Gotowe bibliografie tematyczne / European Union countries – Relations

Gotowa bibliografia na temat „European Union countries – Relations”

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Data publikacji: 26 lipca 2024

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Artykuły w czasopismach na temat "European Union countries – Relations"

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Babic, Blagoje. "Economic relations between Slavic countries". Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, nr 128 (2009): 7–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0928007b.

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Economic relations between Slavic countries are a taboo topic. This is a reflection of divisions in Europe, which have also been transmitted to the Slavic world. Although the aspiration for Slav unification has existed for centuries, Slavic peoples have been a part of a single community only once - and even then not of their own choice - in the Eastern Block, which emerged from the division of Europe after the Second World War. The decomposition of the Eastern Bloc was followed by the decomposition of the Slavic world as well, which became more disunited than ever before. Changes that have been occurring in Europe - the incorporation into the European Union of several Slavic countries, the transformation of socio-economic systems in the Slavic countries and the global economic crisis - are driving the Slavic peoples toward a gathering on a new basis. The Slavic world is becoming the most promising emerging market in the world, for which the European Union is showing increasing interest. With the building of a pan-European energy infrastructure, which would also encompass all the Slavic countries, coupled with efforts toward creating a 'single European economic space' that would include both the European Union and Russia, all Slavic peoples will be united by common economic interests. Pan-European arrangements have as a consequence the development of economic relations among Slavic countries, bringing added benefit to their mutual political relations as well. Paradoxically, the European Union is accomplishing for the Slavic peoples what the Slavic peoples aren't able to accomplish for themselves.
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Anlamassova, M. K., R. T. Japparova i A. Zh Mukazhanova. "Soft power of European Union countries". BULLETIN of the L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University.Political Science. Regional Studies. Oriental Studies. Turkology Series. 145, nr 4 (2023): 8–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.32523/2616-6887/2023-145-4-8-18.

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There are two main diplomatic strategies used by states in International Relations: hard power and soft power. Hard power uses the tools of military force or other coercive strategies to achieve the desired result. Soft power, on the other hand, tries to achieve the desired result with persuasive tactics. In short, hard power uses force, while soft power uses charm and attractiveness or makes the other party do what you want.These days, political scientists and other experts have begun to emphasize the increasing effectiveness of using a combination of hard and soft power, or smart power. In International Relations, US foreign policy is often positioned as an example of hard power, as in some cases it uses military or economic pressure to achieve the desired result. The European Union, on the other hand, tends to implement soft power policies through the creation of European values and European identity in order to attract new members and gain new allies. In addition, the European Union exhibits values such as freedom, democracy, equality and the rule of law to the world. These values also help to increase the soft power of the European Union in the world. In this study, soft power policies and soft power activities of European Union countries such as England, France and Germany are examined.
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WOLNIAK, Radosław. "Quantitative relations between the implementation of industry management systems in European union countries". Scientific Papers of Silesian University of Technology. Organization and Management Series 2020, nr 142 (2020): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.29119/1641-3466.2020.142.3.

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Elbashir, Rania. "LIBYA'S FOREIGN TRADE WITH EUROPEAN UNION COUNTRIES". MEST Journal 10, nr 2 (15.07.2022): 64–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.12709/mest.10.10.02.07.

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The subject of this empirical and theoretical work is the exchange of foreign trade in Libya with the countries of the European Union. The scientific objective of the research is to make a scientific classification of the volume of foreign trade between Libya and the European Union countries and to discover the factors that hinder foreign trade and explain them scientifically. European countries also support this cooperation and contribute significantly to the formulation of future cooperation policies with Libya in various social, political, and economic fields. However, this cooperation takes place in light of objective difficulties arising from the conflicting interests of Western countries in North Africa and Libya. Since these relations are burdened with many problems of different nature, we started this paper from two assumptions: The first premise is that in the trade relations between Libya and the European Union, there are common interests for foreign trade that are more feasible. The second premise is that more encouragement and protection for investments by the countries of the European Union helps in new qualitative development and economic growth in Libya, which will significantly improve trade relations between Libya and the countries of the European Union.
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Larsson, Bengt. "Trade Union Channels for Influencing European Union Policies". Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies 5, nr 3 (1.10.2015): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.19154/njwls.v5i3.4809.

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This paper analyzes what channels trade unions in Europe use when trying to influence European Union (EU) policies. It compares and contrasts trade unions in different industrial relations regimes with regard to the degree to which they cooperate with different actors to influence EU policies, while also touching on the importance of sector differences and organizational resources. The study is based on survey data collected in 2010–2011 from unions affiliated with the European Trade Union Confederation and from below peak unions in 14 European countries. Results of the survey show that the ‘national route’ is generally the most important for trade unions in influencing EU policies in the sense that this channel is, on average, used to the highest degree. In addition, the survey delineates some important differences between trade unions in different industrial relations regimes with regard to the balance between the national route and different access points in the ‘Brussels route’.
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Furåker, Bengt. "European trade union cooperation, union density and employee attitudes to unions". Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 26, nr 3 (9.07.2020): 345–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1024258920933118.

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European trade unions have much to gain from cooperating with each other. Such cooperation does exist, but it is still fairly limited and many obstacles need to be overcome if cooperation is to be improved. According to our survey data, higher-level union officials regard differences concerning financial resources and national labour market regulations to be particularly substantial barriers to cooperation. The enormously varying union density across Europe, and its general decrease, also creates barriers. Therefore, employee attitudes to unions are examined using data from the International Social Survey Programme. As expected, union members tend to be more positive about trade unions than non-members. The most interesting finding, however, is that employees in some countries with low union density exhibit fairly positive views or at least views that are not less positive than what we find among employees in many countries with higher density rates. This suggests that there is potential for recruiting members.
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Al-Jaberi, Prof Dr Sattar Jabbar. "Iraq and the European Union towards a Strategic Partnership". ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 220, nr 2 (8.11.2018): 95–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v220i2.487.

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The Iraq's relations with the European Union countries of the oldest and surest Iraq's foreign relations, in spite of the damage to those relationships during certain time periods, and sometimes degradation several considerations, they quickly return to normal, the importance of Iraq's strategy for European countries on the one hand, and interest in Iraq, the European its relations On the other hand . The EU played an important role in Iraq in the era after 2003, through important political relations with the Iraqi government, and try to achieve a real partnership in the political, economic and cultural fields, and interested in EU areas of human rights, and civil society organizations, and strengthen the Iraqi security capacity and we will try in this Find the study of the positions of the European Union countries of Iraq, and then try the European Union and Iraq to establish a strategic partnership between them.
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Bondarenko, Lev-Oleksandr. "Urgent Social and Cultural Issues and Attitudes in the European Union Countries". Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, nr 13 (22.12.2023): 210–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2023.13.210-227.

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The purpose of the article is to consider the issue of multiculturalism policy in the European Union countries, as well as current socio-cultural problems and attitudes caused by migration and economic and social processes. The study analyses the influence of historical processes on the formation of ethnic groups, which, in the subsequent formation of European countries and their consolidation into the European Union, played and continue to play an essential role in the matter of regional politics. The study confirms that unsuccessful attempts to integrate immigrants into European society led to the aggravation of relations between the native population of European states and immigrants, growth of anti-immigrant sentiments and mass protests of Europeans against the national governments' migration policies.
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Sydoruk, Marta. "MANAGEMENT OF THE EUROPEAN UNION CROSS-BORDER PROJECTS: THE EXPERIENCE OF THE VISEGRAD GROUP COUNTRIES AS A PROSPECT OF INTEGRATION FOR UKRAINE". International Journal of New Economics and Social Sciences 5, nr 1 (30.06.2017): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.2590.

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The present study aims to analyze the development of the European Neighbourhood Policy as a concept of relations between Ukraine and the European Union (EU). The paper starts with an overview of the Ukraine-EU relations and the outline of Ukraine’s reasons for seeking closer ties with the European Union. This article introduces shaping the Eastern dimension of the EU foreign policy as a result of cooperation with the European Union and enhancing of the European Neighbourhood Policy financial instruments.
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Drzymała, Agnieszka. "European Union Foreign Direct Investment Outflows to ASEAN Countries". Comparative Economic Research. Central and Eastern Europe 16, nr 1 (30.04.2013): 5–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cer-2013-0001.

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The paper analyses foreign direct investment outflows from the European Union to the ASEAN countries. The region of Southeast Asia is very important for the EU in terms of economic cooperation. Previous relations between the European Union and ASEAN countries laid the foundations and became the basis for subsequent business initiatives, first encompassing trade and later investment initiatives. Today the liberalisation of foreign direct investment (FDI) flows is taking place, which has a positive impact on the increase in exports of ASEAN countries and in turn affects the economic development of these countries. The European Union deepens its economic ties with the region through FDI, which results in increased economic interdependence.
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Rozprawy doktorskie na temat "European Union countries – Relations"

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Peng, Dan Ni. "The EU-China trade relations in the context of economic globalization". Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555591.

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De, Matteis Pietro. "Sino-European energy, environmental and climate change diplomacy". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610458.

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Abdulla, Fawaz Yusuf Ahmed Abdulrahim. "European Union policies and socioeconomic development in the Southern Mediterranean : the case of Morocco". Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.648135.

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Etienne, Anne. "Towards European Integration: Do the European Union and Its Members Abide by the Same Principles?" Thesis, University of North Texas, 2004. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc4617/.

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In the last few decades the European Union (EU) and its members have emphasized the importance of human rights and the need to improve human rights conditions in Third World countries. In this research project, I attempted to find out whether the European Union and its members practice what they preach by giving precedence to countries that respect human rights through their Official Development Assistance (ODA) program. Furthermore, I tried to analyze whether European integration occurs at the foreign policy level through aid allocation. Based on the literatures on political conditionality and on the relationship between human rights and foreign aid allocation, I expected that all EU members promote principles of good governance by rewarding countries that protect the human rights of their citizens. I conducted a cross-sectional time-series selection model over all recipients of ODA for each of the twelve members for which I have data, the European Commission, and the aggregate EU disbursements from 1979 to 1998.
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PFARR, Mag Dietmar. "Civilian control of armed forces : challenges for the European Union /". Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FPFARR.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim, Hans-Eberhard Peters. Includes bibliographical references (p. 51-56). Also available online.
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Zhong, Xiao Fei. "China and the EU : competition and cooperation in the Caspian region". Thesis, University of Macau, 2010. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555549.

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Yang, Zi Wei. "Economic integration in Greater China : drawing lessons from European Union". Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2555596.

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ELBASANI, Arolda. "The impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation : comparing electoral competition and civil service reforms in post-communist Albania". Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10435.

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Defence date: 30 November 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Philippe Schmitter (EUI); Prof. Làszlò Bruszt (EUI); Dr. Antoaneta Dimitrova (Leiden University); Prof. Shinasi Rama (New York University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
This dissertation explores how and to what extent EU conditionality can foster democratisation in a highly problematic case such as post-communist Albania. In order to examining the phenomena of democratisation in operational detail, the thesis delves into the sub-systemic level of democratisation focusing on two partial regimes - electoral regime and civil service system. The analysis follows on the rational choice premise that the domestic actors’ strategies of compliance depend on the structure of external incentives i.e. rewards and threats, that appeal to their interest. Our account on the impact of EU conditionality upon democratisation assumes that the likelihood of compliance depends on 1) the size of the rewards attached to conditionality; 2) the size of adoption costs; 3) the clarity of prescriptions and 4) credibility of reinforcement. The first part consists of developing a conceptual framework for assessing and explaining the impact of EU enlargement conditionality over democratisation processes. The second part explores the case of Albanian democratisation and the specific challenge it poses to the working of EU conditionality. The third part analyses the association between EU conditionality and reform seeking to identify whether the fortification of the EU conditionality coincides with a pattern-breaking change in each of the partial regimes of our choice. The thesis concludes that the EU was more successful to foster reforms in the area of electoral competition than public administration and civil service system. The EU seemed to push forward reforms by articulating clear prescriptions regarding the electoral competition; and advancing contractual relations with the country in function of electoral performance.
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Gu, Hong Fei. "Analysis of creating a new type of great power relations between China and the European Union". Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335207.

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Bai, Xue. "Evaluation and suggestions on EU development assistance policy". Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595841.

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Książki na temat "European Union countries – Relations"

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Yeşilada, Birol A. Emerging European union. Wyd. 5. Upper Saddle River, N.J: Pearson Prentice Hall, 2010.

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1955-, Lister Marjorie, i Europe and the Developing Countries Conference (1996 : London, England), red. European Union development policy. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.

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1969-, Miles Lee, red. The European Union and the Nordic countries. London: Routledge, 1996.

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Christopher, Hill. International relations and the European Union. Wyd. 2. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.

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1978-, Orbie Jan, red. Europe's global role: External policies of the European Union. Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate, 2008.

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1948-, Hill Christopher, i Smith Michael 1947-, red. International relations and the European Union. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005.

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Nathalie, Tocci, red. Turkey and the European Union. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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Wood, David Michael. The emerging European Union. White Plains, NY: Longman Publishers USA, 1996.

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Wood, David Michael. The emerging European Union. Wyd. 4. New York: Pearson Longman, 2006.

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A, Yeşilada Birol, red. The emerging European Union. Wyd. 3. New York: Pearson Longman, 2004.

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Części książek na temat "European Union countries – Relations"

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Kosnikowski, Andrzej. "EU-Israeli Relations". W The European Union and Developing Countries, 224–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_16.

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Bonet, Mercedes. "EU-ASEAN Relations". W The European Union and Developing Countries, 254–67. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_18.

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Kowald, Karoline. "EU-Andean Relations". W The European Union and Developing Countries, 284–302. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_20.

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Blanke, Hermann-Josef, i Stelio Mangiameli. "Article 8 [Relations with Neighbouring Countries]". W The Treaty on European Union (TEU), 375–86. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-31706-4_9.

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Scappucci, Gioia. "EU-ACP Relations in the 1990s". W The European Union and Developing Countries, 109–26. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509184_8.

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Izquierdo, Miguel Ruíz-Cabañas. "Trade Relations Between Latin American Countries and the European Union". W Wealth, Income Inequalities, and Demography, 283–91. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-05909-9_12.

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Balcerzak, Adam P., i Michał Bernard Pietrzak. "Relations Among Social and Economic Order in European Union Countries". W Eurasian Studies in Business and Economics, 385–96. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67916-7_25.

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Falkowski, Krzysztof. "Central Asian countries and their trade relations with the European Union and China". W The European Union, China and Central Asia, 142–60. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003022336-10.

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Martenczuk, Bernd. "Cooperation with Developing and Other Third Countries: Elements of a Community Foreign Policy". W External Economic Relations and Foreign Policy in the European Union, 385–417. Vienna: Springer Vienna, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-7091-6156-2_12.

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Afionis, Stavros, i Ian Bailey. "Ever Closer Partnerships? European Union Relations with Rapidly Industrializing Countries on Climate Change". W Feeling the Heat, 57–74. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230374973_4.

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Streszczenia konferencji na temat "European Union countries – Relations"

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Petrishchev, Vyacheslav. "ETHNO-CULTURAL ASPECTS OF GLOBALIZATION: EXPERIENCE OF EUROPEAN COUNTRIES". W Globalistics-2020: Global issues and the future of humankind. Interregional Social Organization for Assistance of Studying and Promotion the Scientific Heritage of N.D. Kondratieff / ISOASPSH of N.D. Kondratieff, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.46865/978-5-901640-33-3-2020-340-349.

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The article deals with the ethno-cultural aspects of globalization on the example of European countries, members of the European Union. The influence of the ethno-cultural factor on political, economic and cultural relations within the EU member-states, between the EU member-states and relations with immigrants from Africa, Asia and the Middle East is shown. The forecast for the further development of the European Union as a major factor of globalization is given.
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Başeğmez, Nergiz, i Kerem Toker. "A Crossroad For Turkey: European Union Or Eurasian Economic Union". W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01668.

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With a long and complicated history with Turkey's EU relations began in 1963 with Ankara Agreement. Turkey has been engaged the full membership since 2005 but nevertheless it could not have achieved results during the negotiations. Behind the slow pace of Turkey's membership, many political and cultural barriers can be shown. The events showed that reveals Turkey cannot be an EU member as soon as possible. This case may cause the Turkey have different pursuits in the political world arena. Turkey moved away from the EU, it can be motivated to participate in different political and economic union at the same time. Because, the world is constantly changing in terms of economic and political conditions and Turkey is hard to question the position in these new conditions. Founded in 2015 Eurasian Union has similar cultural and historical heritage alongside the geographical closely EAEU with Turkey. This common history may create opportunities for both sides. In this study, economic, social and political relations between Turkey and the EAEU countries are briefly discussed. Datas about this issue were gathered by Eurostat, europa.eu, wto.org and eurasiancommission.org etc. official data sources. The findings were compared with similar indicators between Turkey and the EU. So the EAEU is evaluated likely to be an alternative political and economic union to Turkey. Such a vision changes in Turkey will revise its economic and political stability of the region. This paper may contribute to further studies by providing a solid base.
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Tufaner, Mustafa Batuhan, Hasan Boztoprak i İlyas Sözen. "An Alternative to The European Customs Union for Turkey in The Framework of Economic Integration Theory: Eurasian Customs Union". W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c09.01957.

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The liberalization policies begun after 1980 and globalization process bring with new economic associations and trade blocs among countries. The European Customs Union which established to improve economic relations and to make the political integration possible after World War II, reached large trade capacity today. On the other hand, the Post-Soviet countries that followed similar way like European ones established Eurasian Customs Union under the leadership of Kazakhstan, Belarus and Russia. The advantage of European Customs Union for Turkey which became a member of it in 1995 is still discussed. From this viewpoint the study aims to answer a question that Eurasian Customs Union can be an alternative to European Customs Union for Turkey in point of trade capacity. The aim of the study is to discuss the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union and to compare it with the European Customs Union in which Turkey is involved. In this context, at first, the conceptual framework about the subject will be discussed and European Customs Union and Turkey relations will be examined. After, the current situation of the Eurasian region will be analyzed and the possibility of the Eurasian Customs Union will be discussed. And, which customs union will be more advantageous in terms of Turkey will be examined by VAR analysis.
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Nagy, Péter Artúr. "Effects of the Global Financial Crisis on the V4". W The European Union’s Contention in the Reshaping Global Economy. Szeged: Szegedi Tudományegyetem Gazdaságtudományi Kar, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.14232/eucrge.2020.proc.7.

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The aim of the research is to explore the development of trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their major Western European partners since accession to the European Union. The topic is currently an important one, as the Visegrád region is highly dependent on Western European countries, especially in the area of foreign trade. The research analyzed how the 2008-2009 global economic crisis and the subsequent sovereign debt crisis in Europe affected these trade relationships, i.e. did it cause significant changes in levels of relationship and/or trends. To answer this question, this paper used a time-series analysis method called Interrupted Time Series Analysis. As a result, statistically significant changes in the level and trend of foreign trade relations between the Visegrád countries and their Western European partners were detected. Finally, a more detailed breakdown of product groups also revealed which product groups are most responsible for slowing down the growth of trade relations.
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Sözen, İlyas, Fatih Çam i Volkan Öngel. "European Union Migration Relations: An Analysis Focused on Macedonia". W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01033.

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In the research, the process of the European Union, a candidate, a new member and a negotiating country’s migration experiences are compared (Macedonia, Bulgaria and Turkey). The results of this study are thought to be very important for Macedonia, which is not already negotiating for EU membership, in that it presents the difficulties Macedonia is facing on the way to EU membership. As for the methodology, after the theoretical descriptions which define the borders of the subject are done, economic, politic-legality and social dimensions of international migration are examined. Looked from this point of view, in this study, it is foreseen that becoming an EU member can be a solution to primarily migration “issues” and ethnic conflicts. In the evaluation of the findings which seem to support this hypothesis, the changes seen in the immigration and emigration dynamics of Bulgaria after it was admitted to EU are accepted as valuable data which determine the motivation of this study.
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Федоровский, А. О. "Features of the European Union's trade and economic relations with Canada and Mexico". W II Международная научно-практическая конференция "НАУКА И ОБЩЕСТВО: ИНСТРУМЕНТЫ И РЕШЕНИЯ ГЛОБАЛЬНЫХ ПРОБЛЕМ СОВРЕМЕННОСТИ". Crossref, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.26118/3118.2024.60.38.015.

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Комплексный анализ торговли Северной Америки и Европейского союза проводится достаточно редко, причем, в основном, когда говорят о взаимодействии ЕС и Северной Америки, то имеют в виду отношения США и Европейского союза. Несмотря на незначительный уровень торгового взаимодействия Европейского Союза и таких стран Северной Америки, как Мексика или Канада, изучение его с научной точки зрения представляет особую важность. На фоне исторических событий 1990-х годов и усиления европейской интеграции участились попытки Европейского Союза закрепиться в качестве ключевого экономического партнера среди стран Северной Америки. В современной ситуации в связи с увеличением поставок сжиженного газа становится понятно, что заключенные ранее договоренности требуют трансформации с целью снижения уровня зависимости Европейского Союза от Соединенных Штатов Америки и увеличения экономического участия ЕС среди других стран. A comprehensive analysis of trade between North America and the European Union is carried out quite rarely, and, mainly, when talking about the interaction of the EU and North America, they mean the relations between the United States and the European Union. Despite the low level of trade interaction between the European Union and North American countries such as Mexico or Canada, studying it is also a very important factor. Against the background of the historical events of the 1990s and the strengthening of European integration, the European Union's attempts to gain a foothold as an important economic partner among other North American countries have become more frequent. In the current situation, due to the increase in liquefied natural gas supplies, it becomes clear that the previously concluded agreements require transformation in order to reduce the level of dependence on the United States of America and increase the economic participation of the EU among other mainland countries.
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Gao, Yu, Yuchen Liu i Wenhui Yu. "National Interest or Climate Change Issues: A Discussion with References to the International Relation Theories and European Union Countries". W 2021 International Conference on Public Relations and Social Sciences (ICPRSS 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.211020.180.

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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries". W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.

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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Gözkaman, Armağan. "The European Union - Sahel relations: An elusive nexus between development and security." W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c15.02729.

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The European Union (EU) strategy for the Sahel region has simultaneously focused on security and development. For years, the EU has invested massively in the region with this objective. In time, it has even adopted a more comprehensive approach to raise the living standards across the region. Field action and collaboration have been developed. Nevertheless, the EU’s achievements have remained mostly inadequate. Discourse analysis will be the research method that will be employed in the study. EU strategy papers together with EU institutional declarations will lay the ground for the main analyses. Indeed, the literature review will cover secondary sources as well as the primary ones. Case studies will involve individual states (Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso) along with the G5 Sahel organization and the missions that have convened within the framework of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy. Some reasons explain the EU’s failure, such as the heterogeneity of Sahel: Stretching on more than three million square kilometres, it is a vast, diverse, and complex region encompassing multiple countries and ethnicities. Security deserves attention as well, both at regional and international levels. Limited resources at the EU’s (and its member states’) disposal is also an obstacle for coherent development and security strategies. So is the coordination challenges: The EU member states have different priorities and approaches to addressing the challenges in the Sahel region. Last, but not least, political instability makes it extremely difficult to implement effective and sustainable development and security programs.
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Koç, Neslihan. "Analyzing the Foreing Trade Relations of Turkey and Macedonia within the Framework of Free Trade Agreement". W International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.00965.

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Turkey, because of its responsibilities derived from Custom Union with European Union, makes limited Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) with those states which have already signed such agreements with EU. As yet Turkey has signed FTAs with 19 countries including Macedonia. It's expected from FTA's that raise awareness of partner countries about each other’s economic and commercial potentials. In this study a general overview will be made to emphasize the relationship between FTAs which Turkey has signed with other countries and increase in Turkey’s trade volume in the same period. Subsequently, with regarding the FTA and commercial relations with Macedonia, an assessment will be made by using the lists of countries imports and exports, based on Republic of Turkey Ministry of Economy statistics for the period of 2001-2012.
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Raporty organizacyjne na temat "European Union countries – Relations"

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Flôres Jr., Renato G. The Entrance to the European Union of 10 New Countries: Consequences for the Relations with MERCOSUR. Inter-American Development Bank, wrzesień 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008678.

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The impact of the May 2004 enlargement is not, in overall terms, something to worry MERCOSUR decision makers and economic agents. However, this globally non-menacing picture raises, at a closer look, a few concerns demanding pre-emptive policy measures. We shall separate the concerns into five categories, close to the project¿s main questions: concerning the impact of the enlargement on the European (15) market; concerning MERCOSUR gains in the enlarged European market; concerning the new entrants gains in the MERCOSUR market; concerning the effects on the "agricultural knot"; the enlargement and distorting effects of the EU-MERCOSUR agreement.
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Fairlie, Alan. New challenges for the European Union's Multiparty Trade Agreement with Peru, Colombia and Ecuador. Fundación Carolina, luty 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.33960/issn-e.1885-9119.dtff02en.

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This document analyses the trade and cooperation relations between the European Union and the Andean countries with which the Multiparty Trade Agreement was signed (Peru, Ecuador and Colombia). It also examines the progress and challenges in terms of the sustainable development agenda, political dialogue and cooperation within the framework of the agreement. From there, it explores the different technical difficulties that have arisen in the implementation of the agreement and the role of the monitoring bodies. The aim is to study the strategic importance of the agreement in relations between the European Union and Peru, Ecuador and Colombia, and its contribution to the post-pandemic economic recovery and the promotion of new development models.
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Brenner, Yann, Ziga Vodusek, Andrew Crawley, Lucas Ferrero, Christopher Vignoles, María de la Paz Covarrubias i Anneke Jessen. Integration and Trade in the Americas: 3rd EU-LAC Summit: Special Issue on Latin American and Caribbean Economic Relations with the European Union. Inter-American Development Bank, maj 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008617.

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The purpose of this document is to inform Bank staff and other interested parties about recent developments in integration and trade among the countries of the Western Hemisphere and between these and other countries and world regions.
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Luff, David. Addresing the Implementation of Preferential Trade Agreements: The Law and Pratice of the European Union-MJS. Inter-American Development Bank, wrzesień 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008413.

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Trade agreements imply preferential trade treatment among the parties. As such, they must in principle meet the conditions of Articles XXIV of GATT and V of GATS. This means that an agreement must provide for reciprocal trade benefits for substantially all trade in goods between the parties, and it must have substantial sectoral coverage in relation to services. It can apply to selected countries as opposed to others. Trade preferences are also possible under the Enabling Clause. While in this case reciprocal trade benefits are not required, the preferences must be granted to developing countries only, and no discretionary selection of them is possible otherwise than through objective criteria.
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Kostarakos, Ilias, i Petros Varthalitis. Effective tax rates in Ireland. ESRI, listopad 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26504/rs110.

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This article provides estimates of the effective tax rates in Ireland for the 1995-2017 period. We use these aggregate tax indicators to compare the developments in the Irish tax policy mix with the rest of the European Union countries and investigate any potential relation with Ireland’s macroeconomic performance. Our findings show that distortionary taxes, e.g. on factors of production, are significantly lower while less distortionary taxes, e.g. on consumption, are higher in Ireland than most European countries. Thus, the distribution of tax burden falls relatively more on consumption and to a lesser extent on labour than capital; while in the EU average the norm is the opposite. The descriptive analysis indicates that this shift in the Irish tax policy mix is correlated with the country’s strong economic performance.
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Devlin, Robert. The Free Trade Area of the Americas and MERCOSUR-European Union Free Trade Processes: Can They Learn Something from Each Other? Inter-American Development Bank, grudzień 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0008679.

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The FTAA process itself has already generated important positive externalities for the hemisphere and the multilateral system. It has provided a regular forum in which 34 countries'; trade delegations have gotten to personally know each other better on a first name basis. This increasing personal espirit des corps not only has enhanced the FTAA process, but has also provided a new stage for resolving bilateral trade issues and undertaking new initiatives. Since the baseline for the FTAA is the WTO disciplines, FTAA meetings have been a learning laboratory for many delegations regarding the complex Uruguay Round obligations and other areas not yet contained therein (e.g., Competition Policy and mechanisms for communication with Civil Society). The Preparatory Stage also generated many comparative databases and inventories on trade-related issues among the 34, increasing intergovernmental transparency in trade relations. Moreover, thanks to the release of most of this information to the public, this transparency has been transmitted to private markets as well. Independently of whether an FTAA is actually realized in 2005, it has steady marched forward to date. The success raises the question about whether there are lessons for other ambitious transcontinental, or interregional, trade initiatives. More specifically, are there lessons for the just initiated MEU trade negotiations? Alternatively, are there possible lessons from the MEU approach for the FTAA process? The purpose of this paper is to preliminarily address these questions. There are serious limitations to doing so, however. First, the FTAA process is relatively advanced with more than 5 years of intense work behind it, yet it is still very incomplete and it remains to be seen whether the ultimate objective of a free trade area (FTA) is achieved. Meanwhile, the MEU negotiations have just begun in earnest. Hence, the evaluation of the former is based on an advanced process with incomplete outcomes, while the evaluation of the latter is based on only very initial steps of a process. The economic and political contexts of the two negotiation processes are quite different as well.
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Cvijić, Srdjan, Nikola Dimitrov, Leposava Ognjanoska Stavrovska i Ivana Ranković. Bilateral Disputes and EU enlargement: A Consensual Divorce. Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, maj 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55042/xubk6023.

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Bilateral disputes between European Union member states and candidate countries are one of the key obstacles to EU enlargement. They have been plaguing the EU accession process ever since the breakup of Yugoslavia and the subsequent border dispute between EU member Slovenia and candidate country Croatia which then ensued. More recently we have the case of North Macedonia. It became a candidate country in 2005 but ever since, its accession negotiations have been bogged down by endless bilateral disputes. While the case of North Macedonia and its decades long conflicts with Greece and Bulgaria are the most well-known of such cases, they are not the only ones. In a seminal 2018 publication the Balkans in Europe Policy Advisory Group (BIEPAG) outlined the most prominent “open” or “latent” disputes between EU member states and candidate countries in the Western Balkans. Ranging from border to territorial disputes, or ones concerning the status of national minorities, four out of five candidate countries in the region – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia or Serbia, has a bilateral dispute with one or more EU member states. If you look at new candidates Ukraine and Moldova and potential candidate Georgia however, the list of active or potential bilateral disputes is even longer. Even when a candidate country meets the criteria to progress in EU accession talks, bilateral disputes can delay it for years or even decades as in the case of North Macedonia. In this way such disputes present a serious challenge to the credibility of the EU enlargement process. In the context of the war in Ukraine, as we have seen with regard to the policies of Viktor Orbán’s Hungary towards Ukraine, invoking bilateral disputes can seriously challenge the geopolitical orientation and the security of the entire Union. On the legal side, since most of these issues fall outside the scope of the EU law and are not covered by the accession criteria, there is a need to think of an institutional mechanism to deal with bilateral disputes. Enlargement policy does not offer an appropriate platform for settlement of bilateral disputes, especially for those that fall outside the EU law. Hence, these issues should be addressed via the international legal dispute resolution toolbox and thus be subjects of separate processes. The EU’s role however cannot be passive. It should invest efforts in these processes in order for them to be mutually reinforcing and so that the accession process has a mollifying rather than tension amplifying effect on the issue. In its policy brief, published at the end of 2023, the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR) proposed updating the Copenhagen criteria such that they should include a stipulation to resolve bilateral issues between member states and candidate countries through external dispute resolution mechanisms: Territorial disputes should be referred to arbitration or the International Court of Justice, while those on minority rights should be dealt with by the European Court of Human Rights and other appropriate dispute settlement mechanisms. In this policy brief we suggest ways how to operationalise this proposal. First, we describe different types of vertical bilateral disputes (the ones that include asymmetrical relations) between EU members and Western Balkan candidate countries, then we outline international mechanisms to resolve them, and finally we propose an institutional architecture to remove bilateral disputes that fall outside of the scope of the Copenhagen criteria and the EU acquis from the purview of EU accession talks.
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Kramer, Steven P., i Irene Kyriakopoulos. US - European Union Relations: Economic Change and Political Transition. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, lipiec 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada386024.

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Knaepen, Hanne. Climate risks in Tunisia: Challenges to adaptation in the agri-food system. European Centre for Development Policy Management, luty 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/casc009.

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Tunisia’s agricultural system is central to the stability of the country, but it is also extremely prone to climate risks such as droughts and reduced or more variable rainfall. It is predicted that agricultural yields from key crops like wheat and olives will decline. These climate risks on Tunisia’s agricultural and wider food system can lead to socioeconomic instability and potentially cause security risks. Furthermore, these risks can have knock-on effects that cross national borders, sectors and systems. Tunisia’s capacity to adapt to climate change is undermined by three sets of political, governance and socio-economic factors, or so-called ‘climate-related development risks’, namely (1) governance and policy coherence challenges; (2) food import dependency and an export-oriented agri-food system; and (3) territorial inequalities. These factors contribute, directly or indirectly, to the likelihood of cascading climate risks that start with Tunisia’s agri-food system. Due to the country’s reduced adaptive capacity, climate risks in Tunisia’s agri-food system can have an impact on Europe through trade and supply chains, security relations, financial markets, international aid operations as well as migration patterns. It is key that the European Union recognises these risks in its Green Deal and adaptation efforts, as well as in a much wider group of policies, ranging from trade to migration.
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Bourrier, Mathilde, Michael Deml i Farnaz Mahdavian. Comparative report of the COVID-19 Pandemic Responses in Norway, Sweden, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom. University of Stavanger, listopad 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.254.

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The purpose of this report is to compare the risk communication strategies and public health mitigation measures implemented by Germany, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom (UK) in 2020 in response to the COVID-19 pandemic based on publicly available documents. The report compares the country responses both in relation to one another and to the recommendations and guidance of the World Health Organization where available. The comparative report is an output of Work Package 1 from the research project PAN-FIGHT (Fighting pandemics with enhanced risk communication: Messages, compliance and vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak), which is financially supported by the Norwegian Research Council's extraordinary programme for corona research. PAN-FIGHT adopts a comparative approach which follows a “most different systems” variation as a logic of comparison guiding the research (Przeworski & Teune, 1970). The countries in this study include two EU member States (Sweden, Germany), one which was engaged in an exit process from the EU membership (the UK), and two non-European Union states, but both members of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA): Norway and Switzerland. Furthermore, Germany and Switzerland govern by the Continental European Federal administrative model, with a relatively weak central bureaucracy and strong subnational, decentralised institutions. Norway and Sweden adhere to the Scandinavian model—a unitary but fairly decentralised system with power bestowed to the local authorities. The United Kingdom applies the Anglo-Saxon model, characterized by New Public Management (NPM) and decentralised managerial practices (Einhorn & Logue, 2003; Kuhlmann & Wollmann, 2014; Petridou et al., 2019). In total, PAN-FIGHT is comprised of 5 Work Packages (WPs), which are research-, recommendation-, and practice-oriented. The WPs seek to respond to the following research questions and accomplish the following: WP1: What are the characteristics of governmental and public health authorities’ risk communication strategies in five European countries, both in comparison to each other and in relation to the official strategies proposed by WHO? WP2: To what extent and how does the general public’s understanding, induced by national risk communication, vary across five countries, in relation to factors such as social capital, age, gender, socio-economic status and household composition? WP3: Based on data generated in WP1 and WP2, what is the significance of being male or female in terms of individual susceptibility to risk communication and subsequent vulnerability during the COVID-19 outbreak? WP4: Based on insight and knowledge generated in WPs 1 and 2, what recommendations can we offer national and local governments and health institutions on enhancing their risk communication strategies to curb pandemic outbreaks? WP5: Enhance health risk communication strategies across five European countries based upon the knowledge and recommendations generated by WPs 1-4. Pre-pandemic preparedness characteristics All five countries had pandemic plans developed prior to 2020, which generally were specific to influenza pandemics but not to coronaviruses. All plans had been updated following the H1N1 pandemic (2009-2010). During the SARS (2003) and MERS (2012) outbreaks, both of which are coronaviruses, all five countries experienced few cases, with notably smaller impacts than the H1N1 epidemic (2009-2010). The UK had conducted several exercises (Exercise Cygnet in 2016, Exercise Cygnus in 2016, and Exercise Iris in 2018) to check their preparedness plans; the reports from these exercises concluded that there were gaps in preparedness for epidemic outbreaks. Germany also simulated an influenza pandemic exercise in 2007 called LÜKEX 07, to train cross-state and cross-department crisis management (Bundesanstalt Technisches Hilfswerk, 2007). In 2017 within the context of the G20, Germany ran a health emergency simulation exercise with WHO and World Bank representatives to prepare for potential future pandemics (Federal Ministry of Health et al., 2017). Prior to COVID-19, only the UK had expert groups, notably the Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE), that was tasked with providing advice during emergencies. It had been used in previous emergency events (not exclusively limited to health). In contrast, none of the other countries had a similar expert advisory group in place prior to the pandemic. COVID-19 waves in 2020 All five countries experienced two waves of infection in 2020. The first wave occurred during the first half of the year and peaked after March 2020. The second wave arrived during the final quarter. Norway consistently had the lowest number of SARS-CoV-2 infections per million. Germany’s counts were neither the lowest nor the highest. Sweden, Switzerland and the UK alternated in having the highest numbers per million throughout 2020. Implementation of measures to control the spread of infection In Germany, Switzerland and the UK, health policy is the responsibility of regional states, (Länders, cantons and nations, respectively). However, there was a strong initial centralized response in all five countries to mitigate the spread of infection. Later on, country responses varied in the degree to which they were centralized or decentralized. Risk communication In all countries, a large variety of communication channels were used (press briefings, websites, social media, interviews). Digital communication channels were used extensively. Artificial intelligence was used, for example chatbots and decision support systems. Dashboards were used to provide access to and communicate data.
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