Artykuły w czasopismach na temat „Ethnomethodological investigation”

This investigation examines ‘teasing’ of non-combatant children by US military service personnel in occupied Iraq and Afghanistan. The majority of existent investigations of teasing and related practices place significant conceptual importance on the intentions of the teaser – such that a target can understand that the tease is not true. However, in data examined here it appears that targets (children) do not understand the language in which the teasing is undertaken. Drawing from publicly available video footage posted on the video sharing website Liveleak, we provide an ethnomethodological (e.g., Garfinkel 1967) and conversation analytic informed (e.g., Sacks, Schegloff and Jefferson 1974; Schegloff 2007) examination of how persons initiating teasing (soldiers) strategically exploit asymmetries in the sequential and preferential organization of interactions when tease recipients (children) do not have sufficient English skills to redress (or understand) the negative assessments being made of them. Three types of candidate teasing practices are identified: soldier initiated negative other-assessments; target parroting negative other-assessments; and offer-withdrawal games. Analysis examines how such interactions effectively fail as teases and explores how children can resist soldiers’ pursuit of degrading responses.

The ArgumentThere can be no doubt about the moral and epistemological significance of what Shapin (1988) calls the “physical place” of the scientific laboratory. The physical place is defined by the locales, barriers, ports of entry, and lines of sight that bound the laboratory and separate it from other urban and architectural environments. Shapin's discussion of the emergence of the scientific laboratory in seventeenth-century England provides a convincing demonstration that credible knowledge is situated at an intersection between physical locales and social distinctions. In this paper I take up Shapin's theme of the “siting of knowledge production,” but I give it a different treatment – one based on ethnomethodological studies of work (Garfinkel 1986; Garfinkel et al. 1981; Garfinkel et al. 1989; Livingston 1986; Liberman 1985; Lynch 1985a; Lynch et al. 1983; Bjelic and Lynch forthcoming; Morrison 1990; MacBeth 1989). Without denying all that can be witnessed in the spectacle of the scientist at the bench and of the architectural habitat of the bench, I argue that the “place” of scientific work is defined by locally organized topical contextures. The paper describes two examples of such spatial orders – “opticism” and “digitality” – associated with distinct complexes of equipment and practice. These topical spaces might initially be viewed as “ideal” or “symbolic” spaces, but I argue that they are no less material (and no less social) than the “physical setting” of the laboratory; indeed, they are the physical setting.

AbstractThis article is the editors’ introduction to the transcript of a lecture that Harold Garfinkel delivered to a seminar in 1993. Garfinkel extensively discusses the relevance of Aron Gurwitsch’s phenomenological treatment of Gestalt theory for ethnomethodology. Garfinkel uses the term “misreading” to signal a respecification of Gurwitsch’s phenomenological investigations, and particularly his conceptions of contextures, functional significations, and phenomenal fields, so that they become compatible with detailed observations and descriptions of social actions and interactions performed in situ. Garfinkel begins with Gurwitsch’s demonstrations with line drawings and other abstract examples, and suggests how they can be used to suggest original procedures for investigating the vicissitudes of embodied practical actions in the lifeworld. This introduction to the lecture aims to provide some background on the scope of Gurwitsch’s phenomenological critique and elaboration of Gestalt theory and Garfinkel’s “misreading” of it in terms of his own conceptions of indexicality and accountability, and ethnomethodological investigations of the production of social order.

Editors’ AbstractDuring the 1992–1993 academic year, Harold Garfinkel (1917–2011) offered a graduate seminar on Ethnomethodology in the Sociology Department at the University of California, Los Angeles. One topic that was given extensive coverage in the seminar has not been discussed at much length in Garfinkel’s published works to date: Aron Gurwitsch’s treatment of Gestalt theory, and particularly the themes of “phenomenal field” and “praxeological description”. The edited transcript of Garfinkel’s seminar shows why he recommended that “for the serious initiatives of ethnomethodological investigations […] Gurwitsch is a theorist we can’t do without”. Garfinkel’s ethnomethodological “misreading” is not a mistaken reading, but is more a matter of taking Gurwitsch’s phenomenological demonstrations of Gestalt contextures in phenomenal fields and transposing them for making detailed, concrete observations and descriptions of organizationally achieved social phenomena. Where Gurwitsch addresses the organization of perception as an autochthonous achievement, inherent to the stream and field of individual consciousness, Garfinkel extends and elaborates this field into the social world of enacted practices. The April 1993 seminar also is rich with brief asides and digressions in which Garfinkel comments about his use of Alfred Schutz, his attitude toward publishing, his relationship with Erving Goffman, and many other matters.

This article examines the character of a small but detailed observational study that focused on two teams of researchers, one engaged in qualitative sociological research, the other developing statistical models. The study was presented as investigating ‘the social life of methods’, an approach seen by some as displacing conventional research methodology. The study drew on ethnomethodology, and was offered as a direct parallel with ethnographic and ethnomethodological investigations of natural scientists’ work by Science and Technology Studies scholars. In the articles deriving from this study, the authors show how even the statisticians relied on background qualitative knowledge about the social phenomena to which their data related. The articles also document routine practices employed by each set of researchers, some ‘troubles’ they encountered and how they dealt with these. Another theme addressed is whether the distinction between quantitative and qualitative approaches accurately characterised differences between these researchers at the level of practical reasoning. While this research is presented as descriptive in orientation, concerned simply with documenting social science practices, it operates against a background of at least implicit critique. I examine its character and the closely associated criticism of social research methodology and conventional social science.

Indoor sport climbing performed by athletes with visual impairment is realized by trainer and climber working as a couple and is routinely based on instructions. It can be considered a perspicuous setting (Garfinkel, 2002) for investigating how sighted and visually impaired participants coordinate their perception and actions in the material environment while accomplishing mobile tasks. Drawing on previous ethnomethodological and CA studies on instructions in mobile activities, the analysis of an excerpt of a guided climbing session provides the ground for a detailed description of some features of instructions that are specific to this context. The analysis aims at showing that the trainer’s instructions are not only timely adjusted to the course of action, but, importantly, that they also display the trainer’s orientation to the climber’s sensory impairment.

An often-noticed feature of mobile phone calls is some form of ‘geographical’ locating after a greeting has been made. The author uses some singular instances of mobile phone conversations to provide an answer as to why this geolinguistic feature has emerged. In an examination of two real cases and a vignette, some light is shed on a more classical spatial topic, that of mobility. During the opening and closing statements of the paper a short critique is put forward of the ‘professionalisation’ of cultural studies and cultural geography and their ways of theorising ordinary activities. It is argued that a concern with theory construction effectively distances such workers from everyday affairs where ordinary actors understand in practical terms and account competently for what is going on in their worlds. This practical understanding is inherent in the intricacies of a conversational ‘ordering’, which is at one and the same time also an ordering of the times and spaces of these worlds. By means of an indifferent approach to the ‘grand theories’ of culture, some detailed understandings of social practices are offered via the alternatives of ethnomethodological and conversational investigations.

The concept of 'play' is notoriously ambiguous, but we do know that when children engage in make-believe play the activity provides benefits for psychological development, holistic health, and building knowledge and relationships. This article discusses how a group of four-year-old children in New Zealand engage in pretend play by embodying the characters of mud-monsters and possums to avoid the rules around being respectful to their cultural heritage while playing in a protected bush reserve. The data were generated through a project investigating teaching and learning in everyday conversations between preschool teachers and children aged 2½-5 years old. Ten hours of video footage were gathered, of which one hour and forty minutes were in rural bushland. The analysis of the footage here uses an ethnomethodological framework, discussing the work of Sacks and Garfinkel to reveal the sequential organization of moral conduct in situ. The children's multimodal ways of embodying chosen destructive characters through predicated actions reveal how they attempt to evade negative consequences of breaking promises through pretend play. The article concludes with connections to moral philosophy, and by discussing how the turns of talk and gesture co-produce complex learning of culturally and morally appropriate behaviours in situ.

The Covid-19 pandemic has affected not only the health of populations but also their everyday social practices, transformed by orienting to risks of contagion and to health prevention discourses. This paper emanates from a project investigating the impact of Covid-19 on human sociality and more particularly the situated and embodied organization of social interactions. It discusses how Covid-19 impacts the design of ordinary actions in social interaction, how this is made publicly accountable by the participants orienting to the pandemic in formatting their actions and in responding to the actions of others. Adopting an ethnomethodological and conversation analytic perspective, the analyses focus on a particular social activity: paying. The organization of payments in shops and services has been affected by the pandemic, not only by official regulations, favoring some modes of payment over others, but also in how sellers and customers situatedly adapt their practices to imperatives of prevention. On the basis of a rich corpus of video-recorded data, which spans from the pandemic’s prodromes to and after its peak, we show how money transfer is methodically achieved – imposed, negotiated, and readjusted – while variously taking into account possible risks of contagion. Thus, we show not only how pandemics affect social interaction, and how prevention is incarnated in social actions, but also how, in turn, situated solutions implemented by people during the pandemic reveal fundamental features of human action.

学術目的のための英語 (English for academic purposes: EAP) 授業を担当する教師は、アカデミック・プレゼンテーションなどでの学生のパフォーマンスに対して、どのようなフィードバックを与えることで学習者の学術世界への社会化を促進できるのか。この問いに具体的な回答を行うことでより良いEAP授業の実践に貢献することを本研究の目的とし、日本の２つの大学における185のEAP授業を撮影したビデオデータを対象に、エスノメソドロジー的会話分析を用いて分析を行った。結果、学生たちの不適切なパフォーマンスを再現し、そこからその問題源を体験させるという相互行為手続きを取ることによって、教師のポスト・パフォーマンスフィードバックは学生の学術世界への社会化を促す媒介となる、ということが分かった。EAP授業において教師は、学術世界での専門家として学生のパフォーマンスの問題とその問題を見極めることができる能力、さらにその専門家としての見方を体験させられる相互行為能力が必要である。 In classes such as English for Academic Purposes (EAP) wherein the pedagogical focus is on knowledge and competence required in academic settings such as academic presentation, what kind of feedback should teachers give to students about their performance to socialize them into becoming academics? Studies investigating students’ perceptions about the teacher’s post-performance feedback support the necessity of the dialogical process for students to understand the teacher’s feedback and to utilize it for their next performance. However, very few studies in the context of higher education have been conducted to examine what constitutes effective dialogic feedback, or how teachers and students actually achieve a mutual understanding of the point of feedback in classroom interaction. Meanwhile, ethnomethodological conversation analytic (EMCA) research on instruction from a professional to a novice member of a community explicated the interactional process on how the point of a teacher’s post-performance feedback is understood. The interactional feedback practices performed by the professionals such as a senior archeologist or a master of Japanese calligraphy described in those EMCA studies indicate that a professional’s post-performance feedback can develop a member’s competence necessary for his or her socialization into a particular domain of cultural activity. EAP is aimed at socializing students into the culture of academic research (de Chazal, 2014). So, appropriating the EMCA perspective of instruction from professional to novice in a community to investigate teacher’s post-performance feedback in the EAP classroom will give insight into what and how teachers should give feedback to students about their performance. Therefore, the aim of this study is to explicate teachers’ post-performance feedback practices given for students’ academic presentations in EAP classrooms through the microanalysis of actual EAP classroom feedback practices from an EMCA perspective. The data used for this study were based on the video corpus of 185 post-performance feedback interactions in EAP classrooms of a national university and a private university in Japan. Microanalyses of teacher feedback on student presentations in EAP classes at Japanese universities suggested that making the students personally experience the trouble source of their presentations makes the teacher’s feedback a catalyst in the academic socialization of the students. In the case where the trouble source of a student’s problem in his presentation was his or her lack of understanding of the audience’s perspective, the physical representability of the audience viewpoint allowed the teacher to reenact how she and the audience found the problem and its cause. The teacher’s feedback was composed of replaying the problem, switching the student’s perspective from that of the presenter to the audience, collecting the actual audience’s agreement to her interpretation, and showing the exchange between her and the audience member to the target student. Through the step-by-step feedback practice to make the target student personally experience the trouble-source, the teacher put the student into a sequential position where he or she was normatively required to display how the demonstrated issue was treated. The real challenge is how to make the trouble source of the students’ mistakes evident when it is about an abstract idea, such as a lack of understanding about why a clear statement of the purpose is essential to a presentation. In such a case, the teacher’s feedback practice involves students in a type of puzzle-solution sequence. First, the teacher presents out-of-context talk to the students to make them confused; after the talk, the teacher enacts what the confused students might have thought while they were told an out-of-context talk and this works as a solution to the puzzle. The puzzle-solution sequence is a way of making experientially accessible to the students the importance of abstract norms such as making the aim of the presentation explicit. The lived experience becomes a catalyst for students’ academic socialization by constructing a link between the goal behavior (i.e., correct performance) and the students, who had lacked the insight into the importance of the goal behavior, which was the trouble source of the issue with their presentations. The findings of this study further show that the analytic method used in this study, EMCA, is a promising way of representing the effective interactional feedback practices in detail. Of course, the results of this study do not represent the entirety of post-performance feedback practices used by teachers engaged in EAP classrooms. Future studies should examine a variety of teachers’ post-performance feedback practices in EAP or ESP (English for Specific Purposes) classrooms so that a knowledge base of pedagogically meaningful feedback practices is developed and made available for the language teachers today to rely on when they teach classes where the educational focus is not only the linguistic aspects of the target language, but the content or academic/professional competencies.

Using video data obtained from a one-day field ethnography, I utilised the ethnomethodological respecification of ‘gestalt-contextures’ to describe in fine detail how two artists and a social researcher haphazardly organised themselves to navigate river terrain. The art object took on many meanings within the ongoing context of the group’s verbal and non-verbal, vernacular, and expert ability to observe the subject matter. Whilst organising join-attention to an array of natural objects, the participants defined pathway limitations, and rerouted, reviewed and positioned their bodies amongst the landscape. These socially acknowledged features typically remain unexposed when art sociologists discuss ‘artwork’. Due to the value of understanding the production of artistic objects in, and as a variety of socially maintained endogenous orders, the reportage of ‘gestalt assembly’ may furnish ‘the new sociology of art’ with materials for pursuing an alternative style of social research: the investigation of ordinary social context as member’s ongoing enacted achievement.

AbstractAlthough a common German sociological methodology, the documentary method has rarely been received outside the German-speaking region or in the field of criminology in general. Additionally, while ethnographic semantics is a recognized means of analysis in the field of ethnography, it is less known in criminological research. This paper proposes that the approaches in themselves but especially a combination of both allow for a deeper understanding of the cultural practices, everyday routines, and implicit knowledge of security actors. While the police are a constant focus of criminological and social science research, the study of Municipal Law Enforcement Services (MLES), particularly qualitative approaches, have been largely neglected, despite the increasing number of municipalities implementing their own security personnel. Consequently, their increased presence in public space warrants further investigation. The added value of linking two reconstructive approaches to analysis is demonstrated using MLES as an example. Thereby, both the advantages of such a combination for criminological research and new insights regarding the ways MLES interact with people in public space are illustrated. The research follows an ethnomethodological design and is based on expert interviews and participant observation. The paper addresses peripheral issues on three levels: the use of a previously geographically limited method of data analysis, an innovative triangulation of approaches to analysis that has not yet been applied in international criminological research as well as the presentation of German MLES as an under-researched subject.

PurposeThis paper seeks to advance research into entrepreneurial uncertainty. Few researchers have attended to the endogenous means by which entrepreneurial teams account for uncertainty in context. This article begins to unpack the concept of uncertainty as an entrepreneurs’ phenomenon by investigating entrepreneurial teams’ situated ways of verbally attending to and accounting for uncertainty in their routine work.Design/methodology/approachThe study draws on the ethnomethodological traditions of Conversation Analysis and interaction order to analyze naturally occurring interactions that have been recorded by entrepreneurial teams in context. It considers entrepreneurial uncertainty as a matter that teammates draw upon and orient to in the process of their naturally occurring workplace interactions.FindingsFirst, it suggests that the endogenous means by which entrepreneurs recognize, account for, and respond to uncertainties is identifiable in a team’s naturally occurring conversations. It transforms entrepreneurial uncertainty as a matter of cognition into a matter of practice that is observable in the structure and order of authentic interaction. Second, it reveals the “epistemic engine” that entrepreneurial teams use to demonstrate greater or lesser levels of knowing and to move to closure that is not marked by the full elimination of uncertainties but by the establishment of a shared sense of not knowing.Practical implicationsBy adhering to the detailed interactional focus of Conversation Analysis, this article emphasizes the value that the structure and order of entrepreneurial conversations can offer to research on entrepreneurship as practice. It points to future research on matters of effectuation and expertise that will be relevant to scholars and educators of entrepreneurship. It also helps to bridge the gap between scholarly research and entrepreneurial work as experienced by practitioners.Originality/valueThis article shows the mundane verbal means by which entrepreneurs account for uncertainties in their everyday work. It reframes entrepreneurial uncertainty, transforming it from a matter of cognition to an accomplishment of practice. It suggests that entrepreneurial uncertainty is a practical matter that is recognized by and accounted for in the conversations of entrepreneurial teams in context.

Chat: pretty basic stuff; we can all recognise it and we can all do it. Yet when we come to define chat we have to make decisions about its character. For us, chat is defined by its 'informality' (not that we are capable of defining that), not its modality. Thus it names informal textual interaction as well as informal voiced interaction: holiday postcards, letters to friends and informal emails, along with telephone and dinner table conversation. However, in Conversation Analysis (CA) -- the pre-eminent mode of 'chat analysis' -- textually produced interaction is not considered an altogether appropriate topic, and 'textual CA' remains marginal at best (McHoul; Nelson; Mulkay). According to CA, conversation (or 'talk-in-interaction') is the primordial mode of social interaction. As a practice, ordinary talk is not considered by its practitioners to be particularly skilled (presumably because it is so basic, so pervasive, so ordinary); yet CA shows it to be a precision instrument, wielded by maestros. Subtle, nuanced and highly sensitive; yet structured, normative and accountable; it displays "order at all points" (Sacks 22), yet is entirely improvised. Moreover, the doing of talk produces and reproduces all the supposedly 'external' phenomena of the socio-psychological sciences: persons, interaction, groups, membership categories (class/gender/ethnicity), the 'sense of social structure' and ultimately society itself. For CA, 'naturally-occurring ordinary conversation' is at once the most mundane and the most consequential social phenomenon (Boden & Zimmerman; Silverman; Hutchby & Wooffitt). Part of our aim is to provoke a reconsideration of the marginal status of textually conducted interaction as a proper topic for CA. We do this by comparing two forms of CA and their corresponding data -- the CA of face-to-face conversations and the CA of Internet newsgroup messages (for the latter, see Reed, "Being 'OTP'"; Reed, "Newsgroups"; for other insider commentaries and critiques of CA practices, see Anderson and Sharrock; Bogen). The main axis of comparison between the two forms of analysis is the relevant procedures that each uses to produce its data; and in particular, the subset of these we call 'machinic-productive processes' (see Table 1). If we concentrate on the two heavily outlined boxes which list each mode's machinic-productive processes we can note first that these processes are assigned to different actors: for the CA of conversation, they are the task of the analyst, whereas for the CA of newsgroup messages, they belong to the participants. Newsgroup Messages The machinic-productive processes required to transform newsgroup messages into data for CA are carried out, pre-analytically, by newsgroup participants as an integral part of their practice. Note that the term 'participants' includes many more 'actants' than just message writers. There are other humans, mainly message readers of various kinds (active readers/writers, passive read-only 'lurkers', and, sometimes, policing readers known as 'moderators'). And crucially, there are various nonhumans too (computers, newsreading and archival/retrieval software, electronic networks); see, for the participation of nonhumans in social arrangements, Latour; and for 'actor network theory' generally, Law & Hassard. The threadedness and retrievability process sorts and juxtaposes messages with mutual reference and relevance into interactional streams known as 'threads'. Newsreading and archival/retrieval software produce a visible display of the topical and temporal relations between the messages that comprise a newsgroup. Thus the (human) newsgroup reader, and of course the analyst, is presented with pre-formed sequences of messages. This is how, at the inter-message level, the interactional character of newsgroups is built; without which, they would not be available as potential data for CA with its overriding interest in interaction. A more technical result of this machinic-productive process is the (temporary) preservation of a set of publicly-available messages. The process of textual composition and editing includes the set of co-operative procedures carried out by message writers and message-writing software. For example, messages with a 'conversational' character can be formed by the insertion of new text into edited portions of the prior message(s) automatically generated by the software's 'reply' command (for a detailed analysis of this practice, see Reed, "Sequential Integrity"). This, then, is one way that the interactional character of newsgroups is produced at the intra-message level. A further, very basic, product of this second machinic-productive process is, quite simply, text. Conversations The analyst of conversations has more (initial) work to do than has the analyst of newsgroup messages. She has to transform the raw material of some bit(s) of talk in the world into something useable, i.e. data. This involves, among other things, the machinic-productive processes of recording and transcribing. These processes are 'machinic' in that they are technologically mediated, requiring the use of audio/video recording machines and codified transcription systems. They are 'productive' because their use results in something new, something that is qualitatively distinct from the (supposedly) 'naturally-occurring' object that is said to be this novel object's original and model. Recording transforms a private, participants-only piece of talk into one that is overheard: the researcher has conjoined the interested parties; the talk has been bugged. In addition, recording transforms an ephemeral 'been and gone' occasion into a 'frozen moment', preserved out of time. Recording, then, like the machinic practices in newsgroup message production, de-privatises and preserves. These are large and consequential transformations. For example, they enable a continual return to the data for re-listening, re-hearing and possibly re-transcription (for a critique of the 'return to the data' trope, see Ashmore and Reed). Discussions of the practices of recording talk (or of its productive effects) are noticeably absent from the primary and secondary literature of CA (see, for example, Pomerantz and Fehr; Hutchby and Wooffitt; Silverman). This is not accidental. It is one aspect of a distinctive attitude in CA to its materials, as encapsulated by Harvey Sacks in the following, much quoted, comment: I started to work with tape-recorded conversations. Such materials had a single virtue, that I could replay them. I could transcribe them somewhat and study them extendedly. (Sacks 26) Let us simply note the criteria for adequate data implied here: the data must be portray-able as 'accidentally', or 'irrelevantly' collected. the data must be record-able and re-playable. the data must be transcribe-able. the data must be re-study-able. For data to be usable for CA, they must become 'independent objects' detached from their specific origins. This is achieved through their (unattended-to) availability to the machinic recording and transcription processes. Adequate data must have this 'machinic potential'. The most basic consequence of transcribing is a shift in modality from sound to text. In itself, a text is more distributable, more publicly-available than a tape. Because the transcript is a result of 'hearing work' done on the tape, it also acts as a public display of the analyst's otherwise private and subjective understandings. The particular practice of transcription used in CA is codified -- indeed, frequently capitalised -- as The [Gail] Jefferson Transcription System. A properly formulated CA transcript is not, to the uninitiated, easy to read, being full of abstruse symbols and replete with details of pauses, overlaps and false starts; the features which are usually written out of other transcriptions of talk. To the cognoscenti, however, it is precisely these elements which not only 'speak CA' but also act to produce and display the naturally-occurring character of the data. The more complex the visual 'look' of a CA transcript, and thus the more worked-up it is, the more we are persuaded of its pristine origin, 'untouched by analyst's hand'. Conclusion For mainstream CA, newsgroup messages look unpromising as material for analysis. This is because, we are arguing, they do not require the analyst to engage in the data-production processes we have outlined in our discussion of the recording and transcription of conversations. That is, the procedures needed to transform newsgroup interaction into data for analysis are less 'radical' than those needed for conversations. Newsgroup messages are, as it were, pre-'recorded' and pre-'transcribed' as an inherent part of their production: they are already public, already preserved and, of course, already text. It is our strong impression that one source of the perceived inadequacy of newsgroup material in and for CA, is a distaste for its evidently 'machinic' character; it seems to lack the stamp of a fully human origin, it seems too 'artificially occurring'. Yet, ironically, in one sense of the 'naturally occurring' criterion, newsgroup data would appear to be clearly superior to conversation. In that their worked-up, machinic character is the result of participants' work, they are considerably less mediated, more 'natural' than recorded and transcribed conversations. For the CA of conversation, we are arguing that, far from having its origin, its model, and its validation in some naturally-occurring, real-time, real-world, locally-specific occasion(s) of talk, its object only becomes recognisable as 'conversation' as a result of the machinic-productive processes we have described. All the things that, for CA, are definitional of conversation -- sequence, turn taking, adjacency pairs and the like -- gain their reality by being worked-up from data made in this way. This is equally true for the CA of newsgroups; in both domains, their respective machinic-productive processes function to manufacture chat. However, in the CA of talk, they produce something else: the myth of an unmediated origin. In formulating conversation as a naturally-occurring phenomenon, their own productive work in so doing is systematically obfuscated. The newly man-and-machine made object erases its original and replaces it with ... itself. References Anderson, R.J., and W.W. Sharrock. "Analytic Work: Aspects of the Organization of Conversational Data." Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 14.1 (1984): 103-24. Ashmore, M., and D. Reed. "Hearing Transcripts, Reading Tapes: The Rhetoric of Method in Conversation Analysis." Submitted to Forum Qualitative Research 1.3 (2000). 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Sacks, H. "Notes on Methodology." Structures of Social Action: Studies in Conversation Analysis. Eds. J.M. Atkinson and J.C. Heritage. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge UP, 1984. 21-7. Silverman, D. Harvey Sacks: Social Science and Conversation Analysis. Oxford: Polity Press, 1998. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Darren Reed, Malcolm Ashmore. "The Naturally-Occurring Chat Machine." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3.4 (2000). [your date of access] <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0008/machine.php>. Chicago style: Darren Reed, Malcolm Ashmore, "The Naturally-Occurring Chat Machine," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3, no. 4 (2000), <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0008/machine.php> ([your date of access]). APA style: Darren Reed, Malcolm Ashmore. (2000) The naturally-occurring chat machine. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 3(4). <http://www.api-network.com/mc/0008/machine.php> ([your date of access]).