-abstract"><strong>Abstract:</strong> Ol'ha Kobylians'ka’s short stories about the First World War constitute a rare case of a Ukrainian woman writing on one of the greatest catastrophes in modern history, a subject neglected even in Ukraine. Drawing on recent scholarship on First World War literature, this research proves that Kobylians'ka’s war stories deserve a re-evaluation, not as long-ignored curiosities from the pen of Ukraine’s most sophisticated writer of the time, but as insightful psychological studies of Western Ukrainians and as valuable cultural documents that present an original perspective on the common European experience of 1914-1918. The article pays particular attention to Kobylians'ka’s creative assessment of the Austrian and Russian treatment of Western Ukrainians during different stages of the First World War, which exposes anew fatal political weaknesses in Europe’s old imperial order and facilitates a better understanding of why Ukrainians, like many other ethnic groups in Europe without a state of their own, began to pursue their national goals more aggressively as the war progressed. Alongside popular texts, such as “Na zustrich doli” (“To Meet Their Fate,” 1917), “Iuda” (“Judas,” 1917), and “Lyst zasudzhenoho voiaka do svoiei zhinky” (“A Letter from a Convicted Soldier to His Wife,” 1917), this article examines Kobylians'ka’s three little-known stories—“Lisova maty” (“The Forest Mother,” 1915), “Shchyra liubov” (“Sincere Love,” 1916), and “Vasylka” (“Vasylka,” 1922)—thus presenting the most complete analysis of Kobylians'ka’s war fiction in any language.</p><p class="EW-Keyword">Keywords: Modernist Literature, Literature of the First World War, Women Writings of the First World War, Ol'ha Kobylians'ka’s War Fiction</p>

While the horrors of the trench warfare on the Western Front in Belgium and France are part of the European cultural memory, to some degree the much more extensive and mobile Eastern Front of the 1914–1918 conflict has become the forgotten front (Die vergessene Front). Although for just over eleven months in 1914/15, the central part of a major front, some 1000 km long on which three million people died ran through the middle of what is now Poland, for a number of reasons the memory of this has there been all but erased from memory and from the cultural landscape. The reviewed three volumes are the result of a project that has attempted to address the poor state of historical memory of the momentous events and human drama that took place a century earlier on the segment of the front, 55 km west of Warsaw. Here, from mid-December 1914, the Russian Imperial army tried to hold back the eastward advance of the German troops on defences built along the Bzura and Rawka rivers. For the next seven months, the fighting here took the form of the same type of prolonged static trench warfare more familiar on the Western Front (the only place in the eastern sphere of war that this happened). The German army made every effort (including mining and several major gas attacks), to advance on Warsaw but failed to break through. It was only after the Great Retreat of the Russian army in the summer of 1915 that these defences were overrun and Warsaw fell.

The article analyzes the representations of the Russian socio-political discourse of 1914–1916, dedicated to the justification of the First World War as a just war on the part of Russia and its Allies. It considers the role of the factors that shaped the image of a just war in the minds of the European political and intellectual elite and the younger generation, as well as the emergence of the idea of “spirituality” of war as the basis for its legitimation. The author stresses the influence of the international conventions on the laws and customs of war on the image of a just war in Russia as well as the specifics of the socio-cultural situation at the turn of the 20th century, which made it difficult to conduct ideological and psychological preparation for world clash that could affect the mass consciousness. The image of a just war began to take shape in Russia after the country entered the conflict and was based on the idea of a defensive war against an external aggressor. The fact that Germany was the first to declare war on Russia, the realities of bloody confrontation contributed to the formation and broadcast the ideas about the “Second Patriotic War”. The concept of the “Second Patriotic War”, which appealed to historical memory, became the embodiment of the idea of a just war in the 1914–1915 Russian socio-political discourse. An important component of the image of a just war in Russia was the notions of the spiritual and religious sense of confrontation. They were embodied in ideas about the implementation of the sacred mission of liberating Europe and the world from “Germanism”, the protection of the Slavs, the “struggle for truth”, the affirmation of the renewed ideal of “Holy Russia”. The ideas of a “holy war against Germanism” got embedded in the discourse of the press into the system of ideas about the fairness of the goals and objectives of the Allies. Another basis for the legitimacy of war was the concept embodied in the slogan “the war to end all wars”. The influential concept of Entente propaganda received a wide response in the Russian liberal and democratic press, which interpreted the meaning of the world conflict in a political and legal terms. The war was seen as a way to establish a new system of international relations based on the rule of the “force of law” as opposed to the “law of force” personified by Germany. Illusions about the possibility of establishing “eternal peace” after the war were widely broadcast in the press, becoming an element of ideas about a just struggle for a better future of mankind. The notions about “German atrocities” widely broadcast by propaganda in the Entente countries were important element of the justification of violence against the enemy and legitimization of the war. In Russia, despite the enemy’s violation of international conventions governing conducting the war and the presence of this topic in the press, the image of “German atrocities” did not play the significant role in socio-political discourse in comparison with the Entente countries.

Introduction. The First World War is a forgotten and completely unhonored page in the history of Ukraine. Instead, events and facts related to it are actively investigated in many European countries. In journalism and journalism studies, the topic of activity of specialized newspaper and magazine editions of medical topics was not investigated in that period, therefore, a picture of the emergence, formation, and development of such a press was not created, and its systematization was not carried out. Relevance and goal. The goal of the research is to analyze the problem-thematic components of specialized medical periodicals and continuing publications of the First World War period (1914–1918), to find out the peculiarities of their emergence and activity, and to introduce the specified press into scientific circulation. The relevance is formed by the lack of a comprehensive study of the activities of the specialized newspaper and magazine medical press of the specified period, its systematization, and problem-thematic priorities. Methodology. Descriptive methods are used as a basis during the research, which allows us to penetrate the causes of this or that phenomenon, find out the main stages of its development, the influence of a specific situation on the nature of events and phenomena; and compare local phenomena with general historical processes. Based on the periodization of the history of the development of the Ukrainian press proposed by the Research Institute of Press Studies, the study focuses on the fifth period – Ukrainian periodicals of the First World War 1914–1917. Results. The beginning of the First World War led to the closure of many publications. This was caused by increased censorship and financial problems of publishers. However, new periodicals also appeared during this period. In particular, 6 editions of military-medical topics were published: «Voenno-sanitarnii obzor» (1917), «Vrachebno-sanitarnie izvestiya Upravleniya Glavnoupolnomochennogo Krasnogo Kresta Yugo-Zapadnogo fronta» (1916–1918), «Izvestiya Kievskoi rentgenovskoi komissii» (1915–1917), «Nash zhurnal» (1917), «Nashe slovo» (1917), «Pomoshch ranenim» (1914). The thematically mentioned editions focused primarily on essential problems that arose in society with the development of military operations. The authors focused on the treatment of injuries from new ballistic weapons, rapid-fire machine guns, gas gangrene, damage by mustard gas and chlorine, the spread of epidemic diseases on the fronts, etc. Conclusions. The research gives reasons to state that during this period, 6 editions were published, which, based on typological characteristics, we include in the military-medical press. Their pages were dominated by messages related to the struggle for the lives of the wounded and the organization of military medical aid. These publications played one of the leading roles in the representation of military reality.

Background. The article deals with the reflection of the First World War of 1914–1918 in the monumental art of Poland. Therefore, memorial buildings and monuments are not only the realization of the creative plan of artists, i.e. their authors, but also a re-flection of a political course of the state, the experience gained, hopes, expectations, losses of people. That is why they allow us to understand the memory of the First World War in Poland. Purpose. The aim of the article is to study how the events of the First World War are reflected in the monumental art of Poland, and on this basis to consider the for-mation of historical memory, past and present practices of commemoration of the tragic events of 1914–1918. Results. The heroes and the memory of the victims of the First World War are re-spected in Poland, which in particular can be observed in the improvement of memorial complexes, memorials and other similar constructions. At the same time, the memory of the global military conflict is identified primarily with the restoration of independence. For most Poles, November 11, 1918 is associated not so much with the end of the Great War of 1914–1918 as with the birth of the Second Polish Republic of 1918–1939. Thus, the heroes of the military conflict are seen as the fighters for independence. On the other hand, the monumental buildings reflect the difficult path to independence, i.e. the division of Polish lands on the eve of the First World War and the difficulties in the establishing borders after its end. The First World War of 1914–1918 remains an important period in history. Commemorative practices, in general, coincide with those conducted in Western European countries, and, at the same time, they are mostly visible in the above position. Key words: the First World War, monumental art, Poland, memory, places of memory, commemoration. 1915: War, Province, Man: Ukrainian-Polish Accents, 2016. 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Futabatei Shimei was the first significant translator from Russian into Japanese. In his two debut translations, Ivan Turgenev’s ‘The Tryst’ (‘Aibiki’) and ‘A Chance Encounter’ (‘Meguriai’), both published in 1888, he reproduced the preterite by employing ‘-ta’ verb endings. In 1914, Nakamura Hakuyō published a translation of Fedor Dostoevsky’s Crime and Punishment, in which he meticulously reproduced almost all the third-person pronouns using ‘kare (he)’ and ‘kanojo (she)’. Natsume Soseki, in later works such as Grass on the Wayside (Michikusa, 1915) and Light and Darkness (Meian, 1916), masterfully employed both the preterite (‘-ta’ verb endings) and third-person pronouns, duplicating their use in European languages. However, neither ‘-ta’ verb endings nor third-person pronouns were widely adopted in the modern Japanese novel. The use of ‘-ta’ verb endings expressing the past tense, and of the Japanese third-person pronouns kare and kanojo, temporarily became the norm in translations, but recently the frequency of third-person pronouns has started to decline rapidly. This chapter examines how past tense forms and third-person pronouns have been used in translations from Russian into Japanese; and studies the impact of translations from Russian on the Japanese literary language.

AbstractWe set out in 2010 to look afresh at the massacre of Turkey’s Armenians in 1915. While most of the world’s historians accepted the narrative that the Ottoman Turkish government had carried out a deliberate, pre-planned, systematic “genocide,” there were some—especially in Turkey—who disputed this. So, having no real knowledge or opinion either way, we decided to take a look at the vast, accessible documentation, in Turkey, the United States and Western Europe, and make up our own minds.What we discovered was that the story was much deeper and wider. The campaign of mass murder and ethnic cleansing was carried out, in staggered fashion, over a thirty-year period, between 1894 and 1924. It encompassed not only Turkey’s Armenians but also all the other Christian communities in the country, primarily the Greeks, but also the various Assyrian sects. The process of ethnic-religious cleansing was characterized by rounds of deliberate large-scale massacre, alongside systematic expulsions, forced conversions, and cultural annihilation that together amounted to genocide. At the beginning of this period, Christians had constituted about 20 percent of the population of Asia Minor; by 1924 the proportion of Christians in Turkey had fallen to 2 percent.The destruction of the Christian communities was the result of the deliberate policy of three successive Ottoman and Turkish governments –Abdülhamid II in 1894–1896, the CUP (the Young Turks) from 1914–1918, and the Nationalist regime under Ataturk during 1919–1924 –a policy that most of the country’s Muslim inhabitants did not oppose, and many enthusiastically supported. The murders, expulsions, and forced conversions were ordered by government officials and carried out by other officials, soldiers, gendarmes, policemen and, often, tribesmen and the civilian inhabitants of towns and villages. All of this occurred with the active participation of Muslim clerics and the encouragement of the Turkish-language press. This, we believe, is the inescapable conclusion to be drawn from the massive documentation we consulted, some of it seen and used for the first time.

Abstract On 1 March 1914 Joyce began the long-prepared writing of Ulysses, without abandoning the composition of Exiles, which had developed its own momentum by this time. (He also worked part-time as English correspondent to the Gioacchino Veneziani paint factory.) Joyce’s annus mirabilis, however, coincided with the outbreak of European war. In January 1915 Stanislaus was arrested as an outspoken irredentist, and in August he was interned for the duration of the war. Notwith- standing their British citizenship, Joyce and Nora remained unaffected until Italy declared war on Germany in May 1915.

Abstract In 1914 Britain went to war to prevent Germany establishing her hegemony over Western and Central Europe. The Asquith government believed that they could do this if the Navy controlled the oceans and if Britain gave economic and financial assistance to her continental allies. But the success of ‘the British way in warfare’ was dependent upon the willingness of France and Russia to fight the armies of the Central Powers to a standstill without significant British military assistance. By the autumn of 1915 it was apparent that neither ally was willing or able to do so alone. Between August 1915 and April 1916 the Asquith coalition reluctantly accepted the need for a major British continental commitment. British participation in the battle of the Somme was the first instalment of the price Britain had to pay to hold the Entente alliance together and prevent one or more of her allies from accepting German blandishments for a separate peace.

Abstract For women in the revolutionary years, the ambiguities of change were acute. The war’s end brought the first breakthrough of female enfranchisement. Before 1914, women voted in only Finland (1906) and Norway (1913), but by 1918 they shared in Europe’s democratization. First in Russia, then in the central European revolutions of Czechoslovakia, Austria, Hungary, Poland, and Germany, and finally in Ireland (1922), the new states included women as voting citizens, as did the liberal polities of the north—Denmark and Iceland (1915), Sweden (1918), Britain (1918), Luxemburg (1919), and the Netherlands (1920). If women’s suffrage wasn’t universal—in Belgium, France, and Italy reforms were blocked—the trend was clear.1

This chapter investigates the unfolding of the war in the Arab provinces, examining how imperial reforms morphed into extreme violence as the Ottoman state enacted genocidal campaigns against Armenians and practiced political repression against Arab activists while European forces invaded, blockaded, and occupied the famine-stricken Levant. It focuses in particular on the rather sudden delegitimization of Ottoman authority in the Mashriq as a consequence of the multiple Allied invasions; the Committee of Union and Progress’s emerging policies of mass conscription, material requisitioning, and political repression in greater Syria and the Iraqi provinces, symbolized particularly by the public executions in Beirut and Damascus in 1915 and 1916. It also articulates how the Allied military campaigns in Mesopotamia, Syria, and Palestine aimed not only to defeat the Ottomans but also to establish the outlines of a postcolonial absorption of these territories and their resources into the British and French Empires.

The article, based on documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire, for the first time introduced into scientific circulation, reveals the plans of the Russian Empire for economic penetration into the markets of Serbia and other Balkan countries during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. A decisive factor in the economic strategy of the St. Petersburg ruling circles in relation to the Balkan region were the activities of the Russian Danube shipping company, which was assigned not only a commercial, but also a political role, as this strengthened Russian influence in the Balkan countries, primarily in Serbia. In addition, the development of navigation along the Danube in the late 19th and early 20th centuries allowed the Russian Empire to gain a foothold in the oil markets of both the Balkan countries and Austria-Hungary and Germany. From 1914–1915, during a special-purpose expedition headed by M.M. Veselkin, military cargo was transported to Serbia, namely on the ships and barges of the Russian Danube Shipping Company, which was an important factor of Russian-Serbian military cooperation during the First World War

Nijinska and her husband spend the 1914–1915 theatrical season in St. Petersburg (renamed Petrograd after Russia enters the war), where they are engaged by Narodny Dom. The following year they settle in Kiev, where they are hired to stage opera dances at the City Theater but soon begin producing evenings of ballet. In 1917 Nijinska tries to join her brother in Western Europe but because of the Russian Revolution is unable to secure travel papers. With Kochetovsky, she spends several months in Moscow, where she meets the avant-garde painter Alexandra Exter and drafts the first iteration of her treatise on movement. The family returns to Kiev where Nijinska opens the School of Movement in February 1919, only weeks after the birth of her son, Lev, and the Bolshevik invasion of the city. In the next two years Nijinska transforms her students into a performing group allied with the city’s left-wing arts community. Galvanized by her vision of a new dance, they applaud her first modernist solos and dance in her first plotless group works. Nijinska also collaborates with the avant-garde stage directors Les Kurbas and Marko Tereshchenko and with the artist Vadim Meller, whose paintings leave vivid impressions of her dancing. In 1921, with her mother and two children, Nijinska flees Ukraine and joins thousands of Russians in emigration.

It is incorrect to limit the study of the phenomenon of Yugoslav, and generally foreign, communist emigration to the USSR in the 1920- 1940s to figures of the first and second row. The fates of those who did not hold high positions in the Communist Parties or Comintern may also be regarded as a reflection of significant historical processes. In particular, the life of Svetozar Jovanović (a.k.a. Stefan Bogdanovsky, 1897–1941), a shoemaker from the village Mirijevo, 25 km from Požarevac, is an illustrative example of the relationship between the state machine and the “little man” who dared to “play politics.” During the brutal era of world wars, several authoritarian and totalitarian regimes tried to deprive him of his freedom and his life, which ultimately happened in 1941 in German-occupied Kyiv. From 1914–1918 there were many occasions in which S. Jovanović could have died on the battlefield or in the Austro-Hungarian POW camp, where he ended up in 1915. Demobilized in 1919, the former soldier of the Serbian army joined the Communist Party of Yugoslavia, in which a few years later he took the position of “secretary” regional committee”. In 1928, Jovanović, who was facing arrest, was sent by the party to Moscow to study at the Communist University of National Minorities of the West (KUNMZ). Having received a Soviet passport and now member of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, the student received a new “school name,” namely, “Stefan Pavlovich Bogdanovsky.” From now on, he, like millions of Soviet citizens, had to constantly seek some form of “peaceful coexistence” with the authorities, and, consequently, yield to its pressure, make inevitable “compromises with conscience.” His instinct of self-preservation warned Bogdanovsky from participating in internal party squabbles, and a “duty journey” to Spain (1936–1939) saved him from the Great Terror. During the three years Bogdanovsky spent abroad, most of his classmates and senior party comrades were executed. In fear of the prospect of following them, he, upon returning to the USSR, renounced his wife, who was arrested during his absence by the NKVD and sentenced to five years in a GULAG. Bogdanovsky left for Kyiv, where he started a new family. Having dodged the “punishing sword of revolution,” our hero, however, did not cease to be a hostage to big European politics. In September 1941, he shared the fate of more than half a million soldiers and commanders on the Southwestern Front who defended Kyiv and found themselves surrounded by Germans.

The problem of the Dobrujan land frontier between the Bulgarian and Romanian national states, which officially came up after the San Stefano and Berlin (1878) peace treaties and was aggravated by the Peace of Bucharest (1913), dominated the bilateral relations for a few decades. The hereby study focuses on the period August 1914 – September 1915, when both South-Eastern European states were neutral towards the Great War. This context led to various proposals, projects and scenarios concerning the Romanian-Bulgarian relations and implicitly related to the fate of Dobruja. Our effort deals with three levels: the positions of the Great Powers, their relations with Bucharest and Sofia, and the direct relations between the two South-Eastern European states. Chronologically, this period is divided into several stages, marked by the Ottoman Empire’s entry in the war (1 November 1914), the deadlock of the negotiations between Bulgaria and the Entente (March 1915), Italy’s option to renounce neutrality (23 May 1915) and the onset of the final talks concerning Bulgaria’s option to join the Central Powers (July 1915). Among the most relevant sources, we need to mention the Romanian Military Archives from Piteşti and the works of synthesis written by the Bulgarian historians Georgi Markov, Ivan Ilčev and Žeko Popov, dealing with the period 1913-1919.